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COFnUGHT DEPOSIT. 




ABKAHAM LlNCOIiN IN Itl^O. 



ESSENTIALS IN HISTORY 



ESSENTIALS 



IN 



AMERICAN HISTORY 



(FROM THE DISCOVERY TO THE 
PRESENT DAY) 



BY 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. 

M 

PKOFESSOK OF GOVERNMENT, HARVARD UNIVEESITT 



NEW YORK;:. CINCINNATI.:. CHIC AGO 

AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 



ESSENTIALS IN HISTORY 

A SERIES PRErAKKI) UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF 

ALBERT BUSH NELL HART. LL.D. 

PROFESSOR OF GOVERNMENT, HARVARD UNIVERSITY 



ESSENTIALS IN ANCIENT HISTORY 
Bv ARTHUR MAVER WOLFSON, Pii.D. 

ESSENTIALS IN ENGLISH HISTORY 
By albert perry WALKER, A.M. 

ESSENTIALS IN AMERICAN HISTORY 

By ALBERT I'.USIINIil.L HART, LL.D. 



NEW MEDIEVAL AND MODERN HISTORY 

By SAMUEL BANNISTER HAKDINC. I'h.D. 

NEW AMERICAN HISTORY 

Bv ALBERT BUSH NELL HART, LL.D. 



CopvRioiiT, l'.ni5, 1919, IIY 
ALBERT BUSH NELL HART. 

Enterfk at Stationf.r-*" Ha!.i.. London, 
essen. amek. mist. 



W P. 25 



a)CI.A5«0072 

JUL -2 1919 



THE AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER 

The simple system of study and teaching, which this book is 
intended to make easy, may be summarized as follows : — 

(1) The text-book should be carefully read and studied by the 
pupils, so that they may have a sense of the movement and propoi'- 
tion of the history of their country and may know a body of useful 
facts. The names, events, and dates which seem to the author 
essential go directly into the text ; dates in parentheses are of less 
importance and are inserted merely to show the progress of events. 

(2) Class exercises will necessarily be based upon the text-book, 
with such methods of question, "quiz," "fluents," "cards," and the 
like as the teacher may feel inclined to use; but he should always 
aim to recall previous lessons which have a bearing on the day's 
subject and to enlarge on the text when possible. 

(3) Reading outside of the text-book is requisite for any good 
course in history. The whole story of the nation's development can 
not be told in five hundred pages. The rules of arithmetic are true, 
but they need practical illustration ; in like manner history is apt to 
seem dry without the additional interest of reading about some things 
in more detail than can be included in one brief book. The number 
of reference books necessary for a school to provide is not large. The 
reading references at the end of each chapter are intended to serve 
both teacher and pupil, by sending them to a few selected and brief 
readings. Exact titles of most of the books mentioned will be found 
in Appendix B. Besides formal histories, the bibliographies include 
" Illustrative works," that is, narratives, novels, poems, and like 
literary illuminations of the subject. 

(4) Written work has become one of the effective adjuncts of his- 
torical study in secondary schools : it may take the form of essays, 
based on secondary authorities ; of reports, based in whole or in 
part on sources ; of brief " judgment questions," set during class ; of 
" written recitations ; " or one of many other forms. The list of books 
at the end of each chapter will facilitate such work. The " Sugges- 
tive topics" can all be prepared from the textrbook, plus a few gen- 
eral histories, biographies, encyclopedias, and like accessible books. 

5 



6 THE AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER 

The "Search topics" are more specific, and require the use of a 
larger range of secondary writers, and in many cases of sources. 
Of course a school pupil's use of sources is a very different thing 
from the long accunmlation of material and the weighing of all 
available evidence which characterize the historian's research; but 
"sources" are simply records made at or near the time of events 
by people in a position to know what was going on. Well-selected 
sources are valuable to pupils because they bring home to the mind 
the realities of history, they emphasize the human element, they 
vitalize. Such books as Bradford's Piimoth Plantation, Franklin's 
Auiohiographij, Lincoln's Works, reveal great men and also charac- 
terize great times. Besides the separate sources and collections of 
sources in the lists, the marginal references in the text are in all 
cases to the source of some quotation there printed. 

(5) Geography and map work, oral and written, are aided by the 
abundant maps in the text, and by references at the end of the chap- 
ters to a few authorities on the historical geograpliy of tlie United 
States. 

In using this book, then, the author hopes that the text will be 
found interesting enough to carry students along from week to week ; 
that it will be the background of class exercises; that through the 
lists of references, and still more through the expert direction of the 
teacher, the pupil will add intelligent collateral readings ; that some 
written topics will be prepared on subjects suggested at the ends of 
the chapters or provided by the teachers, including the use of sources; 
and that the book will be a basis of geographical study. 

The point of view of the volume is that a complete history of the 
United States must include all things memorable in the upbuilding 
of the country, and that a text-book must so fully describe several 
different classes of memorable things, as to be serviceable where 
there is no opportunity for additional reading or written work : 
(1) Political geography is, of course, the background of all liistorical 
knowledge ; it is a special topic throughout this book, and should be 
the basis of the teaciier's work. (2) While trying to make perfectly 
clear what were the aims and the main incidents in our various wars, 
the treatment includes only the most significant battles, sieges, cam- 
paigns, and military and naval movements. (3) The development of 
government has been treated as evidence of the purpose and spirit 
of our ancestors and also to connect the study of history and of civil 
government. (4) Foreign relations and the diplomatic adjustment 
of controversies have received special attentiou. (5) Social condi- 



THK AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER 7 

tions and events have been freely described, because they are among 
the most important causes in national development. (6) Much atten- 
tion has been given to economic data, as, for example, the discovery 
of gold in California, the invention of the reaper, the perfection of 
the trolley car. (7) All sections of the Union have helped to make 
the Union ; and all sections. North, South, West, and far West, have 
been included in the plan of this volume. (8) Since what makes a 
nation great is the greatness of its people, this book aims to make 
distinct the character and public services of some great Americans, 
the details of whose lives are briefly set forth in special sections 
of the text. (9) Toward the end, a chapter sums up the services of 
America to mankind. 

The illustrative material has been gathered from many places, and 
includes no map or picture which does not add to an understanding 
of the subject. With the exception of reproductions of a few famous 
paintings, to show an artist's conception, the pictures are all realities, 
intended to put before the pupil in visible form the faces of public 
men, the surroundings of famous events, and some of the great statues 
and buildings. Additional pictures are suggested in the lists of books 
at the ends of the chapters. Besides a series of general maps, show- 
ing the progress of discovery and settlements, the territorial claims 
of European powers, and the creation and subdivisions of the United 
States, there are many special maps illustrating boundary controver- 
sies, campaigns, etc. 

For the teacher's use and as a guide to the pupil's reading and 
written work, the Brief List of authorities noted in Appendix A is 
especially commended ; and the work of teaching and studying will 
be made easier and pleasanter by the purchase of the twenty-five- 
dollar library there described. A school library ought also to have 
a judicious selection out of the long list in Appendix B. 

The dates and statements of fact throughout the volume have been 
verified by Mr. David M. Matteson. 

Whatever the lack of skill in combining into a unity the broad and 
manifold phases of a great nation's life, I have at least tried to write 
about things that count, to describe events which give us pride in 
being Americans, to set before my young countrymen ideals that 
have made for national greatness. 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART. 



CONTENTS 



BEGINNINGS 

PAce 

I. Foundations of American History 13 

II. The Century of Discovery (1492-1605) .... 31 

COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

III. The English in America, 1607-1660 .... 45 

IV. Rivals of England, and the Great West (160;i-1689) . 65 
V. Expansion of the English Colonies, 1660-1689 . . 77 

COLONIAL AMERICANS 

VI. Colonial Life (1700-1750) 91 

VIL Internal Development, 1689-1740 107 

VIII. Wars with the French (1689-1763) 122 

REVOLUTION 

IX. Quarrel with the Mother Country (1763-1774) . . 135 

X. Birth of a New Nation (1774-1776) 149 

XI. The War for Independence (1776-1783) . . . .166 

FEDERATION 

XIL The Confederation (1781-1789) 189 

XIII. Making the Federal Constitution (1787-1789) ... 206 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

XIV. The American People from 1780 to 1800 
XV. Organizing the Government (1789^1793) 
XVL Federalist Policy (1793-1801) . 
XVII. E-vpansion of the Republic (1801-1809) 
XVIII. War with (ircat Hriluin (1809-1815) 

8 



220 
236 
249 
261 

277 



CONTENTS 



NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

XIX. Settling tlie West (1800-1820) 
XX. The New National Spirit (1815-1829) 
XXL New Political Issues (182'J-1841) . 



PAGK 

289 
:^03 
316 



SECTIONALISM 

XXII. Social and Sectional Conditions (1831-1841) 

XXIII. Renewed Expansion (1841-1847) . 

XXIV. Results of the Mexican War (1848-185.3) 
XXV. Foreshadowing of Civil War (1853-1859) 



338 
353 
369 
383 



CIVIL WAR 

XXVI. The Crisis (1859-1861) 401 

XXVII. North and South in 1861 419 

XXVIII. Period of Uncertainties (April, 1861-December, 1802) . 433 

XXIX. Emancipation and Military Advance (1862-1863) . . 455 

XXX. End of the War (1864-1865) 470 



REORGANIZATION 

XXXI. Reconstruction of the Union (1865-1875) 
XXXII. New Foundations (1875-1885) 
XXXIIL Economic and Social Issues (1885-1897). 



491 
511 
525 



THE NEW REPUBLIC 

XXXIV. The Spanish War and its Results (1897-1903) 

XXXV. What America has done for the World . 

XXXVI. The Twentieth Century 

XXXVIL The Great War (1914-1918) ..... 



551 
565 
579 
592 



APPENDICES 



A. Brief List of Books .... 

B. General Bibliography 

C. Declaration of Independence, 1776 . 

D. Constitution of the United States, 1787 

E. Proclamation of Emancipation, 1863 

F. States of the Union .... 



ni 

xi 

. xiv 

xxviii 

. XXX 



Index 






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REFERENCE MAPS 

PAOIM 

The States of the Union (at present) 10, 11 

Physical Map of the United States 18, lU 

Early Voyages to America 34 

French and Indian War, showing Chain of French Fojts, 1754, 

1689, and 1763 120, 121 

British Colonies in 1765 131 

Revolutionary War in the North 168 

Revolutionary War in the South 176 

The United States, 1783 ; State Claims to Western Lands . 190 

Part of Central North America in 1789 198 

The United States in 1803 264 

Roads and Waterways to the West in 1825 291 

The United States in 1825 300 

Railroads and Waterways of the United States in 1850 . . 324, 326 

The United States in 1850 376 

The United States in 1861 390 

Theater of the Civil War 434, 435 

Principal Railroads of the United States, 1885 .... 516 

Territorial Development of the Continental United States, 1776-1866 567 



12 



ESSENTIALS IN AMEKICAN HISTOET 

CHAPTER I. 
FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Where does American History begin ? The true fathers 
of America are the men of various European countries, espe- 
cially of England, who, three centuries ago, had the . , 
courage to voyage unknown seas, and the persistence American 
to plant colonies across the ocean. They brought with ^^ °^ 
them the religion, language, laws, and methods of government 
to which their ancestors were accustomed ; and hence the early 
history of America was really a part of European history ; 
the first American colonists were simply Spaniards, Portu- 
guese, or Frenchmen in America ; and the English settlers 
who, to better their condition, removed over seas, looked upon 
themselves as still a part of the English people. When that 
bond was broken by the Revolution of 1775, the United States 
became at once one of the family of civilized nations ; and by 
commerce, by the immigration of foreigners, by the sharing 
of the world's literatures, by interchange of inventions and 
principles of government, our history has always been inextri- 
cably connected with that of Europe. 

The discovery of America was a result in great part of that 

new spirit of interest in the past, and curiosity about the 

world, which we call the Renaissance. When, about „ - . .^ , 
' '2. Spirit of 

the year 1300, men began to go back to the beauty and enlarge- 
power of ancient writers and the ancient works of art, ™*'^ 

interest in nature and the desire to know her secrets sprang 
up again with passionate force. Hence, when a new commer- 
cial route to India was needed, men were willing to take great 

13 



14 



BEGINNINGS 



risks, to penetrate into the unknown western ocean, and to 
explore a land as yet undreamed of, 

A new spirit speedily showed itself in improvements in 
navigation, and especially in two inventions (both previously 
known in China) which helped discovery and exploration : (1) 
gunpowder, perhaps discovered in Europe by Roger Bacon, 
and first used in war about 1350, enabled the invaders of 
America to beat the savages; (2) printing with movable 
types, probably first used by Gutenberg in 1450, served to 
spread the fame of the new world. 

The art of navigation was steadily advancing. Sea-going 
ships had keels and single rudders, were fitted with heavy 
3. Seafar- spars and square sails, and for defense from the seas and 
^S from enemies were provided with high bulwarks, fore- 

castles, and aftercastles. There was little distinction between 
merchantmen and war ships : in time of war the trader took 

on a few more guns and men 
and became a fighting cruiser. 
Naval science was immensely 
aided by four inventions, 
which by 1450 were widely 
used : (1) The wondrous art of 
sailing on the wind, discovered 
by the Norsemen, gave confi- 
dence to men on long voyages. 
(2) The magnetic compass was 
a guide far out of sight of land, 
and when the stars were not 
visible. (3) The astrolabe en- 
abled the mariner roughly to 
estimate his distance from the equator. (4) The portolano, or 
sea chart, assembled what was known about the seas and coasts. 
The prelude to American liistory was the attempt to estab- 
lish new relations between Eui«ope and Asia. In 1450 Europe 




Ship oi' m'.iht NTiii. 

From a drawing ascribed to 
Coliiinbus. 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



15 




Medieval Trade Routes. 



had no direct intercourse by sea with India, China, and Japan ; 

eastern products found their way westward only by trans- 

^ "^ "^ •' 4. Europe 

f er across the Isthmus of Suez, or by a slow and expen- and the 

sive caravan journey across Asia, over routes which ^aaX 

were broken in two by the fierce Turks when they took Con- 
stantinople in 1453. 
Where were Europe- 
ans thenceforward to 
get the carpets and the 
silks, the pearls and 
the cotton goods, the 
sweet white powder 
that men called sugar, 
the gums, and the pep- 
per that sometimes 
sold for its weight in 
gold dust ? 

One European, 
„_ _- , ,11 Battle of Japanese and Chinese in 

Marco Polo, actually Marco Polo's Time. 

crossed Asia and From an ancient Japanese drawing. 




16 BEGINNINGS 

reached the Chinese coast about 1202, and thus reported: 
"And I tell you with regard to tliat Eastern Sea of Chin, 
Yule Polo a,ccording to what is said by the experienced pilots and 
//. 240 mariners of those parts, there be 7459 Islands in the 

waters frequented by the said mariners. . . . And there is 
not one of those Islands but produces valuable and odorous 
woods . . . and they produce also a great variety of spices." 
In course of time the question began to be asked, Why might 
not the Spice Islands and Japan be reached by sea from western 
Europe? — hence attempts were made to find a water passage 
around Europe by the Arctic Ocean, and around Africa by the 
Atlantic Ocean. 

Moreover the learned men of the Renaissance discovered 

that the ancients believed that the world is round. A 

strange book of wonders, called the Travels of Sir John Man- 

deville, which is dated 1322, says, " For when the sun is east 

p in those parts towards paradise terrestrial, it is then 

Mandevilie, midnight in our parts of this half, for the roundness of 

the earth. For our Lord God made the earth all round 

in the midplace of the firmament." By 1470 the Florentine 

astronomer Toscanelli actually figured out the circumference 

of the earth at almost exactly its true length. If the world 

was really round, why might not India be reached by sailing 

westward instead of eastward ? 

Such a question could best be solved by the maritime nations 
of western Europe — by Spain, France, England, and Portugal, 
g _,, . _ The adventurous Portuguese by 1450 had already dis- 
nizing covered the four groups of the Canary, Madeira, Cape 

na ions Verde, and Azores or Western Islands. Under the direc- 

tion of Prince Henry the Navigator, they pushed down the 
west coast of Africa ; but on his death (1460) they had reached 
no farther south than Sierra Leone. 

The neighbor and great rival of Portugal was Spain ; in 
1469 the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon with Isabella of 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 17 

Castile brought under one sovereignty the Christian parts of 
that land. In 1492, by the conquest of the Moorish kingdom 
of Granada, the way was opened for a great Spanish kingdom. 
Twenty -seven yeai's later Charles V., king of Spain and ruler 
of the Netherlands (grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella), by 
his election as German Emperor, brought Spain into the heart 
of European politics. Spain built a powerful navy, and organ- 
ized an infantry which could defeat knights in armor, and was 
almost invincible by other footmen ; for many years Spain re- 
mained the strongest state in Europe. 

The immediate theater of American history lay unknown 
beyond the Atlantic. The Europeans of the fifteenth century 
thought of the world as consisting of only three parts — . . 

Europe, Asia, and Africa. It required a generation ' of the Atlantic 
explorers after 1492 to evolve the idea that North ^ °^® 

America is not part of Asia; more than a century elapsed 
before men generally began to think of it in its true propor- 
tions, and its true relations to the rest of the world. Never- 
theless the physical character of the land constantly had a 
controlling effect on the course of discovery and colonization ; 
and therefore it must be considered among the essentials of 
American history. 

The Atlantic coast of North America abounds in deep and 
sheltered bays and estuaries which make fine harborage, and 
helped the early settlers in their seafaring. The coast is bold 
and rugged as far south as Cape Ann ; and the country inland, 
as far south as the Hudson, is hilly and stony and abounds in 
waterfalls. Farther south lies a low coast plain which gradually 
widens till it reaches Georgia, and thence stretches westward 
along the Gulf of Mexico to Texas. Its sandy coast is fringed 
with shallow lagoons, partly inclosed by long, narrow islands. 

Up to the foothills of the Appalachians the south country is 
fiat and fertile, and well adapted to agriculture. The water 
powers at the head of navigation on the sluggish rivers afford 




16 



20 BEGINNINGS 

natural advantages which determined the location of a line 
of towns and cities, such as Trenton, Richmond, Petersburg, 
Raleigh, Columbia, Augusta, and Macon. The very flatness 
of the Atlantic coast gave rise to one disadvantage : innumer- 
able swamps and fresh-water ponds bred mosquitoes; when 
our forefathers sickened with fevers, they little guessed that 
it was this insignificant enemy which brought disease, death, 
and often the ruin of a colony. 

Inland the Atlantic coast plain terminates in the Appalachian 
Mountain system, which extends in a belt about a hundred 
miles wide from Gaspe Peninsula in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
1600 miles southwestward to northern Alabama. The average 
elevation is about 2000 feet, the passes from 1500 to 3000 feet ; 
though Mt. Washington and the North Carolina ranges rise above 
6000 feet. The eastern half of the system consists of long, 
parallel, and steep-sided mountain ridges ; the western half is 
an upland plateau which declines gradually to the west and is 
deeply trenched by the steep-sided valleys of the streams. 
Like the lower coast lands, this whole highland region was 
originally clothed with forests which concealed the lurking 
savage. 

The west slope of the Appalachian plateau merges into a 

vast low plain, which is drained partly northeastward to 

„ , ^ . Hudson Bay and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but chiefly 
7. Interior "^ ' '' 

of North southward through the Mississippi River system to the 
America (julf of Mexico. The whole region is characterized by a 
smooth surface and gentle slopes, a little broken by the bluffs 
along the streams. The northern belt, and the southern as far 
west as the Ozark Mountains, were originally forest-covered ; 
but the central part from Indiana westward abounded in tree- 
less, grassy prairies, which expanded westward until they 
covered all the land excepting fringes of timber along the water 
courses. 

This St. Lawrence and Mississippi valley is the most exten- 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 21 

sive tract of highly fertile land in the world. Most of it has 
abundant rainfall, and the climate ranges from the severe 
winters of the Dakotas to a subtropical belt ou the Gulf coast. 
" When tickled with a hoe, it laughs with a harvest " ; and it 
has almost every variety of soil and product. The numerous 
streams furnish alluvial "bottom land"; north of the Mis- 
souri and Ohio rivers most of the country is covered with 
glacial deposits — Nature's wheat fields; the vast prairies 
grow all kinds of crops, especially corn. Yet nearly all of 
this interior was a lonely wilderness till after the close of the 
Revolution. 

Beyond the Mississippi River the land rises imperceptibly 
into a treeless plateau, which, west of the 100th meridian, is 
called the Great Plains and is so dry that farming is almost 
impossible without irrigation. The bunch grass of these plains 
once supported countless herds of wild bison, and now is the 
pasturage for beef cattle. 

The Great Plains form the eastern part of the Rocky Moun- 
tain Highland, which extends to within 150 miles of the Pacific 
coast, with a general elevation of 5000 feet ; from it rise the 
Rocky Mountain chain in the eastern part, and the Sierra 
Nevada and Cascade chains on its western margin. The high 
region between these chains, which may be called the Interior 
Highland, has been settled chiefly since the Civil War. 

The lofty and complicated ranges of the Rocky Mountains 
occupy a belt of country from 200 to 300 miles wide, made 
up of mountains extremely rough and rugged. ■ Their sum- 
mits reach to nearly 15,000 feet, though the chain may be 
crossed at elevations not greater than from 6000 to 8000 feet. 
Among these mountains the Indians found large game for food, 
and small fur-bearing animals. From the sheep which now 
range the region the white man still draws material for cloth- 
ing; while in the upheaved and dislocated strata he finds our 
richest stores of gold, silver, copper, and lead. 



22 



BEGINNINGS 



Rough and broken surfaces characterize the Interior High- 
land : the region is very dry, some places having no rain for 
8. Great months or even years. The triangular region between 

Basin and gnake and Colorado rivers and the Sierra Nevada is 

Pacific 

slope called the Great Basin, because its meager rainfall col- 

lects in pools and salt lakes and then evaporates without 
reaching the sea. 




Grand Canyon of the Golokauo. 
Showing erosion in a region of little rain. 

West of the Interior Highland rises the precipitous escarp- 
ment of the' Sierra Nevada and Cascade chains, which sink 
away again in a long western slope, abundantly watered in 
winter by moist winds from the Pacific, which clothe it with 
thick forests of valuable trees. These chains are scarcely more 
than seventy-five miles wide, but they rival the Rocky Moun- 
tains in iKught and ruggt'duoss. West of the crest of the Sierra 
Nevada and ('asc:id<^ cluiiiis, and beyond a seritis of long low- 
land valleys, is the crest of the low Coast Ranges, which rise 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



23 



steeply from the Pacific Ocean. These ranges arc broken 
down to the sea at three places only — the Bay of San Fran- 
cisco, the Columbia River, and the Strait of Juan de Fuca, 
which leads to Puget Sound. The climate is much the same 
all along the western coast — hot and dry summers, and mild 
winters which make it a resort for travelers and health-seekers. 
Through the forests and across the mountains were two sys- 
tems of primeval routes of travel, footpaths and waterways : 

(1) Throughout the continent, buffalo paths and Indian a -o * 

9. Rout6| 
trails, sometimes only six inches wide, led through prairie of trade am 

and forest ; they often followed the divides between the trav^ 

streams, as being free from fords. (2) Rivers and lakes made 

a network of water routes, on which plied the dugout and in 

the north the Indian 

birch-bark canoe, one 

of the best inventions 

of any savage race ; 

easy to make, swift to 

paddle, and light to 

"tote" over a carry 

from one system of 

rivers to another. 

For long east and 
west journeys the At- 
lantic streams could 

be followed up to the divides separating them from the tribu- 
taries of the Great Lakes or of the Ohio River. The routes 
across tlie Appalachian chain ran for the most part on the 
same lines as the present trunk-line railroads, especially the 
gaps at the heads of the Mohawk, Susquehanna, Potomac, and 
James rivers. By carries or portages known to the Indians, 
one could also pass from the Great Lakes to Hudson Bay, 
or to the upper Mississippi, or to the Ohio. Examples of such 
transfer points are Ravenna, Ohio, between the Cuyahoga and 




Indian Birch-bark Canoe Race. 
Sketched by an eyewitness about 1830. 



24 



BEGINNINGS 



Mahoning rivers; Fort Wayne, Indiana, between the Manmee 
and the W^abash; and Chicago, between Lake Michigan and 
the Des Plaines branch of the Illinois. At such places in 
many instances a white man's town eventually grew up. 




60 100 160 200 
'^ • lodiaji Portages 



Important Indian Poktages. 



UCtB 



The whole land originally abounded in wild animals. The 
deer and the bison, commonly called buffalo, furnished meat 

for the hungry, clothing for the cold, and a roof for the 
can prod- family ; the game birds, of which the turkey and the 

pigeon were the most plentiful, increased the food sup- 
ply; and the coast waters and streams abounded in fish and in 
fur-bearing animals. The earth furnished to the savage fruits 
and berries, corn, pumpkins, squashes, and maple sugar for his 
diet, tobacco for his luxury, herbs and simples for diseases and 
wounds, wood for his fires and even for houses. 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



25 



Later colonists found valuable resources in the timber and 
the iron ores ; their descendants discovered coal and oil, and 
lead, zinc, copper, and the precious metals; but almost the 
only things the Indian had to sell that the white man coveted 
were deerskins and furs, especially that of the beaver. Still 
America yielded three products not then known to the old 
world : (1) Corn was the plant most widely sown and harvested 
by the Indians, "a grain of general use to man and beast." 
(2) The potato, native of South America, in the course of time 
became the chief food of millions of Europeans. (3) Tobacco, 
everywhere much prized by the Indians, grew wild or was 
negligently cultivated. 

The native inhabitants of America, called. Indians by Colum- 
bus because he supposed he had reached the Indies, were 
throughout of one race, though their origin is a puzzle . . „ . 
for ethnologists. To be sure, throughout central North civilization 
America exist a great number of mounds, some sepul- 
chral, some village sites, some defensive, some built in the 
outline of animals ; but there is no reason to suppose that the 
" mound builders " were different from the ordinary Indians. 



in America 





mm 


■i 


^^^^"^B 




^p 




^Sm 




^m 


S 


^^ 



Indian Cliff Dwellings. (Near southwest corner of Colorado.) 

From Georgia to Arizona most tribes raised plenty of food 

and lived in fixed towns, some southwestern peoples in cliff 

dwellings. The descendants of some of these tribes, as for 

instance the Zunis, still live in the same communal villages 

hakt's amek. hist. — 2 



26 



BEGINNINGS 




Interior of Zuni Pukblo. 
About the same as in 1492. 

or pueblos, and carry on much the same life as their fore- 
fathers. 

Farther south, in the communal city of Mexico, were the 
Aztecs, men of war who lived on tribute or plunder from 
neighboring tribes, and reveled in human sacrifice ; they had 
the arts of making pottery, of Avorking in soft metals, of weav- 
ing and of feather work, and even of a kind of picture writing. 
In Mexico and Central America ruined stone cities mark a 
higher civilization, already decaying when the white man 
came. These abound in elaborately carved stone walls, stair- 
ways, and monoliths, extraordinarily like certain temples and 
idols in eastern Asia. In South America native civilization 
reached its highest point in the empire of the Incas in Peru, 
who had an organization far above that of the ordinary In- 
dians; for they built roads and stone towns, used llamas for 
beasts of burden, and had a system of records made by knotted 
cords. 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 27 

The Indians who most disturbed the English colonists were 
three groups : (1) along the northern Atlantic coast the Algon- 
quin family ; (2) inland, between Lake Erie and the 12. Indian 
Hudson, the "Eive Nations" of Iroquois ; (3) between the ^^^® 

Mississippi and the southeast coast the powerful Cherokees, kin 
to the Iroquois, and the Muskogee family, including the intelli- 
gent, numerous, and warlike tribes of Choctaws, Ci-eeks, and 
Chickasaws. All these Indians were vigorous and hardy people, 
well built, tall, and handsome. Their clothing was chiefly- of 
deerskins, supplemented after the whites came by the *' niatch- 
ooat," or blanket. They gathered into villages, living for the 
most part in wigwams of bark or skins ; though some tribes 
had ''long houses" — rows of continuous wooden dwellings. 

The main occupations of the Indians were fishing and hunt- 
ing and fighting, but nearly all the tribes had cornfields, and 
some of them plots of tobacco and vegetables, all tilled by the 
women. The Indians were fond of gayety, lively conversation, 
dancing, and open-air games. Real religion they had none ; the 
early discoverers said that they worshiped stones and the devil. 
Their priests were medicine men who sang, shook their rattles, 
and circled about the fire ten or twelve hours together, " with 
most impetuous and interminate clamours and howling." In 
many ways the Indians showed remarkable inventive skill. 
They strung bows, fashioned stone arrowheads, clubs, and 
hatchets, contrived snowshoes, made rude pottery, tanned 
skins, executed beautiful designs in beads and porcupine 
quills, manufactured maple sugar, plaited nets, carved pipes, 
had a currency of wampum made from seashells, and, above 
all, invented the graceful and serviceable bark canoe. 

In war the Indians were among the greatest fighting men 
of all history. Their weapons were the bow and arrow, 13. Indian 
club, tomahawk, and stone knife; and they quickly took ^^ ^^^ 
over the white man's musket and steel axes and knives. emment 
Swift and silent in movement, their favorite attack was sur- 



28 BEGINNINGS 

prise; if once beaten back, they were likely to },Mve up and 
go home for the time, rather than lose many men. Their 
custom of killing or enslaving men, women, and children alike, 
was too often imitated by their white enemies, who also learned 
how to seize the scalp locks of their savage adversaries. The 
narratives of white captives are full of fearful tortures. 

Fortunately for the whites, the Indians were broken up into 
small political fragments. The so-called "tribes," often in- 
cluding many villages, were united by the loosest of ties ; they 
fought"" among themselves, and the fundamental idea of the 
Indian was that every member of every other tribe (unless 
bound by friendlj'' treaty) was his enemy ; and he looked on 
all Englishmen as members of one hostile tribe. Indeed, the 
whole Indian conception of government and society was dif- 
ferent from the English. The tribes were subdivided into clans, 
or " totems," and families, and the tribal councils were mere 
"powwows," for the decision bound nobody; yet discussion 
and decision were backed up by a powerful public opinion. 
The tribal lands were usually only the territory over which the 
tribe habitually ranged ; nobody " owned " land in the English 
sense. 

The Indians were often friendly, gave food, furnished 
guides, and fought on the white men's side against other 
tribes; but their chiefs had no recognized power to compel 
obedience, and hence treaties with the English were always 
hard to enforce. Few Indians have come down in history as 
leaders of their people. Wahunsonacock, commonly called 
Powhatan by the Virginians, George Guess who invented an 
alphabet, King Philip in New England, Pontiac and Corn 
Planter in the West, and later Tecumthe, Chief Joseph, and 
G«ronimo are almost the only great names. 



From about I ir)0 to 1500 the conditions in Euroi)e were 
especially favorable for discovery and commercial adventure. 



FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 29 

Europe was ready for new fields of activity ; and by 1500 each 
of the four nations on the western sea front — England, France, 
Spain, and Portugal — had a consolidated royal power, 14. sum- 
capable of directing new enterprises. Each had also an mary 

eager, seafaring people, acquainted with new arts of navigation. 
The closing of the overland route to Asia by the Turks aroused 
the people to the necessity of a route by sea ; and a belief that 
the world is round suggested a western voyage to India. 

But between Europe and India, all unknown and undevel- 
oped, lay the two Americas, occupied by savage tribes, who 
were skilled in the warfare of the woods, and ready to contest 
with all their might any attempt to set foot upon their terri- 
tory. Yet the central belt of this broad land that stretched 
from the 25th parallel to the 49th, and through fifty degrees of 
longitude, had the soil and climate which have later made pos- 
sible the cotton of Texas, the wheat of Minnesota, the corn of 
Indiana, the Maine potato, and the olive groves of California. 

TOPICS 

(I) What made Spain a great nation ? (2) When and how did Suggestive 
the Renaissance reach England ? (3) When and where was gun- *°Pics 
powder first used in European warfare ? (4) What are some of 

the earliest printed travels ? (5) How did the mariners' compass 
come into use ? (6) What are the best waterways (with por- 
tages) from the Atlantic to the Pacific ? (7) Name the principal 
peaks of the Appalachians. (8) What are the easiest passes across 
the Appalachians ? across the Rocky Mountains ? (9) The prin- 
cipal "carries" from the Great Lakes to the tributaries of the 
Mississippi. (10) Indian remains in your neighborhood. 

(II) Life in a present-day pueblo. (12) Adventures of Marco Search 
Polo. (13) Who wrote the Travels of Sir John Mandeville ? ^°^^^^ 
(14) Career of Prince Henry the Navigator. (15) First Euro- 
pean visitors to Niagara Falls. (16) First European explorations 

in the Appalachian Mountains. (17) How to make a birch-bark 
canoe. (18) Introduction of tobacco into Europe. (19) The Ser- 
pent Mound. (20) Ancient stone buildings and monuments in 
Mexico and Central America. (21) Peruvian roads and buildings. 
(22) Modern cities on the sites of Indian villages. 



30 



BEGINNINGS 



REFERENCES 



Oeogrraphy 



Secondary- 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 10, 11, 15, 18, 19, 24 ; Brigham, Geographic Influ- 
ences ; Epoch diaps, no. 1 ; Clieyney, European Background ; 
Farrand, Basis of American History. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 2-5; Fisher, Colonial Era, 1-11 ; Fiske, 
Discovery of America, I. 1-147, II. 294-3G4 ; Doyle, English in 
America, I. 5-17; Winsor, America, IV. i-xxx ; Farrand, Basis 
of American History ; Shaler, Nature and Man in America, 
106-283, — United States, I. 1-272, 417-517 ; Cheyney, European 
Background ; Higgiiison, Larger History, 1-26 ; Hinsdale, Hoic to 
Study and Teach History, 174-20;3; Morgan, American Aborigines. 

Hart, Soxirce Book, § 9, — Source Headers, I. §§ 8, 19-33, 37- 
44, III. §§ 57-69 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 30, 32. See Channing 
and Hart, Guide, §§ 21-216, 77-80 ; New England History Teachers' 
Association, Syllabus, 167, 168, 293, — Historical Sources, §65. 

Longfellow, Hiawatha ; Whittier, Bridal of Pennacock ; C. G. 
Leland, Algonquin Legends of New England ; C. F. Lummis, 
Strange Corners of our Country. 

McKenney and Hall, History and Biography of the Indian 
Tribes ; Catlin, North American Indians ; Winsor, America, I. 




Anciknt Pkkuvian Jar. 
Perhaps a portrait. 



CHAPTER II. 
THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY (1492-1605) 

The existence of a Western Continent was till about 1500 un- 
dreamed of in Europe, although there was in far-off Iceland a 
"saga," or document based onmemorized tradition, showing 15. Fore- 
how, in the year 1000, Leif Erikson — " Leif the Lucky " '""^gcofery 
— reached the mainland of North America; and how in (1000-1492) 
1007 one Karlsefni landed there in a fine country (which has 
never been identified) abounding in flat stones and grapes, and 
fierce natives. No evidence has ever been found to show that 
Leif's discovery was known to Italian or Spanish navigators. 
Their incentive to western voyages was the hope of finding a 
direct western route to India, especially after Bartholomew 
Diaz of Portugal reached the Cape of Good Hope (1487) and 
saw a broad sea beyond, promising a practicable indirect 
route. 

To Christopher Columbus, born (about 1446) in the Italian 
city of Genoa, is due the credit of applying the science of his 
time to the problem of reaching India. Before he was thirty 
years old he formed a plan of sailing westward to Asia, which 
he calculated to be twenty-five hundred miles distant from 
Europe. Directly, or through his brother Bartholomew, he 
appealed to the kings of Portugal, Spain, England, and France 
to fit him out; and all declined the splendid opportunity. 
Finally, he turned again to Spain and appealed to the mission- 
ary zeal of Queen Isabella in behalf of the distant heathen, and 
held out to her counselors the rich results of conquest and 
power. In behalf of her kingdom of Castile, Isabella at last 
agreed to fit out an expedition. 

31 



32 BKGINNINGS 

Furnished with the queen's money and armed with her 

authority, Cohimbus got together three little vessels, the Santa 

16. Colum- Maria, Nina, and Finta, carrying 90 men in all. He 

coverer ^^ sailed from Palos, August 3, 1492, and from the Canary 

(1492-1506) Islands five weeks later; thenceforward his sole reliance 

was his own unconquerable will. As the crews grew muti- 



Departurk of Columbus. 
From De Bry's Voyages, 1590. 

nous the admiral cajoled and threatened, and even under- 
stated the ship's daily run. 

On Friday, October 12, 1492 (old style), thirty-three days 
after losing sight of land, and distant 3230 nautical miles from 
. „. Palos, the caravels came upon an island, to which, says 

Leaflets, Columbus, " 1 gave the name of 8au Salvadore, in com- 
memoration of his Divine Majesty who has wonderfully 
granted all this. The Indians call it (Juanahau." This land- 



THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 33 

fall was probably Watling Island of the Bahama group. A 
few days later Columbus reached the coast of Cuba, and then 
Hispaniola, or Haiti. He was deeply disappointed not to find 
towns and civilized communities, for to the day of his death 
Columbus supposed that he had hit on the coast of Asia. Thus 
was America discovered, as an unforeseen incident in the 
voyage of one of the most extraordinary men in history. 

In September, 1493, Columbus set out a second time with 
17 vessels and 1500 men, founded Isabella in Haiti, the first 
city of Europeans in America, set up a government there, and 
discovered Porto Rico, Jamaica, and some of the Lesser An- 
tilles. On a third voyage (1498), he reached South America, 
and discovered the mouth of the Orinoco. His colony in His- 
paniola, including the permanent city of Santo Domingo, fell 
into confusion, and Columbus was sent home in chains, and 
for a time was in disgrace. He made, however, a fourth voy- 
age (1502), in search of a water passage to India, which carried 
him to the coast of Honduras, and to the Isthmus of Panama. 
Four years later he died in Spain, and his bones, after wander- 
ings in the West Indies, now rest in the Cathedral of Seville. 

Meantime the Portuguese were trying to reach the gold and 
spice islands by sailing eastward, and they claimed a monopoly 
of the discoveries that they might make. In May, 1493, 17. Por- 
the Pope issued a bull in which he assumed the authority ™S^®s® '*^^- 
to divide the non-Christian world between Portugal and (1493-1500) 
Spain, by a north and south line through the Atlantic. A 
year later, in the treaty of Tordesillas, made directly between 
Spain and Portugal, it was agreed that the line of de- „ . , 
marcation should run " from pole to pole, 370 leagues west Diplomatic 
from the Cape Verde Islands." The rivalry foreseen by ^^(o^y> ^^ 
the treaty was realized in 1497 when the Portuguese Vasco da 
Gama passed the Cape of Good Hope, and shortly reached 
India; soon Portuguese trading ports were established in Asia. 
Then Cabral, one of the Portuguese voyagers to India, hit on 







I Colnnibue's First Voyage U92 

Second " 118S-96 

3 Cabots 1497- 

4 Vespucius for Spain 1499 

5 Columbus's Third Vovage 14984X) 
C Cabral 1500 

7 Vespucius for Portugal 1501-02 

8 Columbus's Eoui-tb Voyage 150S-01J 
U Pineda 1519 

10 Magellan 1519-22 

11 Verrazano 1524 

12 earner's First Voyage 1534-35 

13 " Second " 153M0 

SOUTH 




^V'T^^^ 




u 



THE CENTURY OF DJ8CUVERY 35 

the coast of Brazil (1500), which he thought was an Asiatic 

island ; later it was found that the line of Tovdesillas ran to 

the west of the Brazilian coast, which was therefore left to the 

Portuguese to settle. 

The announcement that Columbus had reached Asia aroused 

new national rivalries, and it was followed by many western 

voyages. Henry VII. of England never regarded the ig. The 

papal bull of 1493 or the treaty of Tordesillas as bindinsr ^^^o^s and 
f • T • H /^.^ 1 ' Vespuciiis 

him; and in 1496 he gave authority to the Venetian navi- (1497-1507) 

gator John Cabot and his three sons "to sail to all parts, 
regions, and waters of the eastern, western, and southern 
seas, and to discover any heathen regions which up to this time 
have remained unknown to Christians." Though this voyage 
later became the basis of the English claims to North America, 
we know only that Cabot came back in 1497 and reported " that 
700 leagues hence he discovered land, the territory of the grand 
Chan. He coasted for 300 leagues and landed Tpvobablv „ „ 
on the island of Cape Breton] and found two very large tempora- 
aiid fertile new islands." The next year Cabot's son ries.l.eo 
Sebastian is supposed to have made a voyage farther south, 
probably as far as the coast of Virginia ; but of his discoveries, 
if he made any, we have no contemporary accounts. 

The Venetian Ainericus Vespucius coasted large parts of 
South America from 1499 to 1507 in behalf of Spain and then 
of Portugal. He published several letters describing his dis- 
coveries and, apparently without his own expectation, furnished 
a name which gradually supplanted the term "New World" 
used by Columbus and others. An Alsatian geographer, realiz- 
ing that a new continent had been discovered, suggested in 1507 
that the new fourth part of the world be called " Amerige, that 
is, the land of Americus, or America." This suggestion, in- 
tended to apply to the eastern part of South America, was 
gradually extended to all of South America, and then to the 
entire western continent. 



36 BEGINNINGS 

By the year 1514 most of the islands of the Caribbean Sea, 

and the coast from Mexico to the Plata, had been visited ; 

19. Spanish ^^ *^^* ^^^ Spaniards began to realize that wherever they 

discoveries sailed far enough west, they struck land, perhaps a con- 

and con- • m, 

quests tmuous continent. The region about Darien failed to 

(1513-1532) disclose a strait, and in 1513 Balboa crossed the narrow 
Isthmus of Panama, and looked upon the Pacific Ocean. Fail- 
ing to penetrate directly, westward, the Spaniards in 1519 sent 
Magellan with a small fleet to coast America southward; he 
discovered and traversed the strait to which he gave his name, 
entered and named the Pacific Ocean, and then sailed up the 
west coast of South America, and westward until he reached 
the Ladrones and the Philippine Islands (1521). One of 
Magellan's vessels got home to Spain via the Cape of Good 
Hope — the first circumnavigation of the globe. At last the 
true Indies had been reached by sailing west, and the Philip- 
pines speedily became a Spanish colony, regularly communi- 
cating with the home country across the Isthmus of Panama. 

An era of Spanish exploration and conquest within North 
America began with a fruitless expedition by Ponce de Leon 
in Florida (1512), and a voyage by Pineda, who skirted the 
north coast of the Gulf of Mexico (1519). The first permanent 
lodgment was the romantic occupation of Mexico by Hernando 
Cortez in 1519. With 450 men and 15 horses he marched up 
and took the stronghold of Mexico, smashed the rude political 
organization of the Aztecs, and set up the Catholic religion. 

In 1532 a Spanish force of 200 men and 60 horses, under 
Francisco Pizarro, penetrated and conquered Peru, and looted 
a large quantity of gold ; here also the native government was 
overthrown and a permanent Spanish viceroyalty set up. 

The Spaniards sent several expeditions to explore the south- 
ern part of what is now the United States, and thus they 
secured a first title to that region. (1) De Ayllon attempted 
to found a colony on Chesapeake Bay (1526). (2; Narvaez 



THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 37 

with a party explored the land north of the Gulf coast, and 

passed the mouth of the Mississippi, probably the first white 

man to see that river (1528). (3) Ferdinando de Soto, 

^ -^ ^ ^ '20. Spanish 

with a force of 620 men, marched inland from the coast explora- 

of Florida; and in 1541 penetrated to and then beyond *j°°* 

the Mississippi. (4) In 1540 Coronado, incited by tales north 

of seven rich and wonderful "cities of Cibola," went north- ^ ~ ■* 

ward from Mexico, but found the cities to be only Indian pueblos, 

of which some are standing yet ; he penetrated to the country 

of Quivira (Kansas) which abounded in " crook-backed cows " 

(buffalo). The expedition led to the founding of the town 

of Santa Fe in 1572. (5) From 1533 to 1592 the Pacific coast 

was visited by Spaniards as far north as Puget Sound. 

The West Indies, as the Spanish possessions in the new 
world were generally called, made the Spanish kingdom the 
richest of all European countries and enabled the Spaniards 
for a century to take the leading place in Europe. The gold 
of Mexico and Peru was 'quickly swept up and spent; but in 
1545 the enormously rich silver mines of Potosi, in Peru, were 
opened, and later good silver mines were found in Mexico. 
By 1550 Spanish colonies were established in Mexico and 
Central America, on the west and north coasts of South 
America, and on the lower Plata. 

Meanwhile, about twenty years after Columbus's first voyage, 
a mighty change was begun in Europe through the Protestant 
Reformation. In the end, the peoples of northwestern _ _ . 
Europe became mostly Protestant, while those of the south discovery 
remained Catholic. France, however, as well as England ^ 
ignored the papal division of 1493 and the treaty of Torde- 
sillas. In 1524 King Francis I. dispatched Verrazano, a Flor- 
entine, with a fleet which crossed the Atlantic and explored 
an unknown coast including New York Harbor, a bay, he contempo- 
said, in "a very pleasant situation among some steep varies,!, los 
hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, 



88 BEGINNINGS 

forced its way to the sea." Mucli farther north tlie Freucli 
captain Jacques Cartier found islands, tirm land, and a river 
(1534), and the next year " a goodly great gulf, full of islands, 
passages, and entrances," which he named St. Lawrence ; 
thence he entered " the great river Hochelaga and ready way 
to China." His progress was stopped by the rapids later 
dubbed Lachine ("Chinese"), near a hill which he called 
Mount Royal, now Montreal. 

France had a Catholic king, but a body of French " Hugue- 
nots," or Protestants, with the consent of the king planted 
an unsuccessful colony under Jean Ribault at Port Royal, 
now in South Carolina (1562). Two years later, under Laudon- 
ni^re, the French returned and built a second Port Royal on the 
" River May " (St. Johns) in Florida. This was a flat defiance 
of the Spaniards, who founded (1565) the frontier town of St. 
Augustine to confront the French ; this town, still in existence, 
is the oldest within the mainland boundaries of the United 
States. Mencndez, the Spanish governor, then uprooted the 
French colony ; and the French never regained the opportunity 
of settling the southern Atlantic coast. 

The monopoly of American trade and colonization by Spain 

aroused the spirit of the English, especially when under Philip 

22. English H- (1556-1598) Spain became the great Catholic power of 

traders and Europe. The internal troubles arising out of the Prot- 

freebooters 

(1566 1580) estant Reformation in England diminished in the reign 

of Elizabeth ; and energy was set free for voyages and colonies 
both in the East and in the West. The feeling of rivalry with 
Spain was expressed in a charter granted in 15G6 to Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert to open a northwest passage around America to 
India, and to discover new lands, which were to be an English 
colony. Ten years later Sir Martin Frobisher made three 
voyages on the same quest, penetrating as far as Hudson 
Strait. For nearly three centuries the English never quite 
abandoned the idea of a short water route to Asia. 



THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 39 

One of the boldest adventurers and bravest fighters was Sir 
John Hawkins, who made several profitable voyages to the 
Spanish colonies with African slaves. His five ships were 
caught in the Mexican port of San Juan de Ulloa by thir- 
teen Spanish ships; he fought them all and escaped with 
two vessels (1568). One of Hawkins's captains was Francis 
Drake, who in 1572 sailed off again to prey on Spanish com- 
merce. Pirate-like he harried the Spanish mainland, cap- 
tured Spanish vessels and mule trains, and carried off gold, 
silver, and merchandise. Nevertheless, on his return to 
England Drake was pardoned by Queen Elizabeth and held 
in favor. 

The slow downfall of Spain may be said to have begun when 
the Netherlands revolted and formed a union of the provinces 
against the Spanish (1576). The English government sym- 
pathized and aided ; then individual Englishmen took an active 
part in the pulling down of Spain. In 1577 with the queen's 
approval, though without a royal commission, Drake set off 
with a little fleet; he rounded South America, passed through 
the Strait of Magellan with his one remaining ship, and was the 
first to see Cape Horn, and to find the open sea to the south of 
it. The story of Drake's next exploits sounds like the Arabian 

Nights, and is gemmed with such phrases as " thirteene ^, „ 
* ' ° '■ Hart, Con- 

chests full of royals of plate, foure score pound weight tempora- 
of golde, and sixe and twentie tunne of siluer." He sailed ''*''*' ^' ^^ 
up the unfortified west coast of South America, capturing 
coasters, terrifying towns, taking one prize worth a million 
dollars on its voyage from the Philippines, and throwing the 
Spaniards into a panic. 

Running far to the north, in hope of finding a passage through 
or around America to England, he put into a bay just north 
of the harbor of San Francisco to repair his ships, and called 
the country New Albion. Thence lie struck boldly westward 
across the Pacific, sailed through the Philippines and the Spice 



40 



BEGINNINGS 



Poore, 
Charters 
and Consti 



Islands, and then home again (1580) around the Cape of Good 
Hope, the first Englishman to circumnavigate the globe. Queen 
Elizabeth formally knighted him, and thus proclaimed him an 
English hero fighting for his sovereign. 

The next step towards colonization was a vain attempt at 
planting an English settlement in Newfoundland under a new 
23. The charter granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert (1578). His 
lishcolonies half-brother, Sir Walter Kaleigh, then got from the queen 
(1578-1587) a new "patent," or grant of lands (1584), authorizing 
him to colonize "remote heathen and barbarous lands 
. . . not actually possessed of any Christian Prince." 
tution8,J379 Forthwith he sent out two vessels, under Amadas and 
Barlowe, to find a proper place for a colony, and they fixed on 

Roanoke Island. On their 
return and favorable re- 
port Queen Elizabeth coy- 
ly named the new land 
for herself, "Virginia." 

Thrice did Ealeigh send 
out actual colonists to 
Roanoke. A settlement of 
1585 with 100 men failed 
and the settlers came 
back; a smaller settle- 
ment of 1586 disappeared ; 
in 1587 he sent out a col- 
ony commanded by John 
White, with 150 people, 




Sir Wai.ikk Kalkich, ahoit l.^iio. 
Type of the English gentleniiiii of liis time. 



including seventeen women, one of whom gave birth to Vir- 
ginia Dare, the first English child born on American soil. 
All the members of this colony who remained in America dis- 
appeared in 1588, and their fate to this day is uncertain. 

The harrying *of thp coiiiiiierfe of Spain inevitably led to 
war, and the crisis came in 1587 when Philip II. resolved to 



•I'HE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 



41 



invade England and destroy the plague of English sea rovers at 
its source. The proposed invasion took the form of a religious 
crusade by a mighty Spanish fleet called the Invincible _ 

Armada. The Armada sailed from Corunna in 1588, — with Spain 
149 vessels, carrying 30,000 men, — and made its way ^^^^'' °" ' 
in half-moon formation up the English Channel. It was beset 
by an enemy as brave as the Spaniards and much more nim- 
ble ; for the English 
received their guests 
with 197 ships and 
16,000 men, mostly 
trained seamen. The 
English finally sent 
fire ships among the 
Spaniards, and drove 
them out into the 
North Sea, where 
many of the fleet 
were burned, taken, 
or sunk. The de- 
moralized remnant 
made off to the 

northward in order to return to Spain around Scotland. Fear- 
ful tempests drove many vessels on the coasts, where the wild 
inhabitants massacred most of the survivors. The commander 
in chief arrived in Spain at last ; and gradually 67 ships out of 
the fleet crept into port. 

The war meanwhile had extended to the colonies, and it 
lasted for seventeen years. Drake took and plundered the city 
of Santo Domingo, the richest in the new world, and also the 
city of Carthagena, the capital of the Spanish West Indies. 

The new king of Spain, Philip III., and the new king of 
England, James I. (1603), both desired peace ; but the Span- 
iards long insisted that the English should agree to keep 




English War Ship of 1588. 
From tapestries in the old House of Lords. 



42 BEGINNINGS 

EnglisliiiiPii from t ravelin,!,' to (lie Si>aiiish colonies, or settlinp; 

in territory claimed by Spain. On both i)oints the English 

stood firm ; and in 1604 a treaty of peace was made without 

either of the desired pledges. Thus the way was opened for 

the foundation of the later United States in territory then 

claimed by Spain. 

By the year 1600 the geography and conditions of North 

America became clearer, especially through the diligence of 

25. Rival Richard Hakluyt, an English gentleman who published 

claims to ^ famous collection of narratives of voyages : and the 
America ^ o j 

U584 1605) various nations began to bring forward arguments for 
their claims to America. France talked about the effect of 
the voyages of Verrazano and Cartier ; Spain urged the Pope's 
bull of 1493 and her early explorations, assuming that coasts 
once skirted by Spanish ships remained Spanish, and that 
the territories inland from such, coasts were Spanish to eter- 
nity. 

Against these sweeping claims Hakluyt in 1584 asserted 
that " one Cabot and the English did first discover the shores 
about the Chesapeake"; and a contemporary writer set forth 
the English title to Virginia as follows: (1) first discovery 
by the subjects of Henry VII. (1497) ; (2) voyages under 
Elizabeth "to the mainland and infinite islands of the West 
Indies " ; (3) the voyage of Amadas and Barlowe (1584) ; 
(4) the actual settlement of the White colony (1587) ; (5) a 

broad claim that the coast and the ports of Virginia had 
Ptscoursp ^ ° 

of Western been long discovered, peojjled, and possessed by many 
Plaiumg English. On the Pope's bull the writer said, " if there 
be a law that the Pope may do what he list, let them that list 
obey him." 

As assertions of the English claims, three more attempts 
were made by individuals to plant colonies in America: 
(1) Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602 spent a little time on the 
island of Cuttyhunk; (2) Martin Pring in 1603 entered the 



THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 43 

Penobscot; (o) in 1605 George Weymouth visited the coast 
of Maine. All these efforts failed; the country was too cold 
for comfort, and the English as yet had too little experience 
of colonizing. 

The discovery of America by Columbus in 1492 was an 
accident brought about by attempting to reach the known 
lands of eastern Asia by sailing west, in the belief that 26. Sum- 
the earth is a globe. But to Columbus is due the credit ^^^ 

of acting on his belief. The discovery of an eastern route by 
the Portuguese Vasco da Gama was a stimulus to further at- 
tempts to reach the Spice Islands by sailing westward; and 
led to voyage after voyage of Spaniards, English, Portuguese, 
and Frenchmen, each successful explorer enlarging the knowl- 
edge of the American coast line and the islands. 

Geographers took up the course of discovery and registered 
it on rude maps. Before 1600 Spain alone established perma- 
nent colonies, which chanced to be rich in precious metals. The 
wealth of the West Indies made Spain great and yet prepared 
the way for her downfall ; for the English attacked, first Spanish 
commerce, then the colonies, then the home country ; and in 
1688 established the naval supremacy of England. Thence- 
forth the sea was free as far as an English ship could ride, and 
the way was prepared for English colonization. 

TOPICS 

(1) What do the Icelandic sagas say of America? (2) Why did Suggestive 
not Henry VII. of England send out Columbus? (3) How did ^opi^s 
Columbus raise men for his expedition ? (4) How did Balboa 
discover the Pacific ? (5) How did the Philippine Islands become 
Spanish ? (6) Cortez's capture of the city of Mexico. (7) Pizar- 
ro's treatment of Atahualpa. (8) Capture of Port Royal by the 
Spanish. (9) Were the Spaniards justified in fighting Sir John 
Hawkins at San Juan de Ulloa? (10) Why did the Invincible 
Armada fail ? 

uabt's amek. hist. — 3 



44 



BEGINNINGS 



Search 
topics 



(11) Where did Leif Erikson land? (12) Columbus's own 
accounts of his discoveries. (13) Was Americus Vespucius truth- 
ful ? (14) What kind of people were the Mexicans ? (15) Where 
did De Soto cross the Mississippi? (16) Present state of the 
"Seven Cities of Cibola." (17) The Spanish silver mines. 
(18) Early descriptions of New York Harbor. (19) Drake's 
quarrel with Fletcher. (20) Profits of Drake's voyages around 
the globe. (21) Accounts of the Armada by eyewitnesses. 
(22) Did Sebastian Cabot discover the coast of Virginia ? 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 34, 45 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 1-18 ; 
Epoch Maps, no. 2 ; Bourne, Spain in America. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 7-12, 14-10 ; Fisher, Colonial Era, 12- 
29 ; Bourne, Spain in America ; Wilson, American People, I. 1-33 ; 
Larned, History for Ready Reference, I. 47 ; Sparks, Expansion, 
17-35 ; Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 1-24 ; Winsor, America, 
II. III. 1-126, IV. 1-103, — Columbus,— Cartier to Frontenac, 1- 
76 ; Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 147-516, II. 1-293, 365-569, — 
Old Virginia, I. 1-40; Doyle, English in America, I. 18-100; 
Parkiuan, Pioneers of France, 9-228 ; Higginson, Larger History, 
26-120 ; Beeves, Finding of Wineland ; Markham, Christopher 
Columbus ; Major, Prince Henry the Navigator , Corbett, Sir 
P)-ancis Drake; Creighton, Sir Walter Ralegh. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 1-4, 7, — Contemporaries, I. §§16-36, 44- 
48, — Source Readers, I. §§ 1-9, 55, 56 ; American History Leaflets, 
nos. 1, 3, 9, 13 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 17, 20, 29, 31, 33-37, 39, 
71, 90, 92, 102, 115-120, 122; Higginson, American Explorers, 1- 
228 ; Payne, Elizabethan Seamen. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' 
Ass'n, Syllabus, 293-2m, — Historical Sources, §§ 66, 67. 

Longfellow, Skeleton in Armor, — Sir Humphrey Gilbert; Ten- 
nyson, Columbus ; Lowell, Columbus, — Voyage to Vinland ; R. M. 
Ballantyne, Erling the Bold (Iceland), — Norsemen in the West; 
S. Baring-Gould, Grettir the Outlaw (Iceland) ; Lewis Wallace, 
Fair God (Mexico) ; Cooper, Mercedes of Castile ; Gordon Stables, 
Westward tcith Columbus ; Simms, Vasconselos (De Soto) ; Kings- 
ley, Westward Ho ! (English and Spaniards) ; Jaines Barnes, 
Drake and his Yeomen ; Kirk Munroe, Flamingo Feather (Hugue- 
nots in Florida). 

Winsor, America, II.-IV. ; Wilson, American People, L 



CHAPTER III. 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 

The unsuccessful experience of forty years showed that no 
individual was powerful enough to found English colonies in 



^ ,^.^ London Company*! 606 
"V •••••»• Plymouth Company 1606 

^ ^ i Vii^inia Charter of 1609: 

C.Cod K. UneB probably intended by 

mouth "West and Northwest" 

M^^ Later Virginia Claim under 
Charter of 1609 




4t4r^4.+ New England Charter 1620 
SCALE OF MrtES 



royal 
tions 



English Territorial (trants. 

America. The next device 
was a system of colonizing 
companies, chartered by 27. TheVir- 
the king and receiving gfante 

from him large grants (1606) 

of wild lands, which were 
treated as his personal prop- 
erty. The first grant was a 
charter, April 10, 1606; which created two such corpora- 
te settle the region indefinitely called Virginia: (1) the 
45 



46 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMKN 



riyuiouth Company, to make a settleraeut .somewhere between 
the 38th and 45th degrees of north latitude; (2) the London 
Company, to colonize somewhere between the 34th and 41st 
degrees. For the government of either settlement, under this 
charter, it was provitled that there* should be a royal council 
in England and a local council to sit in the colony. 

This charter at once involved England in a controversy with 
Spain, which claimed the Atlantic coast indefinitely north- 
ward, and which, with 
some reason, looked upon 
the scheme as an attempt 
to plant a naval station 
for the vexation of Span- 
ish commerce. The Span- 
ish ambassador at London 
suggested to his master, 

" It will be serving 
Brown, 
Oeiiesisof God and Your Maj- 

^* ^' esty to drive these 

villains out from there and 
hang them," but sloth, pov- 
erty, and hesitation to re- 
new the war held back the 
Spaniards from anything 
stronger than protest. 

The Plymouth Com- 
pany sent out a colony 

28 Settle- under the auspices 

ViT^n/a ^'^ cndef-Justice Popham (May, 1607) which settled on 

(1607-1681) the Kennebec in Maine; but one severe winter broke it 
up, and the company never sent another. The London Com- 
pany, in which Bartholomew Gosnold appeal's as an active 
promoter, in December, 1606, sent 120 emigrants, who arrived 
at Chesapeake Bay, and on May o, 1607, selected a peninsula 




('avtain John Smith in 1K24. 
From title-pago of his Grnerall Historic. 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1G07-1GC0 



47 



on the Jamos River for their settleinciit, whicli they called 
Jamestown. It was low and marshy, mosquito-cursed, un- 
healthful, and hard to defend from the Indians, who attacked 
it within two weeks. The colonists were not accustomed 
to hard labor, and for some years they had to be supported 
from England. 

The most picturesque figure in these early days is Captain 
John Smith, who wrote two accounts of the colony : the True 
Relation in 1608, and 
the Generall Historie in 
1624. In the latter he 
relates what was en- 
tirely omitted in the 
earlier story, how when 
he was a prisoner the 
Indians were about to 
beat out his brains ; 
how Pocahontas (then 
a child of ten or twelve 
years), daughter of 
the great " Weroance " 
Powhatan, sprang be- 
tween him and the 
club and saved his life. 
Whether this story be 
true or imagined, the 
courage and spirit of 
Smith are undeniable. He alternately pacified and fought the 
Indians ; he found supplies, explored the country, and was the 
principal man in the little government. 

The beginnings of Virginia are a terrible tragedy of famine, 
desperation, and death ; of 630 early colonists 570 died in 
the first two and a half years. Yet its founders did not lose 
courage ; and the company reorganized in 1609, and secured a 




Powhatan's Lodgk, WYl. 
From Smith's Generall Historie,l62i. 



48 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

second charter, granting a distinct territory, two hundred miles 
each way along the coast from Old Point Comfort and "all 
that Space and Circuit of Land, lying from the Sea Coast of 
the Precinct aforesaid, up into the Land throughout from Sea 
to Sea, West and Northwest." The local government, how- 
ever, was a mere tyranny — under the fierce Governor Dale 
the colonists were little better than slaves. In 1612, by a third 
and last charter, the company was reorganized and received 
larger powers of control of its own affairs. 

The turn of the tide came in 1616, when Dale departed and 
when the company began to assign definite tracts of land to 
the settlers, in strips fronting on the tide rivers, so that they 
had water communication with one another and with the rest 
of the Avorld. Sassafras was a valued export; and in 1615 
began the export of tobacco, then sold for three shillings a 
pound. 

Yet in 1619, after at least £100,000 had been spent, there 
were only 400 colonists in Virginia. When the London Com- 
29. Vir- pany (then often called the Virginia Company) came 
toth^^ro^ under the control of liberal and public-spirited men, 
(1619-1650) headed by Sir Edwin Sandys, they instructed their gov- 
ernor in Virginia to summon a popular assembly — the first 
free representative government iipon the western continent. 
Accordingly twenty -two " burgesses," elected from the various 
settlements of Virginia, met in the church at Jamestown in 
July, 1619, and drew up numerous laws for the colony. In 
1621, by the so-called " Sandys constitution," this assembly 
was formally recognized. The year 1619 also marks the be- 
ginning of colonial slavery. A Dutch man-of-war in Virginia 
exchanged twenty negro slaves for provisions; and thus began 
a new source of labor for the cultivation of tobacco, which 
quickly became almost the sole industry of Virginia. 

In 1623 the Indians rose and killed nearly 350 settlers ; and 
the tragedy gave point to enemies of the colony in England, who 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 i^ 

assailed it as a swampy, pestilential, ill-housed, and dreary 
place, where " tobacco only was the business," where of 10,000 
colonists only 2000 were left alive. In vain did the company 
defend its management, which was manfully working to over- 
come the disadvantages. King James I. disliked the company, 
and in 1624, by the judgment of the Court of the King's Bench, 
the Virginia charters were held null and void. As for land 
titles, all grants already made to individuals were held good ; 
and the right to make new grants within the boundaries of the 
old charter practically passed to the royal governor. 

Under Charles I., who became king in 1625, nominally 
the only government left to Virginia was the will of the 
king; but practically the administration went on under royal 
governors acting under instructions, with meetings of elected 
assemblies. By 1650 Virginia numbered about 15,000 people. 

The second English colony in America was made by exiles 

cast off by their own country. During the reign of Elizabeth 

there grew up within the established Church of England 30. Puri- 

a body of so-called Puritans, who felt that the Reforma- xff^ ^ 

•J ' Pilgrims 

tion had not gone far enough; and out of the Puritans (1604-1620) 
arose a body of " Separatists," later called Independents, who 
would not remain in that church. Soon after James I. came 
to the throne in 1603, he declared, " I shall make them -con- 
forme themselves, or I will harrie them out of the land, 
or else do worse." Thereupon many Puritan ministers were 
deprived of their right to hold services ; congregations of 
Separatists at Scrooby and Austerfield in the east of England 
were broken up; and by 1608 about three hundred of these 
people took refuge in Holland, mostly in Leyden. 

A God-fearing and industrious folk, the exiles (by this time 
often called Pilgrims) found themselves strangers in Holland, 
and feared that their children would not hold to their faith. 
Under the advice of their pastor. Rev. John Robinson, 
about two hundred of the Pilgrims made up their minds to 



50 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

seek a place of settlement in America. Their friends in Eng- 
land lent them about £5000, and they got from the London 
Company a patent for lands to be located somewhere within 
the general bounds of the second charter of that company. 




The Ship Mayflower. 
From a model in the National Museum, Washington. 

The transfer to the new world was long and tedious. In 

July, 1620, a part of the Leyden congregation set sail from 

31. Settle- Delfshaven to Southampton; and of these about a hun- 

Piymouth ^^^^ ^^^^ *^^® harbor of Plymouth (September G, 1620) on 

(1620-1640) the ship Mayflower, bound for the Hudson River country. 

After three months of stormy voyage they found themselves, 

perhaps by the bad faith of the shiit's ca]>taiu, hundreds of 

miles east of their desired harbor, just oif Cape (Jod, which 

was part of the territory of the old I'lymouth Company, and 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 51 

in a region already named New England. Inasmuch, as they 
had no patent from the Plymouth Company, the Pilgrims 
were under no fixed government ; therefore, on board the May- 
flower (November 11, 1620), they drew up a brief "combination," 
or "compact," by which they agreed to organize as a "civil 
body politic" for their government after they should land; 
and they chose John Carver to be governor. 

After exploring the coast the Pilgrims decided to settle on 
the bay already called Plymouth Harbor, and landed December 
11, 1620 (December 21, new style), near a great bowlder Bradford, 
now called Plymouth Rock, "among diverse cornfeilds, „, P^"'^!^ 
& litle Tuning brooks." The season was cruelly hard, loe 

and during the first winter half the number died from cold, 
poor food, and other hardships. Their pluck was decisive ; 
the next season others came out, and thenceforward the little 
colony prospered. The Indians in the neighborhood were 
few, and the colony's military chieftain, Miles Standish, 
defended it well. 

Plymouth remained almost an independent little republic. 
The people secured a patent for their land in 1621, and in twelve 
years paid their debt due in England, out of their fishery 
and Indian trading business. Under the prudent administra- 
tion of William Bradford, governor for thirty years, they set 
up the first town meetings in America, and later organized a 
representative assembly (1639). To the end of its existence 
in 1691, the colony never had a charter or a royal governor. 
Yet it hardly knew internal strife; it was at peace with its 
neighbors; it showed that Englishmen could prosper in the 
cold climate of the northeastern coast; it established in the 
new world the great principle of a church free from govern- 
mental interference, and founded on the will of the members. 
Above all, the Pilgrim Fathers handed down to later gen- 
erations priceless traditions of strength, manliness, patience, 
uprightness, and confidence in God. 



52 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



The Plymouth Company of 1606 in England was reorgan- 
ized in 1620 by a new charter, under the name of the Council 
32 Settle- ^^r New England, and adopted the policy of dividing 
its lands (map, p. 45) among its own members; 



and 



ment of 

setts under some of these grants little fishing settlements were 

(1620-1635) jnade at Cape Ann, at ISTaumkeag (Salem), at Noddles 

Island (East Boston), and at Shawmut (Boston). 

New conditions in Eng- 
land now led to a third 

permanent North American 

colony. The new king, 

Charles I., plunged into 

bitter quarrels with the 

Puritans and with Farlia- 




Early New England Settlements. 
ment. Some merchants and country gentlemen, most of them 
Puritans who still accepted the service and authority of the 
Church of England, got a land patei^t from the New England 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1G07-1G60 53 

Council. Then in 1629 they seenred a royal charter, issued to 
the " Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in 
New England," covering the tract between a line three miles 
north of the Merriraac, and a line three miles south of Massa- 
chusetts Bay and the Charles River, and reaching westward 
to the South Sea (Pacific Ocean). Within the company the 
assistants (directors) and freemen (stockholders) could create 
ofiicers and make laws not contrary to the laws of England. 

The royal charter did not require the company to have its 
headquarters in England, and by an "Agreement" made at 
Cambridge, England (August 26, 1629), fifteen members under 
took to go to Massachusetts. The company then voted "to 
transfer the government of the Plantation [colony] to those 
that shall inhabit it" — that is, they carried the parchment 
charter to Massachusetts, and exercised its privileges thousands 
of miles away from the too inquisitive English government. 

In 1630 a thousand people crossed to Massachusetts ; among 
them a dozen or so " freemen," or stockholders of the company, 
who set the government of the colony in motion by electing 
John Winthrop governor. The colonial government thus 
formed found already in existence the little towns of Roxbury, 
Dorchester, Charlestown, Boston, and Watertown, each of 
which had established a town government and begun to legis- 
late for itself. These little undeveloped republics easily 
yielded to the superior authority of the colony in general 
measures, and accepted its right to create or alter forms of 
town government. Although the royal government was furi- 
ous at the transfer of the charter, the colony grew rapidly, 
and in ten years increased to nearly fifteen thousand people. 
In 1635 the New England Council of 1620 gave up its charter, 
and the royal government made an unsuccessful effort to cancel 
the Massachusetts charter also. 

With a strong backing in money, colonists, and protection 
through the Parliamentary leaders in England, Massachusetts 



r>4 COLONIAL ENGLLSH.MEX 

had au opportunity to work out several important experiments 
in government. 

33. Ex- 0-) "^^^^ colony was based on a written charter, which 

ample of formed a constitution suited to government on the spot, 

Massacbu- 

Betts in '^'1^1 was supplemented by a little code of laws called the 

government u j^^jy ^f Liberties," enacted by the General Court in 1641. 

(2) A popular government was built up. The governor 
was elected every year by the freemen of the company, and 
so were the assistants (originally a board of directors of the 
company). In 1634 the towns began to send " committees," 
or delegates, to the General Court (originally the stockholders' 
meeting) and thus established a representative government, in 
which the assistants remained as an upper house. In practice 
this was not a very democratic system, since freemen had to 
be church members, and hardly one adult male immigrant in 
eight was admitted as a freeman. 

(3) Government and religion were closely united. In their 
political thought the colonists were much influenced by John 
Calvin, the great Genevan divine and statesman. The Puri- 
tans very speedily abandoned the prayer book and the episco- 
pal authority of the Church of England, and set up independent 
churches which called themselves "Congregational"; and the 
ministers, who were supported by public taxation, had remark- 
able influence in public affairs. One of them said that the 
proper government is that "in which men of God are consulted 
in all hard cases and in matters of religion." 

Massachusetts developed statesmen of whom the best ex- 
ample was John Winthrop, an English country squire by birth, 

34. Win- imbued with a strong sense of duty, living like a gentle- 
^^°F ^^^ "^''^^ ^^ ^ S^*^^^ house, with plenty of servants. Winthrop 
nomians gave form to the commonwealth, regulated legislation, 
11636-1637) and stood as long as he could for aristocratic government; 

but in the end he yielded graciously to the democracy. He 
was thirteen times elected governor of Massachusetts Bay. 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 



>5 



The colony, led by men like "Winthrop, sternly repressed 
people who differed from the established religion, or too much 
criticised the clergy. In 1636 Mrs. Anne Hutchinson of Bos- 
ton, and others, who were called " Antinomians " (i.e. people 
not living by the letter of the law of God), set up the doctrine 
of the "covenant of 
grace," or special pos- 
session of the inspiration 
of God ; and they as- 
serted that most of the 
Boston ministers were 
under a "covenant of 
works," that is, were 
trying to be saved by 
religious observances. 
Then Mrs. Hutchinson 
began to hold women's 
meetings to discuss and 
to criticise the latest 
sermon — perhaps the 
first woman's club in 
America. She was tried 
for heresy, dismissed 
from the church, and ordered to leave the colony (1637). 
This act of religious intolerance can not be denied or de- 
fended, and is in marked contrast with the gentler spirit of 
the people of Plymouth. 

Hardly had Massachusetts been settled, when a southern 
colony was chartered under Catholic influence. In 1632 King 
Charles granted to George Calvert, Lord Baltimore (soon 35. Settle- 
succeeded by his son Cecil, the second Lord Baltimore), a MS'vland 
charter for a colony called Maryland after Queen Henrietta (1632-1660) 
Maria. It was bounded on the north by the " 40th degree," on 
the east by Delaware Bay and the ocean, on the south by the 




John Winthrop, about 1628. 

Ascribed to Van Dyck. Dress of the 
Puritan gentleman. 



56 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



Potomac, and on the west by a meridian line drawn through 
the source of the Potomac. 

This charter was of a new type, for both the land and the 
powers of government were transferred to Calvert as a "pro- 
prietary " : he had author- 




Orioinal Extknt of Maryland. 
Dotted lines are present state boundaries. 



ity to make laws for the 
colony, provided the free- 
men of the colony as- 
sented. Although not 
distinctly so stated in the 
charter, it was understood 
that Catholics would be 
allowed in the province; 
and in 1634 a body of col- 
onists, both Catholic and 
Protestant, settled first at 
St. Marys and then else- 
where. The Baltimore family was rich and powerful, and 
sent out many emigrants ; the soil was fertile, tobacco soon 
became the main industry, and slaves were introduced. 

The first excitement of early Maryland history was a contro- 
versy over Kent Island in Chesapeake Bay, with William (^lay- 
bourne, who had settled it under a grant from Virginia; and a 
little civil war was necessary to displace him. In an early 
contest with tlic pnijuiptoi' tlie assoiiii)ly successfully asserted 
its right to initiate laws. The most significant statute was 
the Toleration Act of 1640, which distinctly declared that 
"no person . . . professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall 
from henceforth be any waiea molested, or discountenanced . . . 
for his religion nor in tlio free exercise thereof." Under this 
act, neither Catholics nor Protestants could be persecuted for 
their faith; but Protestant settlers already outnumbered the 
Catholics, and with the arrival of new settlers the colony 
speedily became distinctly Protestant in feeling. 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 57 

The next impulse of colonization was on the Connecticut 
River, where several currents of settlement ran together. 

(1) The Dutch built a fort, called " Good Hope," on the 

. . 36. Settle- 

Connecticut in 1623, and continued to hold it thirty years. ment of 

(2) The Plymouth people established a post at Windsor °°°an?N^w 
in 1633. (3) In 1631 the Council for New England Haven 
granted to Lord Say and Seal and others a tract on 

Long Island Sound, under which a settlement was made at Say- 
brook in 1635. (4) The principal settlements were made by 
some of the people of Roxbury and Newtown, now Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, headed by Rev. Thomas Hooker. In 1635 and 
1636 they made their way across country and founded on tha. 
Connecticut River the towns of Hartford (alongside the Dutch 
fort), Windsor (unceremoniously annexed from Plymouth), and 
Wethersfield. Soon they cut loose from Massachusetts; and 
in January, 1639, feeling the need of a common government, 
representatives of these three little towns met at Hartford 
and drew up the "Fundamental Orders of Connecticut," the 
first detailed constitution made by a self-governing American 
community for itself. 

Meantime the colony of New Haven was forming in like 
manner out of separate communities : Southold and other towns 
on Long Island ; Milford, Guilford, and Stamford ; and espe- 
cially the town of New Haven, founded in 1638, by Theophilus 
Eaton and Rev. John Davenport. In 1643 these little towns 
united in a common colonial assembly. 

The settlement of the Connecticut valley was interrupted 
by an Indian war in 1637. The Pequots, a large and warlike 
tribe, grew threatening as they saw their hunting grounds in- 
vaded by the English. Captain John Mason, of Connecticut, 
with 90 armed white men and 400 Narragansetts, attacked the 
Pequots not far from the present Stonington, Connecticut; 
and stormed their fort. As the chronicler puts it, " Downe Contempo- 
fell men, women, and children, those that scaped us, fell Taries,1.444 



58 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



into the hands of the Indians, that were in the reere of ns 
. . . not above five of them escaped out of our hands." This 
cruel and merciless massacre terrified the remnants of the tribe, 
and gave peace for nearly forty years. 







Pequot Fort, destroyed in 1637. 
Contemporary plan of the attack by whites and Indians. 

Just outside the charter limits of Massachusetts another 

new colony was founded in 1636. The leading spirit was 

37 Settle- Roger Williams, a graduate of Oxford, who for two 

ment of years was minister at Plymouth, and then became a 

iBland minister at Salem. Williams laid down what seems 

(1636-1660) now the obvious doctrine that the civil government has 

nothing to do with religious acts, and that every one should 

have liberty to worship God in the light of his own conscience. 

For his denial of the right of any government to prescribe 

religious beliefs for its citizens, Williams was banished from 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1G60 59 

Massachusetts (January, 1636). He betook himself to what 
was then the wilderness of Narragansett Bay, where he 
secured a tract of land from the Indians, by friendly agree- 
ment, and founded the town of Providence. Two years later 
he alarmed and grieved his neighbors in Massachusetts by 
formally going over to the Baptist Church, which was bitterly 
persecuted both in England and in the colonies. 

Around Narragansett Bay other exiles from Massachusetts 
made little settlements in 1638 : the town of Warwick on the 
mainland, Portsmouth (founded by Mrs. Anne Hutchinson) 
and Newport on the island of Rhode Island. In 1644 the 
Earl of Warwick, in behalf of Parliament, gave a patent 
to the "Providence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in 
New England," under which, in 1647, were loosely united 
under one government the four little settlements of Provi- 
dence, Newport, Portsmouth, and Warwick. The little group 
of settlements attracted immigrants by its favorable situation; 
it even tolerated the Church of England ; it had a prosperous 
commerce, a tumultuous assembly, elected its own governor, 
and was heartily disliked by its neighbors. 

The settlements north of Massachusetts were obstructed by 
rival French claims, and hampered by a succession of con- 
fused and conflicting grants made by the Plymouth Com- 38. New 

pany and its successor the Council for New England. Ha,nipshire 
r J & and Maine 

John Wheelwright, a Boston minister, adopted the (1620-1650) 
"Antinomian" doctrines, and was disfranchised and banished; 
a little company of Massachusetts people, who had already set- 
tled north of the Merrimac at Exeter without a grant, begged him 
to come and be their minister (1638). Other little towns were 
speedily settled in what is now New Hampshire, and formed a 
sort of confederation, not unlike the governments of Rhode 
Island and New Haven. Massachusetts claimed the territory; 
and within five years the people accepted her jurisdiction, and 
remained a part of that colony most of the time to 1691. 
hart's amer. hist. — 4 



60 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

One of the members of the Plymouth Company, Ferdinando 
Gorges, made several efforts to build up a colony in Maine, and 
in 1G31 founded the " City of Againenticus " (York) ; but 
Massachusetts annexed this and other little settlements on 
the northern coast in 1G52. 

Immigration into the colonies and especially into New Eng- 
land was suddenly checked by alarming difficulties in England. 
After fifteen years of struggle with the king, the Puritans 
nial gov- and Separatists at last got the upper hand in the " Long 

ernment Parliament," which met in 1640. In 1642 a civil war 

under Par- ' 

liameu* oroke out, the result of which was that, in 1649, the army 

(1643-1656) ^j^^jgj. Oliver Cromwell became the virtual government 
of England, and Charles I. was executed. The Independents 
(substantially the same as the New England Congregation- 
alists or Separatists) now became the controlling power ; and 
the army, which was strongly Independent, supported Cromwell 
as "Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland " from 1653 to his death in 1658. 

The colonists were left mostly to themselves during the 
early part of this period of confusion. Cromwell, however, de- 
veloped a strong and consistent colonial policy. (1) In 1651 
he secured the first navigation act for protecting English colo- 
nial trade by excluding foreign shipping — a measure directed 
against the Dutch. (2) He sent out a fleet in 1652, which 
compelled Maryland and Virginia to submit to the authority 
of Parliament. Hostilities broke out in Maryland between 
the Puritans and the Catholics, but the Puritans triumphed. 
(3) Cromwell attacked the colonies of Holland and Spain, com- 
pelling the Dutch at last to withdraw from Hartford, and 
thereby practically to give up all claims to the Connecticut 
valley ; and in 1655 Jamaica was taken from Spain and 
added to the previous group of English West India islands. 

The pressure of the Indians and the Dutch, and the confu- 
dion in England, led Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 61 

and Xew Haven, in 1643, to unite in a colonial union called 
the United Colonies of New England — the first of its kind 
and the prototype of our present federal union. The .^ „ 
" Articles of Confederation," under which the union England 
was formed, was a little constitution, creating a govern- ^j^j^ (i643- 
ment of two commissioners from each colony, " being all 1655) 

in Church fellowship with us," and any six of the eight agree- 
ing could bind all the colonies, although Massachusetts had 
more people than the other three colonies together. The 
Articles provided for common meetings and for common action 
" in generall cases of a civill nature " ; and provided for the 
return of fugitives, servants, and prisoners. 

This confederation stood for more than forty years, and by 
its united front rendered large service to the colonies ; it con- 
cerned itself with the general improvement of the people ; it 
made boundary settlements with the Dutch ; it repeatedly 
checked the Narragansett Indians ; it even corresponded with, 
the French governor of Acadia. Once Massachusetts flatly 
denied the right of the six commissioners from the other 
colonies to control it (1653), and threatened secession ; but 
peace and concord were restored. 

Among the new sects which sprang up in England was that 
of the Friends (commonly called Quakers), founded in 1648 
by George Fox as a protest against all religious forms, 41. The 
ceremonies, and government. They used plain speech, episode 

were rigid in their costumes, had no regular ministers, (1648-1660) 
and would not take oaths nor use force, even in defense of 
their country. Though a folk of singularly blameless lives, 
they were harassed in England. When two modest and God- 
fearing Quaker women reached Boston, their doctrines were 
officially declared to be " heretical, blasphemous, and devilish." 

Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Plymouth, as well as Mary- 
land and Virginia, hastened to pass laws for the severe punish- 
ment of Quakers and " ranters," and prohibited the circulation 



62 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

of their books; but mild punishments did not keep them 
out, nor even condemnations to be sold as slaves. In 1660 
four of them were executed in Boston ; and this rigor so 
shocked the sense of the community that a new law was 
passed abolishing the death penalty against the Quakers, but 
still banishing them. The Quaker episode is a proof that the 
good and pure principles of the Puritans did not keep the 
community from tyranny and stupid cruelty. The Quakers 
neither harmed nor seriously threatened the good order of 
the colonists; they were persecuted because they ventured 
to differ from the usual religious and political practices. 



The English settlements in America in the first half of the 
seventeenth century are the foimdation of the present United 
42. Sum- States, and were made under circumstances favorable to 
mary ^jg]-, civic spirit. By the theory of English law the lands 

in America were the personal possessions of the crown, to be 
granted and to be governed according to the king's will ; and 
both James I. and Charles I. had no larger thought than to 
please their favorites with immense grants of territory ; and 
they put out of their own hands all direct colonial government, 
except in Virginia after 1624. 

The original plan was to colonize through great companies, 
which were to find their profit in disposing of the lands and in 
trade ; but the early corporations broke down. The London 
Company's Virginia charters were annulled in 1624. The 
Plymouth Company in its two forms of 1606 and 1620 practi- 
cally did nothing but make land grants. The Massachusetts 
charter of 1629, however, was transferred to the actual settlers, 
and became the constitution of a nearly independent common- 
wealth. In Maryland there was a new form of proprietary 
colonial grant in 1632 ; but the people obtained a share in their 
own government. In Maine, New Hampshire, Plymouth, 
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Haven, colonies were 



THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1007-1(5(30 63 

founded without royal charters, and almost without royal con- 
trol. This growth of self-governing colonies was in striking 
contrast to the policy of Spain and France. Both those 
powers looked on their colonies as existing for the benefit of 
the home country ; and the Spanish and French colonies were 
governed by laws sent out for them from Europe, or made by 
people sent to America to carry out the will of the authorities 
at home. 

The great lesson of this early English colonization is that 
men of the English race were able 'to adapt themselves to new 
and unforeseen conditions. The colonists made local govern- 
ments for themselves, founded representative colonial govern- 
ments, and even set up a remarkable federation, during the 
confusion caused by the civil war in England. 

TOPICS 

(1) Compile a list of American colonizing companies chartered by Suggestive 
the crown. (2) Why did the Popham colony fail ? (3) Give a topics 
description of the weroance Powhatan. (4) Did the Indians check 
the growth of Virginia ? (5) Was the court justified in annulling 
the charters of Virginia in 1624? (6) What were the religious 
principles of the Independents ? (7) Why did Charles I. so readily 
grant a charter for Massachusetts Bay ? (8) Why were the 
Plymouth Company and the Council for New England failures ? 
(9) Were the ministers wise guides in Massachusetts ? (10) Was 
Roger Williams dangerous to the peace of Massachusetts ? 
(11) Why did not Spain uproot the colony of Virginia ? (12) What 
did " West and Northwest" mean in the Virginia charter of 1609? 
(13) Tobacco culture. (14) Doctrines of the Quakers offensive to 
the Puritans. 

(15) Life in Jamestown. (16) Did Pocahontas save John Search 
Smith's life? (17) The first Virginia assembly. (18) The voyage topics 
of the Mayflower. (19) The Pilgrims and the Indians. (20) Trial 
of Anne Hutchinson. (21) Banishment of Rev. John Wheelwright. 

(22) The interest of the New England Confederation in education. 

(23) Was Claybourne entitled to Kent Island ? (24) Cromwell's 
interest in the American colonies. (25) Precise date of the land- 
ing of the Pilgrims. 



G4 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 45, 52, 50 ; St luple, Geographic Conditions, 19-35 ; 
Tyler, England in America ; Epoch Maps, no. 3. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 28-34, 48-08 ; Fi.sher, Colonial Era, 30- 
49, 02-71, 82-140, 177-187 ; Lodge, English Colonies, chs. i. ill. 
xviii.-xxi. passim ; Tyler, England in America ; Fiske, Old Vir- 
ginia, I. 41-318, — Beginnings of Neio England, 50-198; Doyle, 
English in America, I. 101-229, 275-313, II. 11-319, III. 98-114 ; 
Wilson, American People, I. 34-08, 74-218 ; Gay, Bryant's His- 
tory, I. 202-338, 370-428,470-558, II. 1-114, 105-228,373-379; 
Adams, Three Episodes ; Eggleston, Beginners of a Natioii, 25- 
349 ; Bruce, Virginia, I. 1-188 ; VVeeden, New England, I. 23-46 ; 
Mereness, Maryland ; Warner, Captain John Smith ; Browne, 
George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert ; Twichell, John Winthrop ; 
Walker, Thomas Hooker ; Straus, Roger Williams. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 5, 8, 10, 13-21, — Contemporaries, I. 
§§ 49-142 passim, — -Source Readers, I. §§ 10-12, 20, 34-^0, 45-48, 
57-00 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 1-21 ; American History 
Leaflets, nos. 7, 10, 25, 27, 29, 31 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 7, 8, 
48-51, 53-55, 66, 77, 87, 93, 121 ; Caldwell, Survey, 13, 29-32 ; 
Arber, Pilgrim Fathers; Bradford, Plimoth Plantation; Win- 
throp, New England. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 
297-SO^, — Historical Sources, §§ 69-71. 

Longfellow, Courtship of Miles Staudish, — John Endicott; 
Wbittier, John Underhill, — The Exiles, — Banished from Massa- 
chusetts, — King''s 3Iissive ; Mary Johnston, T"') Have and to Hold 
(Va.) ; J. E. Cooke, 3Iy Lady Pokahontas, — Stories of the Old 
Dominion, 1-04; J. G. Austin, Standish of Standish, — Betty 
Alden (Plymouth) ; L. M. Child, Hobomok (Plymouth) ; Motley, 
Merry Mount ; Hawthorne, Maypole of Merry Mount, — Endicott 
and the Bed Cross, — The Gentle Boy (Quakers), — Grandfather's 
Chair, pt. i. chs. i.-vii. ; F. J. Stimson, King Noanett (Mass. and 
Va.) ; J. G. Holland, Bay Path (Connecticut valley) ; B. M. Dix, 
Making of Christopher Ferringham (Quaker) ; L. M. Thurston, 
Mistress Brent (.Md.) ; M. V/. Goodwin, Sir Christopher (Md.). 

Winsor, America, III. ; Wilson, American People, I. 



CHAPTER IV. 

RIVALS OF ENGLAND, AND THE GREAT WEST (1603-1689) 

Side by side with the English colonies grew up French 
settlements on the north, and Dutch posts in the center, which 




New France and New Netherland. 
contested with the English the control of the seaboard and 
the best routes into the interior. Under their brilliant ^g French 
king Henry IV. the French revived their American settlements 
claims (§ 21), and in 1603 he issued a royal patent, with a 
aiouopoly of the fur ti'ade, to the Sieur de Monts for the territory 

66 



(1603-1632) 



66 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



between the 40th and 4Gth degrees of latitude, under the name 
of Acadie. 

De Monts made temporary settlements at the island of 
St. Croix, in Passamaquoddy Bay (1604), and at Port Royal, 
later Annapolis; his agent Samuel de Champlain established 
the first permanent French settlement in North America at 
Quebec (1608). Champlain was the most brilliant and most 
successful of French explorers and colonists. Soon after his 

arrival he and a 
body of Algon- 
quin Indians went 
to the lake now 
called by his 
name, where they 
fell in with a 
party of fierce and 
hostile Iroquois. 
Cham plain's fire- 
arms quickly dis- 
persed the stran- 




Champlain defeating the luoguois, 1609. 
From Champlain's Voyages, 1613. 



gers in a panic, and he thus laid the foundations of hatred and 
dreadful warfare between the French and the Five Nations. 
In 1611 he founded Montreal, and a few years later was the first 
European to reach the shores of Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. 
A settlement made by Jesuits on the island of Mount Desert 
in 1613 was forthwith the scene of the first armed conflict be- 
tween the French and the English on American soil, for Cap- 
tain Argall of Virginia descended upon it and carried away the 
settlers. A few years later England went so far, during a war 
between England and France, as to capture Port Royal and 
Quebec. Nevertheless, in 1632, by the treaty of St. Germain, 
the first European agreement as to American boundaries, the 
English formally acknowledged the rightful title of France to 
"New France, Acadia (Acadie), and Canada" (that is, to the 



RIVALS OF p:ngland 



67 



present Nova Scotia and the lower St. Lawrence valley, with 
the country between) ; in return they were to be undisturbed 
in their Plymouth and Massachusetts settlements. 

Another competitor for the best part of North America 
appeared on the middle Atlantic coast. The Dutch republic 
had now become one of the principal naval and commer- ^^ Dutch 

cial powers of Europe: and a truce with Spain (1609) settlements 

., . ■. f • xj TT J (1609-1630) 

gave it an opportunity for new expansion. Henry Hud- 
son, an Englishman in the Dutch service, in 1609 rediscovered 
New York Harbor, followed the East River to the entrance of 
Long Island Sound, and explored the Hudson River, thus giv- 
ing to the Dutch a presumptive right to the neighboring region. 

Accordingly the United New Netherland Company of traders 
built the trading post of New Amsterdam on the site of the 
present city of New York in 1614. The principal source of 
profit was the fur trade, which came chiefly through the 
usually friendly Iroquois. 

The first permanent town on Manhattan Island was Fort 
Amsterdam, enlarged from the earlier post by Governor Peter 
Minuit in 1626. The new Dutch West India Company, which 
received a monopoly of the Dutch trade in America in 1621, 









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^H^^--=;^=s^^=^==^^^s^^S^^fc 


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New Amsterdam, 1656. (From a drawing by H. Block.) 

laid a broad foundation for this colony of New Netherland by 
planting little trading posts on the Connecticut, on Long Island, 
up the "North River" (Hudson) at Albany (Fort Orange, 
1623), and on the " South River " (Delaware). A change 



68 COLON I Al. ENGLISHMEN 

in the Dutch policy came in 1620, when, by a Charter of 
Privileges, great land grants were assigned to Dutch ''par 
troons," gentlemen who brought out their own settlers, and 
established a kind of feudal system. Other people came in, 
and before long eighteen languages were spoken in the little 
town, again called New Amsterdam. 

Meantime a rival power had acquired the Delaware region. 
In 1638 a Swedish royal colony of Swedes and Finns settled 

45. The on the lower Delaware, near Fort Christina (Wilmington). 

Dutch and rjij^g colony was not well supported by the home country, 

U638-1655) and in 1655 it was seized by the Dutch Governor Stuy- 
vesant. "While this struggle was going on, in the general Eu- 
ropean peace of "Westphalia (1648) Spain had at last admitted 
the independence of the Dutch, including their American colo- 
nies of Guiana and New Netherland. 

English, French, and Dutch alike speedily learned that the 

way from the coast to the interior with its valuable furs was 

__ held by the powerful confederacy of the Five Nations of 

Five Iroquois — the Mohawks, Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas, 

* ^°^^ and Senecas. Their territory stretched along central 
New York in a succession of towns made up of log cabins 
called " long houses." Though they never numbered more than 
ten thousand people, of whom two thousand or three thousand 
were warriors, their war parties were a terror as far east as 
Boston, as far south as "Virginia, and as far Avest as Illinois. 
Constantly reduced by desperate fighting and disease, they kept 
up their numbers by adopting prisoners. Their internal or- 
ganization was weak, for there was only a loose confederation 
between the tribes; if the young men wanted to go to war, 
they made up a pai'ty, including members of one or all the 
tribes, and went their way. 

The worst enemies of the Iroquois were their own fierce- 
ness, disease, and the white man's rum. They suffered fear- 
fully from smallpox, which ran its course till often whole 



RIVALS OF ENGLAND 69 

villages were depopulated. As to the effects of liquor, an eye- 
witness says : " They were all lustily drunk, raving, Contempo- 
striking, shouting, jumping, fighting each other, and raries, 1.589 
foaming at the mouth like raging wild beasts. And this was 
caused by Christians ! " 

While the Dutch were pushing into the central coast, the 
French were steadily developing the St. Lawrence basin, but 
they avoided Lake Erie, which was flanked by the Five 47 open- 

ISTations. In 1634 Jean Nicolet followed up the Ottawa '^S of ^^^ 

St. Law- 
River, crossed to Georgian Bay, and passed through rence basin 

upper Lake Huron to the Sault Ste. Marie and the (1634-1669) 
Strait of Mackinac ; he was the first European on Lake Michi- 
gan. The Catholic missionaries speedily followed, and outran 
the traders in zeal and courage. The Iroquois followed their 
French enemies northward, exterminated the Hurons because 
they were friendly to the French, and martyred the mission- 
aries (1649). In 1665 Lake Superior was discovered by the 
missionary Father Allouez, and before long French traders 
discovered an overland route from Lake Superior to Hudson 
Bay. Missions were soon after established at Sault Ste. Marie, 
at Mackinac, and at St. Xavier, on Green Bay. 

Meanwhile the Jesuit missionaries were making heroic, 
though on the whole unavailing, efforts to Christianize the 
Iroquois. Father Isaac Jogues's account of his experience Contempo- 
as a prisoner gives a frightful picture of his captors, who ^"■^^^^' ■'• ^^^ 
seemed to him like demons ; they leaped upon him like Jesuits 

wild beasts, tore out his nails, and crunched his fingers with 
their teeth ; his attendant Hurons were tortured on a scaf- 
fold in the midst of the Iroquois village ; yet the heroic priest 
" began to instruct them separately on the articles of the faith, 
then on the very stage itself baptized two with raindrops gathered 
from the leaves of a stalk of Indian corn." Rescued by the 
Dutch, this brave and self-sacrificing man returned and plunged 
a second time into that misery, and died a martyr's death. 



EIVALS OF ENGLAND 71 

On the upper lakes the French heard vaguely of a great 
south-flowing river, the " Missipi " or " Mich sipi," " Big 
Water," which they supposed to flow into the Gulf of 43 discov- 
California. The first man to form an intelligent plan eryofthe 
of reaching the great river was Robert Cavalier, com- sissippi 
monly called La Salle, a French nobleman who, in 1669, (1669-1680; 
went west as far as Lake Erie, which had just been traversed 
for the first time by. a white man, the trapper Joliet. La Salle 
then disappeared southward, and reached a large river, the 
Wabash, or perhaps the Ohio (1670) ; but returned to Montreal, 
unable t.o push farther west by that route. 

Before La Salle could gather his resources to start again, 
the Mississippi had been reached, under the direction of Fronte- 
nac, the new governor of Canada. In 1673 the missionary 
Father Marquette, accompanied by Joliet, passed through 
Green Bay, up the Fox River, across the easy portage of two 
miles, and down the Wisconsin, till (June 17) they entered a 
mighty stream, which Marquette called the River Immaculate 
Conception. They found very deep water, saw prairies extend- 
ing east and west, and discovered quantities of fish, turkeys, 
and buffalo. League after league they floated down the river, 
hoping to reach its mouth ; they passed the mouth of the 
Missouri, so muddy that they would not drink it. By the 
time they reached the mouth of the Arkansas they felt sure 
that they were near Spanish and hostile territory ; and there- 
fore turned back, and paddled up the Illinois River, which they 
called the Divine, and crossed over the site now occupied by 
Chicago to Lake Michigan. 

Meanwhile La Salle was made commander of Fort Frontenac 
on Lake Ontario, and he brooded over the possibilities of es- 
tablishing a trade route to the valley of the river found by Mar- 
quette. In 1678 Louis XIV. gave him a grant, authorizing him 
to make discoveries and to build forts, and a year later he 
built the Griffon, the first European vessel on Lake Erie, and 



72 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

navigated her through the chain of Great Lakes to Green Bay ; 
and thence in boats reached the river St. Joseph, near the head 
of Lake jNIichigan, where he built Fort Miamis. Crossing the 
portage to the Kankakee River, he made his way down the Illi- 
nois to a point near the present Peoria, where he built another 
fort, Cr^vecoeur, as a basis for further advance. A missionary 
friar, Father Hennepin, came out with La Salle and in 1680 was 
sent by him down the Illinois and thence np the Mississippi ; 
he was taken prisoner by the Sioux Indians, and carried to the 
falls, which Hennepin named St. Anthony, at the site of Min- 
neapolis. 

Again La Salle was obliged to return to Montreal to recruit 
his forces. When he went west a third time, in December, 
49. Discov- 1680, he found that his Fort Crevecoeur had been de- 
cry of the stroyed by Iroquois and its garrison under Tonty had dis- 
low6r Mis- 
sissippi appeared. After a hasty trip to the mouth of the Illinois 

(1680-1&87) i^g returned eastward, and then began his final and suc- 
cessful journey in 1G81. His party crossed the divide of the 
Chicago River, and floated down the Illinois, reaching the !Mis- 
sissippi February 6, 1682. Then he floated down the same 
stretch that Marquette had traversed. Soon after passing the 
mouth of the Ohio he took possession of the country with great 
ceremony, and set up the king's arms. A few days later, at 
the Chickasaw Bluffs, he founded Fort Prudhomme, 

After a few weeks he passed Marquette's farthest point. 
April 6, 168w, he arrived at a [loint where the river divides 
into three channels. As one of the party wrote : " The water 
is brackish ; after advancing two leagues it became perfectly 
salt, and advancing on, we discovered the open sea, so that . . . 
the sieur de la Salle, in the name of his majesty, took posses- 
sion of that river, of all rivers that enter it, and of all the 
country watered by them." Thus was asserted the French 
title to the magnificent valley which La Salle named Louisiana, 
in honor of the French monarch, Louis XIV. 



RIVALS OF ENGLAND 73 

On his way back La Salle founded Fort St. Louis at Starved 
Rock on the Illinois. His discovery made such an impression 
that the king sent him, in 1684, direct to the Gulf of Mexico, 
with a commission to plant a colony near the mouth of the 
Mississippi. By ill fortune he missed the river, and built 
another Fort St. Louis (1685) far west of the delta, some- 
where near Matagorda Bay. He could not find his river ; his 
men dwindled away ; and he was murdered by his own fol- 
lowers in 1687. The fort was destroyed by Indians, while the 
Spaniards from Mexico were trying to reach it, so as to destroy 
the possible germ of a French settlement. 

La Salle was a hot-headed, impetuous man, who planned 
an enterprise of colonization beyond his means and his 
power to command men; yet he felt more than any other 
Frenchman the importance of the West. He opened up a 
trade between the Lakes and the Mississippi, and between the 
upper and lower reaches of that river, and he secured for France 
a valid title to the Mississippi valley. 

The keenness of the rivalry between European nations for 

the possession of North America was shown also in the West 

Indies, where the Dutch took several islands, and estab- so. Inter- 

lished a footing on the north coast of South America. ^^*i°?al ^f- 
° lations in 

On the other hand, as will be seen in the next chapter, America 
they lost New Netherland to the English in 1664. England, 
France, and Spain were thus left sole claimants for North 
America, and for a time the English showed less aggressive- 
ness. In 1667, by the peace of Breda, the English a second 
time admitted the rights of the French to Acadia and Canada. 
By the treaty of Madrid (1670) Spain for the first time ac- 
knowledged that the English had rightful colonies in America. 
A hotly disputed territory lay about Hudson Bay, discovered 
in 1610 by Henry Hudson for the English. This bay was a back 
entrance to the fur country of the northwest, and in 1670 the 
English Hudson's Bay Company was chartered to get a foot- 



74 



COLONIAL LNOLISIIMEX 



hold there. Tlie F'rench, who saw their iiutiiopoly of the direct 
trade through the upper lakes disturbed, tried to seize Hudson 
Bay, aiid its ownership remained for many years in dispute. 

By 1689 the three great colonizing powers had developed 

their })()licies toward the native Indians, towai'd the colonists, 

51. Colo- and toward colonial trade. In all these respects Spain 

nialpoUcies ^^^^ ^j^g j^^^g^ illiberal. The natives of the West Indian 
of Euro- 
pean states islands were exterminated by the cruelty of their con- 
querors ; though on the mainland the Indians were more mildly 
treated. The Spanish colonists had no self-government, and 

were ruled by governors 
sent out from Spain, and 
their commerce was reg- 
ulated by the Casa de 
Contractacion, or House 
of Trade, at Seville. By 
a rigorous colonial sys- 
tem, the whole Spanish 
colonial trade, including 
that from the Philippines, 
was the monopoly of the 
merchants of the single port of Seville. It was concentrated 
on the Isthmus of Panama, whence year after year for more 
than two centuries sailed the " plate fleet " carrying to Spain 
gold and silver, Asiatic goods, and colonial exports. 

The French got on with the savage natives better than any 
other power, because willing to meet them halfway. They lived 
on terms of peace and almost of intimacy with their Indian sub- 
jects ; and French frontiersmen often took squaw wives. Soon 
arose a distinct class of coureurs de hois, white men and half- 
breeds who had adopted Indian dress and manner of life, 
(/'anada was substantially a big military camp, which existed 
chiefly for the fur trade: even the French permanent colonists 
were chiefly peasants, who had no ambition for self-government. 




-1 -. Ill \\ai l,s \M) (iATKWAY AT 

St. Auiiu.sTiNK. 
Probably erected in the 17th century. 



RIVALS OF ENGLAND 75 

The English despised the Indians, and eventually exter- 
minated them or took their lands. The individual colonists 
had large opportunities for making a living, were of an intelli- 
gent class, and had local self-government, which in such times 
as the English civil war amounted almost to independence. 
Down to 1689 the English colonial trade was little restricted. 
The ordinance of 1651, intended to take the carrying trade 
from the Dutch, was not enforced in America, and the colonists 
traded constantly in the French and Spanish West Indies, in 
defiance of the close colonial system of those two powers. 



From 1603 to 1689 the relations of the five powers of North 
America were gradually defined as follows : (1) The Spaniards 
held undisputed possession of Mexico and Florida. 52. Sum- 

(2) The French occupied Acadia and the St. Lawrence ^^'^ 
valley without serious opposition from any other power, and 

had established a good claim to the Mississippi valley by the 
first systematic explorations of the river : (a) the central poi-- 
tion by Marquette (1673) ; (6) the upper river by Hennepin 
(1680) ; (c) the lower river and its mouth by La Salle (1682). 

(3) The Swedes for a time had a foothold on the Delaware. 

(4) The Dutch claimed the region from the Connecticut to the 
Delaware, actually colonized the Hudson, and annexed the 
Swedish settlement on the Delaware in 1655 ; but they were 
forced out in 1664. (5) The English gradually possessed them- 
selves of the coast from South Carolina to Maine. 

As soon as they were founded, the colonies of the various 
European powers began to take part in European wars ; and 
they were directly affected by clauses in the treaties of 
St. Germain (1632), of Breda (1654), and of Madrid (1670). 
The three Eui-opean powers developed different policies toward 
their colonies — that of Spain being harsh at most points, 
that of France milder, and that of England extraordinarily 
liberal for the times. • 

hart's AMER. HIST. 6 



76 



COLONIAL ENGLLSHMEN 



TOPICS 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



Greography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



(1) On what pretext did Aigall destroy the settlement at Mount 
Desert ? (2) What was Acadia ? (li) What made the Iroquois 
so powerful ? (4) Why did the Swedish colony fail ? (5) What 
did La Salle aim to accomplish ? (6) What forts did La Salle 
found ? (7) The various names applied to the Mississippi River. 
(8) Did La Salle establish a good claim to Texas ? 

(9) Champlain's adventures in America. (10) Hudson's voy- 
age on the Half-Moon. (11) The early public buildings on Man- 
hattan Island. (12) Washington Irving's picture of the Dutch 
in New "Netherland. (13) Present relics of the patroonates. 
(14) Methods and results of the Jesuit missions. (15) Hennepin's 
claim to first discovery of the Mississippi. (16) Earliest accounts 
of the Chicago River. (17) La Salle on the Mississippi. (18) The 
Spanish plate fleets. (19) Contraband trade with the Spanish 
colonies. 

REFERENCES 

Thwaites, France in America ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 
24-31. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 13, 18-22, 83, 84, 108-110 , Lodge, English 
Colonies, 205-208, 285-294 ; Higginson, Larger History, 120-130, 
180-183 ; Larned, History for Beady Reference, I. 72, 355, 654, 
III. 2324 ; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 77-342 ; Fiske, Dutch 
and Quaker Colonies, I. 80-242, — New France and New England, 
35-132; Parkman, Pioneers of France, 229-454, — Jesuits in 
North America, — La Salle, — Old Regime, — Frontenac, 1-183, 
— Pontiac, I. 7-28, 46-68; Gay, Bryant's History, I. 339-369, 
429-475, n. 115-164, 229-240, 499-532 ; Sedgwick, Samuel de 
Champlain ; Thwaites, Father Marquette. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 6, 36, — Contemporaries, I. §§ 37-43, 
150-159, 109-171, — ^S'ojn-ce Readers, I. §§ 47, 59, 65; Old South 
Leaflets, nos. 46, 69, 91, 94, 96; MacDonald, Select Charters, 
no. 9 ; Higginson, American Explorers, 269-307. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' A&s'n, Syllabus, 309, 310, 315, — Historical Sources, § 68. 

Whittier, St. John ; Stedman, Peter StuyvesanVs New Year's 
Call ; E. P. Tenney, Constance of Acadia ; M. H. Catherwood, 
Lady of Fort St. John, — Story of Tonty, — Romance of Bollard 
(Canada) ; A. C. Doyle, Refugees (Canada) ; E. E. Green, Young 
Pioneers (La Salle) ; Irving, Knickerbocker's History of New 
York ; J. K. Paulding, Konigsmarke (Swedes). 

Winsor, America, IV. ; Wilson, American People, I. 



CHAPTER V. 
EXPANSION OF THE ENGLISH COLONIES, 1660-1689 

Cromwell's death in 1658 caused the downfall of the Eng- 
lish Commonwealth, and King Charles II. entered London in 
1660. The colonies fell back into the hands of the crown, =» -- 

which established a series of colonial councils, eventually Restoration 
called Lords of Trade. Parliament, as a part of its colonies 
general power to regulate the trade of the empire, in (1660-1663) 
1660 and 1672 renewed, with additions, the earlier navigation 
ordinance (§ 39), so as to direct colonial commerce through 
English ports for the profit of the English merchant. 

Massachusetts, governing herself under her charter of 1629, 
had been since 1643 all but independent ; she had even estab- 
lished a mint and coined "pine-tree shillings." The English 
government rated the colony soundly for this coinage ; and 
required that people who were not members of .the Congre- 
gational Church be permitted to vote and to hold office, and 
that the services of the Church of England be allowed. The 
colony also had to repeal its anti-Quaker laws, and the public 
insanity on that subject gradually came to an end. 

The king smiled upon Connecticut, and in 1662 granted a 
favorable charter, — the first charter the colony ever had, — 
with bounds extending to the South Sea. New Haven was ' 
incorporated into Connecticut, as a punishment for receiving 
Whalley and Goffe, two of the "regicides" who had condemned 
Charles I. to death. Rhode Island received a charter in 1663, 
giving it about its present boundaries and a liberal govern- 
ment with an elective governor. Plymouth got no charter, 
hut was allowed to remain separate thirty years longer. The 
Baltimores were confirmed in their administration of Mary- 

77 



78 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



64. Annex 
ation of 
New Neth- 
erland 
complet'sd 



land. Thus in 1663 the English had in Anierica three char- 
tered colonies, one proprietary colony, and two royal colonies, 
Virginia and Plymouth, without charters. 

New Netherland, the Dutch colony which separated New 
England from Maryland and Virginia, was a feeble and ill- 
managed commercial community, never numbering more 
than ten thousand people. The Dutch West India Com- 
pany was chiefly interested in the Indian trade; and 

the Twelve Men, a local council formed in 1641, had 

fl 664-1689) 

little to do, and could not even raise money to build 

a schoolhouse. Ill treatment of the neighboring Indians pro- 
voked fierce and de- 
structive wars along 
the Hudson. In 1647 
the last Dutch gov- 
ernor, Stuyvesant, was 
appointed; he was a 
man of vigorous char- 
acter, but had little 
means for defense and 
no intelligent support. 
Although nominally 
at peace with Hol- 
land, the king of Eng- 
land asserted vague 
English claims by 
granting the region 
occupied by the Dutch 




P «Ci».eopii<n.e» 

A 



Lands or the Duke of Yor.K. 
With dates of cession of outlying portions. 

to his brother, the Duke of York, and sending a fleet to capture 
New Amsterdam in 1664. The place surrendered (August 29), 
and with it the whole colony fell without a blow ; and thus 
New Netherland became New York. Three years later the 
Dutch reluctantly renounced the colony, and except for a few 
months in 1674 they never held it again. 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 16G0-1089 



79 



Instead of giving effect to the charters of Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, which covered strips of territory stretching 
westward to the Pacific, the English government turned over 
to the Duke of York all the territory between the Connecticut 
and Delaware rivers, together with Long Island, most of what 
is now Maine, and the islands of Nantucket and Marthas 




Water Fp.ont of New York in 1673. (Drawing by Hugo Allard.) 
Vineyard. But the duke soon gave up his claim s beyond the pres- 
ent western boundary of Massachusetts and Connecticut; and 
ids claim in Maine was transferred to Massachusetts (1686). 

Under the grant to the Duke of York, all his laws for his 
colony had to be agreeable to those of England. His governor, 
Nicolls, called a convention of Long Island towns in the colonial 
capital, which was now called New York, and discussed with 
them a code which he had drawn up and shortly put into 
force, called "The Duke's Laws" (1665). They vainly ob- 
jected because these laws did not provide for town meetings 
and free schools. The city of New York received a charter 



80 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

from Governor Dongan in 1683, by which the people elected 
the aldermen, while mayor, recorder, and sheriff were appointed 
The first colonial assembly, called in 1683, drew up a liberal 
Charter of Franchises and Liberties, which, with the assembly 
itself, was set aside by King James II. (1685). 

Even before the duke got possession of his magnificent 

property, he began to cut it up into small provinces. In 1664 

55. Settle- he granted to Berkeley and Carteret the tract between 

j^r8e°a*^* Hudson River and the Delaware, and they called it 

(1664-1702) Nova-Caesaria — which is plain New Jersey. Next year 

they granted to their colonists the " Concessions," a kind of 

local constitution. In 1674 the region was divided into the 

separate colonies of East New Jersey and West New Jersey, 

each with a proprietary charter. The rich soil and the ease 

of access speedily attracted population. A contemporary said, 

Contempo- " "^is far cheaper living there for Eatables than here in 

raries, 1.575 England ; and either men or Women who have a Trade, or 

are Labourers, can, if industrious, get near three times the 

Wages they commonly earn in England." Some Swedes and 

Dutch were on the ground when the colony was transferred ; a 

body of Scotch Presbyterians came to East Jersey ; and New 

England Puritans settled Newark and other towns. 

Fenwick and Byllynge, two wealthy Quakers, got contrpl of 
the colony of West Jersey, in which they encouraged genuine 
religious toleration ; and many Quakers settled here. The land 
grants of both the Jerseys finally fell into the hands of a body 
of proprietors, including William Penn ; and in 1702 they sur- 
rendered their proprietorship, and the colonies were united into 
the single royal province of New Jersey. 

The west side of the Delaware, beyond the Duke of York's 

se.Pennsyl- patent, was one of the fairest regions in the new world, 

Delaware fronting on tide water, and abounding in arable land, 

(1681-1700) in forests, and minerals. In March, 1681, a royal patent 

was issued to William Penn for a new province in this region, 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 1660-1689 



81 




SCALE OF MILES 



New Jersey and Pennsylvania. 

named by the king, in compliment to Penn's father, Penn- 
sylvania. The province extended westward five degrees of 
longitude from the Delaware Eiver; the northern boundary 
was "the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of North- 
ern Latitude ; " and the southern boundary was to be "a Circle 
drawne at twelve miles distance from New Castle Northward 
and Westward unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of 
Northern Latitude, and then by a streight Line Westward." 
But this circle lies entirely between 39° and 40°, meeting 
neither parallel ; and thus, as will be seen later (§ 80), arose 
a boundary dispute with Maryland. By a grant of 1682 from 
the Duke of York, Penn got also " the three lower counties," 
or Delaware, which he held against Maryland's claim and 
added to his main province. 



82 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 




William Penn was rich and well educated, fond of writing, 
and author of many works. He was, further, an intelligent, 
public-spirited, and far-sighted man of affairs. Though 
brought up as a courtier, to the grief and amazement of his fam- 
ily he early became a Quaker, 
a member of the sect most op- 
posed to pomps and vanities. 

In all the history of the 
American colonies Penn's was 
the broadest and best-planned 
scheme of colonization. The 
first of his settlers arrived in 
the year 1681, and within a 
year three thousand came over. 
Penn spent two years in his 
colony, and laid out the city of 
Philadelphia (1682) on a novel 
and convenient checker-board 
plan. Among his settlers were some Welsh, who settled the 
town of North Wales ; and in 1683 German Quakers founded 
Germantown ; later, Moravians settled Bethlehem, Ephrata, and 
other places ; English and Scotch-Irish flocked over ; and in 
1700 the colony numbered about twenty-five thousand people. 

More than any other colonial administrator, Penn under- 
stood how to keep peace with the Indians, on the simple prin- 
ciple of coming to a clear and simple understanding, and then 
abiding by his own promises. As he put it, "Do not abuse 
them, but let them have justice, and you win them." 

As in Maryland and New York, the ownership of the land 

of Pennsylvania, and the right to provide a government, were 

57 P nn both vested in an hereditary proprietor. As proprietor, 

sylvanian Penn used his power to grant a " Frame of Government" 

^°^ (1682), which was practically a liberal constitution. His 

two principles of government were " First, to terrify evil- 



WiLLiAM Penn, about 1664. 

Paiuted when a soldier in the 
Netherlands. 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 1660-1680 



83 



doers: secondly, to cherish those that do well; ... I know 
some say, let us have good laws, and no matter for the men 
that execute them : but let them consider .that though good 
laws do well, good men do better." The Frame of Gov- 
ernment was much like our present state constitutions; it 
provided for a governor, representing the proprietor; a legis- 
lature of two elective houses (all bills, however, were to be 




Old Swedes' Church, Philadelphia, built in 1700. 

proposed by the governor and the upper house, the lower 
house having merely a veto power) ; judges partly elective ; 
and vote by ballot. A city government was set up for Phila^ 
delphia in 1691 with mayor and aldermen. 

Yet even in this elysium the settlers were discontented; 
they felt that the proprietor kept too much for himself, and 
began to quarrel with their governors. In 1701 Penn granted 
a new plan of government called Charter of Privileges, in which 



84 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 

the legislature was made to consist of only one house, with en- 
larged powers, and the governor received the power to veto 
acts of this assembly ; provision was made also for a separate 
Delaware assembly. In 1699-1701 Penn spent a second 
period of two years in Philadelphia. At his death in 1718 he 
left the rights and dignity of his proprietorship to his chil- 
dren, and they remained in his family down to the Revolution. 
The two southern colonies grew slowly after 1655, and were 
rather disorderly. The very toleration of Maryland brought 

58. Vir- in Quakers, Puritans, Catliolics, and members of the 
gma and Church of England, who could not agree ; and there were 
(1665-1689) several small insurrections. In Virginia the worst Indian 

war for half a century caused the massacre of three hundred 
settlers (1676), and the government was extravagant and harsh. 
When a planter, Nathaniel Bacon, headed an unauthorized expe- 
dition against the Indians, he was proclaimed a rebel by Governor 
Sir William Berkeley. A truce was patched up, but Bacon soon 
headed a formal armed insurrection, demanding protection from 
the Indians, a broader voting franchise, and lower taxes. He 
burned Jamestown, and set up an insurrectionary state (1676). 
He died at the height of his power, and his party melted 
away. To one of the rebels Berkeley remarked, " Mr. Drum- 
" T. M." mond! you are very welcome, I am more glad to see you 
Bacon's ^j^^q ^ny man in Virginia ; you shall be hanged in half an 
23 ' hour." Drummond and thirty-live others were executed. 

No wonder King Charles recalled Berkeley in disgrace, exclaim- 
ing, " That old fool has hanged more men in that naked country 
than I have done for the murder of my father." 

South of the James several small settlements were early made 
on Albemarle Sound and the Chowan River by wanderers from 

59. Settle- Virginia, from New England, and from the West Indies, 
mentofthe ^^ -^ggg ^^gi^nd enlarged her dominions in North 
(1663-1689) America by granting land for the colony of Carolina 

(named for Charles 11.) south of Virginia, and near the Spanish 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 1660-1689 



85 




settlements of Florida. The first Carolina patent was granted 
to a body of eight noble proprietors, for a tract extending from 
the 31st to the 36th degree of north latitude, and west to the 
South Sea. In 1665 a second patent added strips of territory 
southward to the 29th de- 
gree, and northward to 
36° 30': 

The English philoso- 
pher John Locke was re- 
quested by the proprietors 
to draw up a " Funda- 
mental Constitution," 
often called "The Grand 
Model," which was to es- 
tablish a kind of feudal 
system in Carolina. At 
the head was to be a " pal- 
atine," next to him the 
" proprietaries," below them " landgraves," " caciques," and 
commons or "leetmen." This constitution never went into 
effect; instead, a popular assembly was organized (1669) and 
governors were sent out by the propriel ors. 

A settlement was made on the Ashley River (1670), and 
ten years later was moved to the present site of Charleston. 
Ai'ound it a separate community grew up, though united under 
one colonial government with the northern Carolina settle- 
ments. Scotch, Quakers, and French Huguenots came in, and 
the settlement was prosperous from the beginning. In the 
course of thirty years perhaps twenty thousand people gath- 
ered in the two Carolinas, including large numbers of negroes ; 
for the rice plantations of South Carolina gave opportunity 
for profitable slave labor. 

Of all the colonies from Maine to Carolina, the hardest to 
control were the New England group. Already in 1664 a royal 



Carolina by Patent of 1665. 



86 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



commission had been sent to Boston to investigate the too 

independent ways of Massachusetts. Ten years later the home 

so The government formed a plan to withdraw all the charters 

New Eng- in New England and to put a governor-general at the 

the Indians l^^ad of one province, extending from the Delaware to 

(1664-1677) the Kennebec. Edward Randolph appeared in Boston 

in 1675, as a royal agent to find how New Hampshire and 

Maine came to be parts of Massachusetts, and to investigate 

other irregularities ; but he was interrupted by the outbreak 

of King Philip's war in 
Massachusetts. 

The people of New 
England had a reckless 
contempt for their Indian 
neighbors, freely supply- 
ing powder and shot to 
them in exchange for 
furs, and fearlessly plant- 
ing villages like Had- 
ley, Lancaster, and Deer- 
Some effort was made to civil- 




r* /(UK A 



SCALE OF MILCS 

lo ?o So SS""!?* 



Scene of King Philip's War. 

field, far out in the wilderness, 
ize the natives. John Eliot, "Apostle to the Indians," spent 
his life in that work, and published the whole scriptures in 
an Indian tongue. Schools were established among the In- 
dians, and an effort was made to educate some of them at 
Harvard College. Settlements of converted, or " praying," In- 
dians were made, especially at Natick and at Concord, and 
about four thousand accepted the gospel. The good effect of 
such efforts was more than counterbalanced by the brutalizing 
influence of the rum sold by the whites to the Indians. 

In June, 1675, war broke out with the Pokanokets, settled 
in and near Rhode Island ; their chief, Metacom, or King 
Philip, attacked the Plymouth frontier towns of Swansea and 
Middleboro. Hadley and Springfield on the Connecticut were 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 1660-1689 87 

attacked by other tribes, and war raged up and down the whole 
frontier. On both sides it was " war to the knife and the knife 
to the hilt." The praying Indians were attacked, and many 
of them massacred, by the whites. The Narragansett Indians 
rose, and the commissioners of the New England Confedera- 
tion raised a force which killed a thousand of them. 

Gradually Philip was driven to shelter in his stronghold at 
Mount Hope, Rhode Island, and there while attempting to 
escape he was shot by an Indian (August, 1676). The colonial 
commander cut his body into sections and carried away his 
head and hands to earn a premium of thirty shillings. This 
King Philip's war came near annihilating the New England 
colonies : six hundred white men lost their lives, and a dozen 
villages were destroyed. The Indians lost two thousand killed 
and captured, of whom some — to the lasting disgrace of the 
white people — were sold into slavery in the West Indies. 

The pressure of the home government was soon renewed, 
and Edward Randolph again began to report against Massa- 
chusetts. Though the colony retained Maine, by buying .. _ 
up the rival claims (1678), she lost New Hampshire gleforNew 
(1679). Worse still, she lost her charter; for a decree fh^afters 
of the Chancery Court in England (October 23, 1684) (1677-1687) 
declared that it was no longer in force, because its provisions 
had been violated. 

The Duke of York came to the English throne as James II. 
in February, 1685 ; and set out to exercise unrestricted powers 
both in England and in the colonies. In 1686 he made Sir 
Edmund Andros " Governor-in-chief in and over the territory 
and dominion of New England," the province including Maine, 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, 
and Plymouth. Andros first of all reorganized Massachusetts. 
As there was no longer a charter, he appointed a council 
which, with his assent, should have power to make laws. 
But when the council ordered the towns to levy taxes, the 



88 



COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 



town of Ipswich flatly refused. Souie of the principal men 
of that place were therefore tried and severely punished ; and 
Andros forbade special town meetings. 

In 1686, under great pressure, Rhode Island surrendered her 
charter. Next year Andros went to Hartford and demanded 
the Connecticut charter. Tra- 
dition has it that the lights 
were blown out and the docu- 
ment carried away ; however 
that may be, Andros put an 
end to the charter government. 
Since he was governor also of 
New York and of the Jerseys, 
he thus almost brought about 
a colonial union, in defiance of 
the will of the people, and by 
violent and dangerous methods. 
A revolution in England re- 
moved the pressure in Amer- 

62. The ica. When James II. 

Stlon^r**" attempted to " dispense " 

1688 with (that is, suspend) 

acts of Parliament, many of 
his subjects invited his neph- 
ew, William III. of Orange, to 
come to England. James fled 
the kingdom ; and in February, 
1689, the two houses of Parliar 
ment declared that he had 
abdicated, and that his daughter Mary and her husband, 
William III., were lawful king and queen of England. 

The news of the revolution reached Boston in April, 1689, 
and two weeks later the people joyfully laid their hands on 
many of the royal officers. Sir Edmund Andros was forthwith 




English Officer, about 1680. 

Uniform of the Maritime Foot 
Resiiment. 



COLONIAL EXPANSION, 1660-1689 • 89 

clapped into prison ; and the colonial government was reestab- 
lished provisionally, under the old charter of 1629. In Plym- 
outh, Rhode Island, and Connecticut the former governments 
were again put in force. A similar rising in New York a few 
days later had an unfortunate outcome. Jacob Leisler, a well- 
to-do merchant, took the responsibility of assuming the duties 
and title of lieutenant governor. After a few months a royal 
governor was sent over ; and Leisler was found guilty of high 
treason and executed, though it is difficult to see that he had 
been guilty of a crime. The new royal governor, Sloughter, 
was instructed to call a popular assembly. 



After the Restoration of Charles II. in 1660, Plymouth, Vir- 
ginia, and Maryland went back to about their old relations to 
the home government. Connecticut and Rhode Island 63. Sum- 
received charters; but Massachusetts, though she kept ^^'T 
her charter twenty -four years, was obliged to stop persecution 
of Quakers and discriminations against the Church of England. 

In 1663 began a second era of colonization. Carolina was 
established ; then the Dutch were dispossessed in New Nether- 
land, and five more colonies were set up — New York, East and 
West Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware ; in New England, 
New Hampshire was separated from Massachusetts. 

Then Sir Edmund Andros was sent over to consolidate the 
northern colonies and to take away the liberties of Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts by breaking down their 
charter governments. The Revolution of 1688 in England 
interrupted these plans, and prepared the way for a return to 
the milder type of colonial government. 

TOPICS 

fl) Howdoes the navigation act of 1660 differ from that of 1651? Suggestdvo 
(2) Who devised the rectangular plan of Philadelphia ? (3) Why *°^**'' 
did the settlers quarrel with Penn ? (4) Was Nathaniel Bacon a 
traitor ? (6) How did the Carolina proprietary patents differ from 



90 



COLONIAL ENGLISILMEN 



Search 
topics 



that of Marylaiiil i" ((!) Quakers iu New Jersey and Pennsylvs^nia. 
(7) Make a list of the Duke of York's land holdings in Amer- 
ica and tell what became of each. (8) In what condition did King' 
Philip's War leave New England ? (9) Was Governor Andros a 
tyrant? (10) What was Leisler's offense? (11) Why was the 
Massachusetts charter annulled ? (12) Early life of William Penn. 
(13) Whalley and Goffe in New England. (14) Royal commis- 
sion in Boston, 1063-10G4. (15) The Duke's Laws. (16) Life in 
New Netherlaud, 1650-1660. (17) History of the "pine-tree 
shillings." (18) First charter of New York city. (19) Early 
descriptions of New York under English dominion. (20) Early 
accounts of New Jersey ; of Pennsylvania ; of Carolina. (21) Life 
among the. New England Indians. (22) What were enumerated 
goods ? (23) Arguments for the colonial union desired by Andros. 
(24) Boundary controversies under the Connecticut charter. 



Geography 
Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

Andrews, Colonial Self-Government. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 32, 35-38, 69-72, 85-89 ; Fisher, Colonial 
Era, 49-56, 71-81, 146-164, 187-206; Lodge, English Colonies, 
chs. i. iii. v. vii. xi. xii. xiv. xvi. xviii.-xxi. passim ; Andrews, 
Colonial Self-Government; Fiske, Old Virginia, II. 45-116, 131- 
162, 210-290, — Be(/innings of New England, \m-27S, — Dutch 
and Quaker Colonies, I. 243-294, II. 1-61, 99-208 ; Doyle, English 
in America, I. 230-266, 314-363, III. 114-272 ; Gay, BryanVs His- 
tory, II. 247-395, 401-449, 472-498, III. 1-24 ; Wendell, Cotton 
Mather, 21-87 ; Hodges, William Penn. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 22-26, — Contemporaries, I. §§ 54, 70, 71, 
76-81, 116, 121-125, 132-136, 155-157, 160-167, — Source Headers, 
I. §§ 40, 49 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 24, 2(5, 27, 29-33, 
35-41 ; American History Leaflets, no. 16 ; Old South Leaflets, 
nos. 21, 22, 51, 88, 95. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Sylla- 
bus, 301, 310, 313, — Historical Sources, §§ 70-72. 

Whittier, Pennsylvania Pilgrim; M. W. Goodwin, White Apro7is 
(Bacon) ; Mary Johnston, Prisoners of Hope (Bacon) ; M. E. 
Wilkins, Heart's Highway (Va.) ; J. P. Kennedy, Boh of the Bowl 
(Md.) ; Simnis, Cassiqiie of Kiaioah (S.C.) ; Hezekiah Butter- 
worth, Wampum Belt (Penn.) ; Cooper, Wept of Wish-ton-Wish 
(Philip), — Water Witch (N.Y.) ; Hawthorne, Gray Champion 
(Andros), — Grandfather'' s Chair, pt. i. chs. viii. ix. ; W. Seton, 
Charter Onk ; E. L. Bynner, Begum\^ Daughter (Leisler). 

Winsor, America, III. ; Wilson, American People, I. 



CHAPTER VI. 
COLONIAL LIFE (1700-1750) 

While the colonies grew, the colonists had much the same 
experiences as people nowadays, — going to church or going to 
prison, working, traveling, trading, fighting, marrying, ^^ xheco- 
and dying, — although conditions and opportunities were lonial pop- 
very different. In population the colonies increased ulation 
slowly : New England received little direct immigration after 
1640, and in 1700 numbered but 105,000 inhabitants ; the 
southern colonies (Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas) 
together had about 110,000; the middle colonies 55,000; mak- 
ing a total of about 270,000 people. The largest towns were 
Boston, with about 7000 people, and Philadelphia, with 4000. 

The ruling element in every colony was of English descent; 
but there were Dutchmen in New York and a few on the 
Delaware ; Swedes, a few Finns, and a large German element 
(later called Pennsylvania Dutch) in Pennsylvania; French 
Huguenots in several colonies, especially South Carolina; 
Highland and Lowland Scotch, and Scotch-Irish from the 
Protestant counties in the north of Ireland, principally on the 
western frontier. The negroes in 1700 were about 46,000 
in number. The Indians were nowhere fused into the white 
communities. 

Most of the colonists lived in the easily constructed log house, 
or in a frame structure, clapboarded or shingled. In gg q^j^^ 
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and some nialhome 
other places there were statelier houses constructed of 
brick made near the spot. 'Among the poorer families the 
hart's amer. hist. — (j 91 



92 



COLONIAL AMEKICANS 




Bull-Pringle Hou.si:, Cuaulkston, 
built about 17g0. 



rude furniture was hardly 
move than floor, seats, 
and tables, all made of 
" puncheons," — that is, 
of split halves of small 
tree trunks, — with a few 
peAvter dishes, a fireplace, 
and its utensils. The bet- 
ter houses had substan- 
tial oaken chests, chairs, 
and tables, and handsome 
clocks. 

In dress our well-to-do 
forefathers followed as closely as they could the English 
fashions of elaborate suits of cloth or velvet or silk, and full- 
bottomed wigs. The most common materials were homespun 
linen and woolen, though on the frontier deerskin was used. 

Food abounded : game wandered in and out of all the settle- 
ments, shellfish were abundant, and the New England coast 
fisheries furnished fish; Indian corn was everywhere grown, 
and there was plenty of wheat flour. 

The colonies were swept by diseases, chiefly due to igno- 
rance and uncleanliness : "ship-fever," "small pocks," " yellow 
fever " ; " break -bone fever," fever and ague, and other varieties 
of malaria; and medical practice was lamentably unskillful. 

Though England was a land abounding in schools and pos- 
sessed of world-famous universities, her southern colonies in 
66 Colo- America, broken up into separate and widely distributed 
nial educa- plantations, could not maintain schools. Governor Berke- 
ley reported (1G71) for Virginia : *' I thank God there 
are no free schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not 
have these hundred years; for learning has brought disobedi- 
ence, and heresy, and sects in the world, and printing has 
divulged them, and libels against the best government. God 



tion 



COLONIAL LIFE 



y8 




keep us from both." The New England towns established the 
first schools in northeastern America, though closely followed 
by the Collegiate School of the 
Dutch Reformed Church in New 
Amsterdam (1633). The colony of 
Massachusetts Bay showed its in- 
terest in education by requiring 
that every town of fifty families 
should maintain a school, and every 
town of a hundred families a gram- 
mar school (that is, a Latin school) ; 
but the towns too frequently avoided 
the responsibility if they could, and 
no public education was provided 
for the girls. In 1689 the Penn 
Charter school was founded in 
Philadelphia. 

Three small colleges provided 
higher education for the colonies. 
Harvard College, named from the 
Rev. John Harvard, its earliest private benefactor, was founded 
(1636) "to advance learning and perpetuate it to posterity." 
From the beginning it trained the ministers, and also had as 
students future men of affairs and statesmen. William and 
Mary College was established in Virginia (1G93) ; King William 
III., the colony, and private subscribers united to give the 
college a home in Williamsburg, Yale College was "first con- 
certed by the ministers " (1700), and its earliest property was 
forty volumes given by the founders for a library. The college 
was soon removed from Saybrook to New Haven, and (1718) 
received its name from Elihu Yale, a public-spirited English- 
man who interested himself in the new institution. 

The most notable colonial writers in the seventeenth century 
were the discoverers, explorers, and colonists who wrote enter- 



A Colonial Dandy, 
ABOUT 1760. 

Portrait of Nicholas Boylston, 
merchant, Boston. 



94 COLONIAL AMEUICANS 

tainiug accounts of their experiences. Thus John Smith and 

William Strachey wrote about Virginia; William Bradford 

67 C lo ^'^'"^ John Wiuthrop each left an admirable historical 

nial litera- account of the colony in which he was governor and 
ture 1 1 

leader. 

In the South the chief writer of literary merit was Colonel 
William Byrd, who left in manuscript a charming book of travel 
called History of the Dividing Line. In the middle colo- 
nies, till Benjamin Franklin came, the only man who can be 
called a literary light is William Penn ; but the German Mora- 
vians were great printers, and issued the first Bible, except 
Eliot's Indian Bible, published within the colonies. The first 
newspaper in the colonies, the Boston News Letter, appeared in 
1704 ; and the trial of John Peter Zenger in New York (1732) 
established the important principle that a journalist can not 
be convicted of libel for publishing the truth. 

Works of fiction were unknown except as old writers dealt 
too much in neighborhood gossip; but there were several 
writers of poor verse. The Bay Psalm Book, the first book 
printed in the English colonies (1640), was made by a syndi- 
cate of ministers, whose poetic gifts may be shown by a 
quotation from the 63d Psalm : — 

" Their poyson's like serpents poyson ; 
they like deafe Aspe, her eare 
that stops. Though charmer wisely channe, 
his voice she will not hcare. 
Within their mouth doe thou their teeth 
break out, o God most strong, 
doe thou Jehovah, the great teeth 
break of the lions young." 

The favorite literature for educated men was theological and 
controversial. The most famous writer of this kind was Cotton 
Mather, a Boston minister, long the leading man of New 
England, who wrote an enormous and confused folio Avhich he 



Xhe BoftbnNews-Letten 



|DubHO)tD b? :autt)o?itir. 



Froft>a^nDaT Ap"' «-. :>i ii;)on!)ap Ar.-i! •'-»-• 1-04. 



» £-»m Htje/Tx/iW brio* uj the C-p)-«f 

I f.^Jnjkt jtitrmjnbiiji.ifa- . •':' |"' _ 

I </>;» *&f»t.'r«ii» ««■'•'<•'"•,'•"• ''■ "' "^ 

Ettw™ .h::!.cr from /"nc, ..J gunc « 

I^Jn ?5/c i.1 brge Litti of them w,tJi<; <.■■"' ^ 
3t « rLoiKall AiTctnbl/, to be Uid Utorc d.c 
WT^ 'Coincil V ■ < r 

lltiVv fc oJifcrvet, ihit a greit Nur.ibcr ot .)- 
*j*l-'*i}Bll pc^'Jiu arc come cvrr from i '•:""•, 
iirptttwo.ol-'^wpting Jier Mikft/* Grau-iu 
JncA i^ij; bowrn reality, to mcrejlc IJivitijns in 
IV ii lioo, »n4to entertain a Conirpjn.i*'n':c *"••» 
B«;< Ttax ticir il' Imcnt;onl -are evljrht .fi ->m 
Jfe^dilW-ns Ws. their ownink the InttKll of t^e 
^!.d RiMiiJowVlII. tlicjrfctrct Cabals, 
,i»|ii»"cu)i)j"up of AmJs anil Amir.uniti'jo, 
iUr.rf.-rthcy cpn find rhcm. 
r, ^Tllui hcirti.-lwht late \Vritinge;anJ.Aamgs 
lpC(<*^tfit:t(.iid(!ea p<:rfom, many of wh->in a.T 
[lofJtRcy lud ir;ttutfevcTilof thitn h.vc dc- 
chflh.'tliopntJtheT enSbroce Popiry thin con- 
ihfit for tne •it Govcmtnent ; tli.it they r.fufe 
fnjjjipn, antt I iecn.but ufc the iir.bii^uoiis word 
S>>it i^\r.r nnJnic of thvm pray in exprtlsWords^ 
It Biul j!cn::r^i Ro\'al Ftrailv ; and the charita-*. 
r'&h;.Kindn»J» Prince wh> has fl-.cw"d them" 
B,-not lonfis.'- 'Ha-.liicewjfe tjkes notice of 
f^-Vcin latL-i5»2go fninJia CvpK-r, & dircilcd 
■ fa) : tlut .thouitfthltlicT fnini St. fAoj^iV.;. . 
Me thrmlHvf- g-catjft Jacobite: who \%-;il nor 
MKo no* w?b7 taking thi'.Oa:Ii3 ro Her Ma- 
Bifrom St. Gfo.^che Papilb arid (heir Cuiiipv 
' (Hbjcitl cci*'-">'i''>!<.Ia up for rhf Lib.rt, of 
I m*- to iBC(#D[rjry.'to ihcjc own Principles,' but 
I j|thitiyp.up,.aDiyjf)on" in "ihL- Nation. He 
; pir coraKv Aggravate- thofc tbi,*! go which the- 
1 Wt-'0'P^^"i of, a» to £i^(<j«<i>reruCng-to_ al: 
I ^ ■■■'»- a- &e:(3om of Trade, £?f. and do alltiicy 
I ^.9. lijcntPivifiuns betwixt t:he;Natioiis,& to 

t- 4 v.^fireii offhofe things cobnphiln'd'afr • 
iIyOjlii.ct,.h£ lays, do all they t^n. to p.r- 
P»e.j."^tjon tK.it their prctcndidl^g is a 
JRlltfe his. Heart, cho'-hc-darcs not declare it 

Bidcr the Puvvcr oflfz/^nw* that lie i& ac- 
with-th'evMiftikss .tofiKj Father>;(5o-' 
^tfl'I^^Ylll goycmutmore according to iavf? 
•*'Sa*|;.-nn:;f to hi; Subieiri. '" ; . ■ •-- ■ ' -- • 
^gy''*ji£niHcjhe iiixi^^^ ortlicircWPartv, 
(^'l^}y%;!0i^v&^0^^^^l^it::: othi.T,un; 

^^ ' .'4UJbKp5,iMl -hgftfcQ'^cifrUTld'.rf .itiiilT ;' 
B'j^i^^^rtfrlresVwt cf'^cir.^^iaj:, -.ind' into. 
■'LW5^8B-icC';v;".ic;_otBi^J_htKct!;,v:i=UTpvlc. 



Krota a!! -his h' ir.ftr* T^i it th.-y haveK-jpci of 
A.. iUui-r [:3ii; 4 («i.i», oriierwifi- they woulrf nevec 
i>: fv) Iiupudtnt ; 4r.d he p.vfj Rcaloni for his Ap. 
pahflif.ru thjt the. F'Mt*' VLIng iniv fend Trvxips 
tnitiicrtbii Winter, t. Bccaod- the i'liHf^ k Dutcb 
will OCX then be ar Sea to oppfK ■ i!u m.' a. He can. 
then bell (pjre them, tiie Sul.m •.( ACkion beyond 
S-a bciiiR over. %. The K\pcU.tion given hm' ofx 
timfulfroblt number to jovn then.. m.ay inctjurage 
him tuthe uiidcnoiiri)', wiihife*cr kUnjf he can 
butlejid over a (iuKcimt number of Oftccn with 
Arms and Ammun tic:i. 

Hv tiidc4vdiir5 in the rvft of h's Leners to ani 
I'wvr the fuolilh Pretences of the Pretender's King 
a Protellant, and tb..t he ^■\\\ govern us according 
tii Law. {le lays.tli^t Ixipg bnd up in the Reli» 
ciuii and Politicks of f'^ire, he -is by Education % 
li.ited Enemy to our L'b'rty.and "llijligion. -That 
•h'.pbiigations which hf -..nd hij Faiiiily owe to 
the Jvf'iw King, mull ntcifiiflly mukehitiito be 
V • ,.;!ly at his D,-votluii. and to fuUow hiS Example; 
tii.t il he fit un ,n the Throne, the thr..c Nations 
v.-M*}. \>r ,,b;ic .1 I.) p.iv the D.-bt which he owes the 
r>c:.cu K^i^ for the Education of himlclf, and for 
Entertaining hi': lijppol'd "r.ther and h'S Eanvljr»- 
Andfincc tlie S-iny, inuil reftorc him by h:s Troops,.. 
if-f.\r he b. r.'llcrtd, he will. Re to (ecurc 
hisown D^bt, bfore thofe Troops leave i?r/f«iTi, 
The Pretender being a good Proficient in the f'f'c^ 
and >^e""jo..^hoolj, hie will never think himfej^ 
iljSKientiy aveng'd. bin b^' the utter Rutne of his. 
Protelbr.t Subj.th, b.xh aiHercticks and Traitors*'; 
The .late Quccu, his pretended Mother, v/ho ia.if 
cold Blood when fhc w..s Ouecn «f Ont/iii:, advis'(},,' 
to turn the VVlIV of SmlniiJ nito a hunting Field, 
wUl be then for doins lo by th.c greattft part of tht; 
I^atiori ; and, no doubt, is at Pains to Kave her prfr- ' 
tended.Son educated to her own Mind: ThercfoiV 
he fays, it werea-great Madnefs^ in-the" Nation; to-^ 
take a Prince brtdup in the hDrrid.-S^bool of Ingnff 
titude, Peffecution and <D fiielty, and filkd. v/itku] 
Rugc and Envy. TTie . 7<;c<i4<(ci, he (ays, both ia; 
i,,o//jwJ and at St. Ciennums,, arc impaUcnt undec. 
their prcfcnt Straits, and knowing theij: -Cixqan^'- 
! fiances cannot be much wbrfe thjn thcv are,. at' 
•pfclent, ar<; the more inclinible to the Ur,dert;-.kmgL 
|Headds,.Thatthe Funth King knows tiiere cannoo 

■ be a. more cffeifluai way for himftlf to ariive at theJ. 
UniyerftLMonarchy, and to.ruine the : Proiefland 
Interrft, than by'letting up the Precepde.r upoiv the' 
Thrjac,of Gr(rat ,£rif/7,.-,Tie will in all prob.ihiiitjr, 
attempt it*i and tho' he fliould bfe pi-rfuadcd that i 
the Di.f^tv would mifcorry in the clofc.'yet he con-^i 

. DOC buc reap fume' Advantage by uubroiling'ihcj 
jhri* Nations. ' .'. "'"■ ■■. 

; -VFrora Jilhliis-thc Author concludes it to be-tbe'j 

• Inter' II of ihel^Jati.in, to provide lb/ Self Jefeiitv 7: 
;--d i.iys, 'Ai?x us many have 'already t_I.(.ii tlio: 
A.h)?m,;nnd arc furailhing ihcni.'iK-es with -Anns 

. •aricl'Ammumtion.he hope^ the Guvefnment AviUi, 
r^pt v.ily.aU6w.ic,b»t encoaraKc it, lir.cc th';l]NatJ-:: 

■ ^ni'oug;;; ill cii;fjo';,ii<3 vcrMsirin tht.Pet'wtd 



First Pack uv thk First .Xmkkican Nkw.si'afkk, 17ii4. 
95 



96 



COLONIAL AMERICANS 



called Magnalia Christi Americana. The two most popular 
books in the colonies were the New England Primer, with its 
pious doggerel and rude woodcuts, which went through many 
editions ; and Michael Wigglesworth's Day of Doom, which 
was learned by heart by hundreds of persons, — it is a fearful 
description of that grewsome place 

" Where God's fierce ire kindleth the fire, 
and vengeance feeds the flame, 
"With piles of wood and brimstone flood, 
that none can quench the same/' 

Wigglesworth's repulsive poem states in extravagant form 
the creed of the New England Puritans, who built their the- 
68 Colo- o^^Sy on the works ol John Calvin (died 1564). This 
Eial reli- great divine made his fundamental doctrine " predestina- 
^ tion " ; that is, he taught that the whole human race was 

doomed to perdition, except as God might "elect" a few per- 
sons to be saved. Hence good deeds, contemptuously called 
" filthy rags of works," could not in themselves save anybody. 

Even such heads of 
the church as Cotton 
Mather were tor- 
mented by the fear 
that after all they 
might not be " elect." 
On the other hand, 
Calvin set forth the 
great doctrine of " free 
will" — of choice be- 
tween good and evil, 
with its emphasis on 
personal duty and 
responsibility. 




Parish Church at Smithfikld, Va., 
BUILT about 1700. 

Oldest church still stauding in the South. From 
a view in the Virginia Historical Society. 



The Church of England, or Episcopal Church, which held 
milder doctrines of salvation, was now gaining ground. Al- 



COLONIAL LIFE 97 

ready long established in Virginia, it was made the official 
church, supported by public taxation, in the Carolinas and in 
New York, though aided also by voluntary contributions ; and 
in 1689 the first " King's Chapel " was built in Boston as a 
place of Episcopal service. The Congregational Church was 
supported by public taxation in New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
(including Maine and Plymouth), and Connecticut. In the 
other six colonies there was no state church. 

Side by side with the established churches lived many other 
religious sects. The Baptists were settled chiefly in Ehode 
Island ; Presbyterians, English or Scotch, in the middle and 
southern colonies ; the Dutch Keformed Church in New York ; 
Lutherans, Moravians, Mennonists, and other German sects in 
Pennsylvania ; English Catholics in Maryland ; Quakers and a 
few Jews in most of the colonies. In Rhode Island and 
Pennsylvania there was practically toleration for every form 
of Christian belief ; and after 1689 there was no religious per- 
secution anywhere. 

Both North and South many of the church buildings were 
handsome and commodious. In New England the able-bodied 
population was required to go to service, where pews were 
carefully assigned according to the social position of the 
attendants. In the sermons — two on Sunday and a third, 
the " Thursday lecture " during the week — our forefathers 
received a good mouthful of doctrine, though two hours and a 
.half was thought too long for a sermon. The Psalms only 
were sung, lined out by the minister. Sunday, commonly 
called Sabbath, lasted from sundown on Saturday to sundown 
on Sunday, and in strictness was as near a Jewish Sabbath as 
the conditions admitted. 

Calvinistic theology, with its stern and pitiless logic, did 
not save New England from the fearful belief, then cur- 69. The 

rent throughout the world, that human beings could ''Witchcraft 
become "witches," and could make a personal compact (1692) 



98 



COLONIAI. AMERICANS 



with the devil which would enable them to change their shape, 
to travel on the wings of the wind, and especially to bring 
bodily harm to their enemies. Nowhere else in the civilized 
world did this awful delusion play so little part as in the Ameri- 
can colonies, though there were a few cases of the execution 
of witches. In 1G92 the children of a minister in Salem, Massa- 
chusetts, accused an Indian slave woman, Tituba, of bewitching 
them. In a few weeks scores of the " afflicted" were accusing 
their neighbors of the foulest crimes and most 
improbable orgies. The principal testimony 
was the " spectral evidence " — that is, the 
assertion of the "afflicted" that the accused 
people were sticking pins into them and 
otherwise "hurting" them. Nineteen alleged 
witches were hanged, and one was pressed to 
death by heavy weights for refusing to plead 
guilty or not guilty. 

To save themselves, the so-called witches 
accused other people, and so the number rolled 
up till more than fifty people were so crazed 
that they confessed to being witches, and told 
preposterous stories of flying through the air 
on broomsticks, of taking part in "devil's sabbaths," and tor- 
menting their neighbors. When Lady Phips, wife of the 
governor, fell under suspicion, the prosecutions broke down, 
and there were no more executions in New England, though 
they continued half a century longer in Europe, where thou- 
sands of innocent persons suffered torture and death — often 
by fire — for crimes of witchcraft which no one could commit. 
The basis and support of every colony was the tillage of the 
70 The ^^^^' ^"^ ^^^^ most numerous class was that of the free 
farmer and farmers, living on almost self-sustaining farms. The 
forest trees furnished buihling Iinnber, ship-timber, and 
fuel ; corn and other grain, pork, and beef were common farm 




Witch Pins of 
1692. 

Preserved in the 
county court at 
Salem. 



the laborer 



COLONIAL LIFE 99 

products, as were tobacco in Maryland and Virginia, and rice 
and (after 1747) indigo in South Carolina. Wagons, tools, 
and even furniture were made on the spot. Sheep were raised 
for their wool, which was carded, spun, woven, dyed, and made 
into clothing on the farm. Clearing new land caused an im- 
mense expenditure of human labor. The usual method was 
to girdle the trees and plant among the dead timber; later, 
to fell the trees and to roll the logs up together and burn 
them. Uncleared land could be had almost for the asking: 
only labor could make it valuable. 

From the beginning there was a serious lack of labor. 
Well-to-do colonists brought with them hired servants ; but 
a system of forced white labor began immediately. Convicts, 
criminals, " indented " (or " indentured ") servants, prisoners in 
the civil wars, and children, were sent over as bond servants. 
Other thousands of respectable men and families came over as 
" redemptioners," under agreement with the shipmaster that 
he might sell their services for a term of years to somebody in 
America for money to pay their passage. Both classes were 
subject to the arbitrary will of their masters and were often 
cruelly treated. Nevertheless, many of them worked out 
their terms of service, became prosperous members of the 
community, and founded families. 

Skilled laborers might earn two shillings (fifty cents) a day 
and their board. In the trades, such as harness making or 
shoemaking or bricklaying, it was common to have appren- 
tices, who were very harshly treated. The average wage for 
unskilled laborers was about thirty cents a day in our specie 
standard ; and while most provisions were cheap, imported 
articles were always dear. 

There were slaves in every colony. Indian slaves were 
sullen and revengeful, and rapidly died off in confine- „. __ 

ment. Negro slaves were brought chiefly from Guinea, planter and 
on the west coast of Africa, to the West Indies, and 



100 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

imported thence to the American mainland. Hard was their 
fate — sold for life, transmitting the servile taint to their 
children, and if freed, still social outcasts. In most of the 
northern colonies slaves were few in number, but in the South 
they grew by 1760 to about a third of the population, and in 
South Carolina were more than half. 

For a long time masters would not allow their slaves to be 
baptized, because they had scruples against holding Christians 
in bondage ; and many people held that slavery was both 
unchristian and stupid. Colonel Byrd, a slave owner, wrote 
of slaves, " They blow up the pride and ruin the Industry 
of our White People." A favorite devotional book, Baxter's 
Christian Directory, warned masters that "to go as Pirates 
and catch up poor Negroes or people of another land, and to 
make them slaves, and sell them, is one of the worst kinds of 
Thievery in the World." That slavery was dangerous was 
shown by severe laws against slave offenses, and by slave 
insurrections in Virginia and in South Carolina, and a supposed 
slave plot in New York in 1741. 

The aristocratic planters of the South were among the rich- 
est men in the colonies. Among them was Colonel William 
Fitzhugh, a lawyer, a keen planter and slave buyer, and a 
capable business man, owner of fifty-four thousand acres of 
land. He grew flax and hemp, hay and tobacco, and put his 
Contempo- large profits into more land and slaves. He had a home 
raries,l.306 plantation of a thousand acres, including a "very good 
dwelling house with many "ooms in it, four of the best of them 
hung & nine of them plentuully furnished with all things 
necessary & convenient, & all houses for use furnished with 
brick chimneys, four good Cellars, a Dairy, Dovecot, Stable, 
Barn, Henhouse, Kitchen & all other conveniencys," together 
with an orchard, garden, water gristmill for wheat and corn, 
a stock of tobacco and good debts. His income was estimated 
at sixty thousand pounds of tobacco (about $15,000 in money) 



COLONIAL LIFE 101 

per annum, besides the increase of the negroes. His tobacco 
he shipped direct to England from the private wharf of his 
own plantation, and he was accustomed to order fine clothing, 
silver plate, books, and other English goods. 

In the middle and northern colonies conditions of life were 
more nearly equal and hence more democratic. The few rich 
merchants were also the only bankers : they might build 72. The 

ships, own ships, buy cargoes to export, receive the return anTthe sea- 
cargoes, and sell the imports over the counter. One of farer 
the most famous of these merchants was William Phips, who 
began life as a poor boy, with one ambition — to be "owner 
of a Fair Brick-House in the Gi'een-Lane of North Boston." 
He traded, gathered property, organized an expedition to raise 
the treasure of a sunken Spanish vessel, got about £300,000 
in gold and silver, was knighted, became governor of Massa- 
chusetts, and got his " fair brick house." 

The colonists were accustomed to the sea and got wealth 
out of ships in three ways. (1) The splendid forests of 
New England, growing close to the water's edge, furnished the 
best shipbuilding materials, and abounded in tall trees suitable 
for masts; hence ships were regularly built to sell abroad. 
(2) Hundreds of craft were employed in the inshore and New- 
foundland Banks fisheries, and in trade from one colony to 
another ; the New England salt fish found a profitable market 
in Europe and in the West Indies. (3) Other vessels were 
employed in trade over sea to England and elsewhere, at good 
freights. 

A lively and profitable commerce went on all the time from 
colony to colony, from the continent to the West Indies, and 
from all the colonies to England and other European _, „ . 
countries. The principal exports were: to the West nial corn- 
Indies, clapboards, hoops, shingles, hay and cattle, flour 
and provisions, especially dried fish, and, later, rum; to Eng- 
land, tobacco, masts, wood ashes, furs, and, later, pig iron 



102 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

and indigo; to other European countries, dried fish and navai 
stores — pitch, tar, and turpentine. 

The imports from England were manufactures of all kinds — 
guns and ammunition, hardware, cutlery, clothing, furniture, 
glass, china, silverware, and tools. Tea, and later coffee and 
chocolate, were regular imports, often from Holland. The 




Photo, iy K. C. Beveridge. 

A Colonial Family — the Grimes Children. 
Prom the picture in the Virginia Historical Society. 

ladies would have their "calamancoes," or glossy woolens, 
their " paduasoys," or silks, their "oznabrigs," or German 
linen, and the much-prized pins. For the children were " poi> 
pets," or dolls, and other toys ; for the gentlemen, silks and 
velvets, gold lace for their best suits, and pipes of Madeira 
wine. 

For many years the colonists freely sent and received car- 



COLONIAL LIFE 103 

goes in trade with foreign countries ; but the policy of the 
early navigation acts was expanded by an act of Parliament 
(1672) laying small customs duties on the trade from 74. Re- 

one colony to another. This was the first act of Parlia- ^^ colon"al 
ment for taxing the colonies. In 1696 a more thorough- trade 

going navigation act was passed by Parliament and a new 
colonial coimcil was created by King William III. under 
the name of Board of Trade and Plantations, commonly 
called the Lords of Trade, with the duty of supervising the 
colonies, instructing the governors, and executing the naviga- 
tion acts. 

Under these and later " Acts of Trade," the trade of the 
colonies was restricted : . (1) Trade to and from England had to 
be in ships built and owned in England or in the colonies. 
(2) Importations had to come through English ports — that is, 
through the hands of English fiwns. (3) Exports of " enumer- 
ated goods" had to be sent only to English ports, even if intended 
ultimately for some other country ; most of the colonial prod- 
ucts were enumerated, but not masts, timber, or naval stores. 
(4) For the protection of English manufactures colonists were 
forbidden to make rolled iron, or to ship certain goods from 
one colony to another — for instance, hats. Though all these 
restrictions seem harsh they indirectly gave a distinct advan- 
tage to colonial shipping. 

Spain, France, and Holland had even stricter colonial sys- 
tems than the English ; but the English colonists, sometimes 
bj' stealth, often with the connivance of local officials, 75. Smug- 
had a very profitable trade to the Spanish, French, and cifn^£f^ ^ 
Dutch West Indies, especially in dried fish and lumber ; trade 

and they brought back sugar, tropical products, and a good 
surplus of hard Spanish dollars. In the same way foreign 
vessels often brought European cargoes into North ^^ ^^. 
America. Edward Randolph, the revenue detective of Mass. Bay, 
the English government, said in 1676 : " There is no notice 



104 COLONIAL AMKKICANS 

taken of the acts of navigation ... all nations having full lib- 
erty to come into their ports and vend their commodities." 

A valuable trade, in which the French competed, was that 
with the Indian tribes of the interior. In time of peace, the 
traders circulated through tlie frontiers both north and south 
with their pack horses loaded with blankets, powder and ball, 
guns, red cloth, hatchets, knives, scissors, kettles, paints, look- 
ing-glasses, tobacco, beads, and "brandy, which the Indians 
value above all other goods that can be brought them.*' 

Several dangers hovered over the colonial seafarer. In time 
of maritime war, especially after 1700, the cruisers and priva- 

76 Priva- teers of the enemy picked up many merchant vessels. 

teers and On the other hand, the colonies furnished several fleets 
to attack the French; and their little merchantmen were 
easily converted into privateers to prey on the commerce of 
the enemy. It was an exci4;ing kind of gambling, for the 
privateer was about as likely to be taken as to take; but a 
successful cruise brought home plenty of captured cargoes for 
the owner and prize money for the crew. 

Pirates abounded in all the seas, and especially in the West 
Indies, where they had several stations. The methods were 
very simple : peaceful merchantmen often turned pirates with 
or without the consent of the master of the ship; the boldest 
man was captain until some of his sailors killed him ; ships 
were impartially plundered, the crew sometimes allowed to 
escape, but the passengers frequently compelled "to walk the 
plank." A pirate ship could live for many months at sea on 
its captures. 

After all, jiiracy was a ])Oor barbarous trade of murder and 
rapine, leading to a bad end. In 1718 Colonel Rhett of South 
Carolina sailed out and overwhelmed Captain Bonnet and his 
force of cutthroats. In the same year Teach, or Blackbeard, 
a ruffian who blackened his face and colored his beard, was 
visited without invitation by two cruisers sent out by Governor 



COLONIAL LIFE ' 105 

Spotswood of Virginia, "which brought home Teach's head 
stuck on a bowsprit. Governor Fletcher of New York gave 
commissions to pirates visiting the city and sold protection to 
individual pirates at a hundred dollars apiece ; but his pirate 
friend Captain Kidd was at last hanged in chains in London. 



The thing most important to remember about the English 
colonists is that down to about 1700 they looked upon them- 
selves simply as a body of English people living across 77. sum- 
the sea; but that the new conditions made their life very marj 

different from that of their brethren across the water. Land 
was cheap, and therefore there were no hard and fast distinc- 
tions like those in England between the aristocratic land- 
owner, the middle-class farmer, and the lower-class laborer. 
Food and material for plain clothing abounded, and therefore 
there was no grinding poverty like that of England. Rude 
labor was much needed, and therefore slaves were introduced 
into the colonies at the time when slavery died out in England. 
Population was scattered, and the colonists were distant from 
the intellectual and literary life of the home country, and 
hence their literature was limited and commonplace. 

Commercial life was active and eager; the colonists were 
good shipbuilders, bold sailors, and successful merchants. 
Down to 1700 the English restrictions on trade were slight, 
and after that time they were evaded. In general, the colo- 
nies were happy, progressive, and prosperous little com- 
munities. 

TOPICS 

(1) Growth of colonial population from 1607 to 1763. Suggestive 
(2) List of contemporary writers who described colonial industries 
and life from 1607 to 1689. (3) Colonial writers of verse. 

(4) Treatment of supposed witches outside of New England. 

(5) Introduction of slaves into New England. (6) Phips's dis- 
covery of treasure. (7) What goods were "enumerated"? 
(8) Why did the colonists smuggle ? (9) Witchcraft at Salem. 



topics 



lOG 



COLON I A L A M i: l{ 1 (' A NS 



Search 
topics 



(10) French IIuguenoLs in the English colonies. (11) Ladies' 
dress in the colonies. (I'i) Life in some colonial college before 
1750. (13) The tithing master in church. (14) Slave life in Vir- 
ginia, 1619-1750. (15) A pirate's life. (16) Instances of smug- 
gling. (17) Schools in the South. (18) List of colonial churches 
built before 1700 and still standing. (19) Studies and school books 
in early colonial times. (20) A New England Sabbath. 



Oeogrraptay 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



niuatrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

Semple, Oeographic Conditions, 114-132. 

Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 23, 40-45, 75-80, 91-96 ; Fisher, Colonial 
Era, 56-61, 74, 164-176, 207-211, 313-320 ; Lodge, English Colonies, 
chs. ii. iv. vi. viii. x. xiii. xvii. xxii. ; Fiske, Old Virginia, XL 1- 
30, 116-130, 174-269, -308-369, — Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II. 
62-98, 222-235, 258-293, 317-356 ; Doyle, English in Aincrica, I. 
381-395, II. 1-10, IIL 1-8, 14-97, 323-337, 377-395 ; Bruce, Vir- 
ginia, I. 189-634, II. ; Weeden, New England, I. 47-314, 330-378, 
387-447, II. 449-472, 492-606 ; Stockton, Buccaneers and Pirates ; 
McCrady, South Carolina, I. 251-263, 341-363, 564-567, 586-623, 
II. 376-540; Tyler, American Literature (Colonial) ; Locke, Anti- 
slavery, 9-45 ; Wendell, Cotton Mather, 88-307. 

Hart, Contemporaries, I. §§ 85-89, 137-149, 168, 172, II. §§ 16-18, 
25, 28, 32, 34, 35, 45, 46, 80-87, 90-108, — Source Book, §§11, 12, 
28-35, 41, 43-47, — ^owrce Readers, I. §§ 14-17, 22, 24, 39, 50-54, 
66-83, II. 1-23, 55 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 22, 23, 25, 
28, 34, 43, 50 ; American History Leaflets, no. 19 ; Caldwell, Sur- 
vey, 13-22, 1"26-132; Samuel Sewall, Diary. See N. Eng. Hi.st. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 313-;315, — Historical Sources, § 74. 

Longfellow, Giles Corey ; Whittier, Mabel Martin, — Prophecy 
of Samuel Sewall, — Witch of Wenham ; A. M. Earle, Home Life 
in Colonial Days, — Child Life in Colonial Days, — Colonial 
Dames, — Sabbath in Puritan New England, — Customs and 
Fashions in Old New England, — Stage-Coach and Tavern Days, 
— Two Centuries of Costume, — Curious Punishments ; J. de F. 
Shelton, Salt- Box House, 1-149 ; C. G. DuBois, Martha Corey 
(witchcraft) ; Hawthorne, Scarlet Letter, — Old Neics, pt. i. ; 
Cooper, Satanstoe (N,Y.); P. H. Meyers, Young Patroon (N.Y.); 
Marion Harland, His Great Self (Co\. Byrd); Stockton, Kate Bon- 
net (pirates); Stevenson, Treasure Island (pirates); J. H. Ingra- 
ham. Captain Kyd; J. E. Cooke, Youth of Jefferson (college life). 

Mrs. Earle's books mentioned above ; Sparks, Expansion ; 
Wilson, American People, I. II. ; Edward Eggleston in The Cen- 
tury, 1884, 1885. 



CHAPTER VII. 



INTERJ^AL DEVELOPMENT, 1689^1740 

One of the tasks of King William's government was to reor- 
ganize the colonies. He gave Massachusetts Bay a new char- 
ter (October 7, 1691) by which Maine was retained, 73. Beor- 
Plymouth was annexed, and the governor was appointed ganization 
by the king: all Christian worship except the Catholic nie^ (1689- 
was to be tolerated ; New Hampshire, which had reunited 1729) 

itself to Massachusetts, was again separated. Connecticut and 
Rhode Island went back to their former liberal charters, and 
were the only colonies allowed to elect their governors. 




Philadelphia about 1740. (From aii old print.) 

In the middle colonies the proprietary charter of New York 
had been ^surrendered (1685) when the proprietor became king, 
and that of the combined Jerseys was yielded in 1702. Penn 
was deprived of his proprietorship of Pennsylvania for a year 
C1693-1694), and came near selling his patent to the crown 
in 1712. Delaware was separated from Pennsylvania in 1703, 
though the two still had the same governor appointed by the 
proprietor. 



hart's AMEK. HI3T. 7 



107 



108 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

The same policy of harassing the proprietary governments 

was followed in the South. Maryland in 1691 was for a time 

made a province, or royal colony, but the proprietorship was 

restored to the Baltimores later. The people of the Carolinas 

formed an association to oppose the proprietors, who in 1729 

gave way, and sold their claims to the crown; and the British 

government (p. 126) thereupon organized the two separate 

colonies of North Carolina and South Carolina. 

Between South Carolina and Florida in 1732 was set up the 

new chartered colony of Georgia, extending from the Savannah 

79. Settle- River to the Altamaha; and from the sources of those 

ment o rivers westward to the South Sea. The leader of the 

Georgia 

(1732-1752) enterprise was James Oglethorpe, a man of high philan- 
thropic spirit, whose announced purpose was to form a Chris- 
tian commonwealth. The first settlement was made at 
Savannah (1733) ; besides colonists from England, Protestant 
exiles came over from the principality of Salzburg in the 
Austrian Alps; and German Moravians, Protestant Scotch 
Highlanders, and Jews soon moved in. 

The three fundamental principles of the new colony were 
that slavery should not be permitted, that rum should be 
excluded, and that there should be complete religious tolera- 
tion. The trustees tried to start silk culture and wine mak- 
ing, but the crop which was most cultivated on the coast was 
rice, for which the planters insisted that they must have 
slaves ; and at last, in order to compete with South Carolina, 
the trustees gave way. Still the colony was not prosperous ; 
and the trustees, disappointed in both moral and pecuniary 
return for their investment, surrendered their proprietorship 
to the home government (1752). 

The boundaries between the colonies were in many cases in 

80 Bound- controversy. Virginia and North Carolina ran their " Di- 

arycontro- viding Line" — the present boundary — in 1728. The 

question, which branch of the upper Potomac separated 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 



109 



Virginia from Maryland, was settled in 1746. The most trou- 
blesome of all these controversies was that between Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland (see p. 81) : Baltimore's grant of 1632 
— " unto that part of Delaware Bay on the north which lieth 
under the 40th degree of north latitude" — included the whole 
of upper Chesapeake Bay, and even the site of Philadelphia; 
but Penn insisted that his grant " unto the beginning of the 
fortieth degree of North- 
ern Latitude " meant the 
39th parallel, and not the 
40th. Baltimore had the 
legal advantage ; Penn 
had the king's favor; 
therefore the English gov- 
ernment gave a strip com- 
prising Philadelphia to 
Penn, and the two pro- 
prietary families agreed 
on a compromise line, 
which was finally run by 
the surveyors Mason, and 
Dixon (1763-1767). Later 
that line became also the 
boundary between free and slaveliolding states — that is, be- 
tween the North and " Dixie's Land." 

New York took advantage of the Pennsylvania plea that a 
degree of latitude "began" at the parallel of the next lower 
degree, to push the northern line of Pennsylvania one degree 
south. In New England, Massachusetts had controversies with 
every neighbor, but finally came down to substantially her pres- 
ent bounds. The region north of Massachusetts and west of 
the Connecticut River was claimed by Massachusetts, settled 
under grants from New Hampshire, and then was assigned to 
New York (1764) by the British government. 




Pennsylvania Boundary 
Controversies. 



110 coLuMAi. ami:kicans 

The colonies pressed their claims to territory because they 

felt responsible for their own future. Nowhere on earth were 

81 Growth *^^®^® such free commonwealths; nowhere was there so 

of colonial much discussion of public questions by the people at large ; 

nowhere was there such a " fierce spirit of liberty," as 

Edmund Burke called it. 

The foundation of this lively colonial democracy was the 
conviction that Americans were entitled to inborn rights, which 
could not be taken away by either British or colonial govern- 
' ments. Among them were : (1) the personal rights of Eng- 
lishmen set forth in the old common law, such as speedy and 
open trial by jury, and freedom from arbitrary arrest; (2) rights 
asserted for the English by such statutes as the Petition of 
Right (1628), the Habeas Corpus Act (1679), and the Bill of 
Rights (1689) ; (3) the right to make statutes in local matters 
through town meetings and other local assemblies. 

Voting was in every colony restricted to owners of real 
estate, as in England, or to payers of considerable personal 
taxes; but the land qualification was easy to get, and tliere- 
fore about one half or one third of the adult free men were 
voters. There were no political parties in the modern sense : 
the usual division was between the friends of the governor and 
the opposition. In all the colonies the local dignitaries con- 
trolled their neighbors' votes ; and the public honors fell to a 
small number of families of social distinction. 

The colonial democracies were organized in one or another 

of three official forms: (1) under charters, in the three colo- 

82. Prin- nies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut; 

of^cofonial (^) ^"^^r orders and grants of the proprietors, holders of 

government patents, in the three colonies of Pennsylvania, Delaware, 

and Maryland ; (3) under orders and instructions to governors, 

issued by the home government in the seven "provinces" 

of New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Virginia, North 

Carolina, South Carolina, and (after 1752) Georgia. 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 111 

All these groups of colonies had governments divided into 
three departments : — 

(1) The governors of two of the charter colonies vi^ere elect- 
ive ; in the three proprietary colonies they were sent out by 
the proprietors ; in the eight other colonies they were appointed 
by the crown. They were paid under acts of the assemblies, 
and hence had to come to an understanding with their people. 
Associated with the governor was a small council appointed 
by the crown or governor, which was in most colonies both 
the highest court and the upper house of the legislature. 

(2) The assembly (lower house of the legislature) was elected 
from counties or towns, as units of representation. In conjunc- 
tion with the governor and council, it made laws, and had the 
right of voting taxes ; and it appointed certain colonial execu- 
tive officers and audited the accounts. 

(3) In the colonial courts the judges were appointed by the 
governor or the crown, except in Rhode Island and Connecti- 
cut. This was the weakest department of the colonial govern- 
ments; for the judges had no authority to hold that a colonial 
statute was invalid. But in all criminal and most civil cases 
juries were used, and justice was speedy and cheap. 

The freedom of action of the colonial governments was 

limited in several ways : (1) The colonists acknowledged the 

personal sovereignty of the king and the right of Parlia- gs. Eestric- 

ment to legislate for all parts of the British Empire in tio^s on co- 

„ . lonial fifov- 

matters of trade ; and in every war the enemies of Eng- emments 

land were the enemies of the colonies. (2) The general con- 
duct of the colonies was subject to the supervision of the 
home government, exercised by instructions sent out to the 
appointed governors ; these included the obligation to call 
assemblies, but also forbade the governor to sign certain kinds 
of bills. Most colonies had in London an agent to represent 
the colony there and watch its interests. (3) The legislature 
could be dissolved by the governor, and its acts (except in 



112 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

Rhode Island and Connecticut) were subject to his veto; and 
the home government or proprietor could disallow a colonial 
act even if the governor had signed it. (4) Appeal lay from 
the colonial courts to the Privy Council in England. 

The result was that governors and assemblies were often at 
odds; the popular branch of the government would hold up the 
governor's salary until he gave in to their demands for paper 
money or other bills against which he was instructed. 

The colonial governments had the power to set up local gov- 
ernments of various kinds, and to alter or abolish them. 

(1) The county system, most distinct in the southern 

govern- colonies, was an attempt to reproduce the English shire, 

men s with a board appointed by the governor, called the 

court of quarter sessions, or county court, which laid local 

taxes, made local ordinances, and acted as a court for petty 

offenses. 

(2) In Pennsylvania and New York both counties and towns 
were established : in Pennsylvania, the county officials were 
elected as such ; in New York the " supervisor " elected by 
each town or township was also a member of the county board. 
Both these types are now common in northern states. 

(3) New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey set up a few 
city and borough governments. 

(4) The smallest unit of local government in England, at the 
time of colonization, was the parish, or town. Some parishes 
were governed by a " select vestry," filling its own vacancies ; 
others by a parish meeting of the taxpayers. The select vestry 

' was introduced into the South (but has ceased to exist) ; while 
the taxpayers' meeting was adopted for New England villages 
(towns), and developed into the town meeting. 

Once a year, and at other times if necessary, all the voters 
of a New England town were summoned to a public meet- 

85. Colo- "^ . r J 

nial town ing, in which most of the town business was performed, 
meetings Town officers were chosen for the year, especially the 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 



113 



" townsmen," or selectmen — a board of executive officers who 
sat from time to time during the year. Other officers were 
the town clerk, town treasurer, and a bewildering list of petty 
officers, such as constables, surveyors of the highway, over- 
seers of the poor, pound 
keepers, and hog reeves. 

The main business of 
the town meeting, how- 
ever, was to legislate for 
the town, and it was a 
place for vigorous discus- 
sion, and for the develop- 
ment of parliamentary law 
and political patience ; and 
in troubled times it was 
the center of protest, as 
when the Cambridge town 
meeting in the Stamp Act 
days instructed its repre- 
sentatives that "they use their utmost endeavours, that the 
same may be repealed ; that this vote may be recorded in the 
Town Book, that the children yet unborn may see the desires 
that their ancestors had for their freedom and happiness." 

Though officially quite distinct from one another, and con- 
nected only by common adherence to the British government, 
the colonies had many relations with one another. It 86. Germs 
was easy for an Englishman or a foreigner to become union 

a citizen of a colony, or to move from one to another, (1690-1750) 
for every colony was Protestant, every colony had the same 
system of laws, every colony was English-speaking. 

In the period from 1690 to 1750 several intercolonial meet- 
ings were held to discuss Indian relations and other matters 
of common interest. William Penn even proposed (1696) an 
annual meeting of deputies of all the provinces, to discuss 




Boston Town House, 1658. 



114 



COLONIAL AMKHICANS 



intercolonial questions and common defense; but distance, 
local jealousies, and the lack of a definite common grievance, 
for near a century kept the colonies from uniting. 




Deck Plans of a Slavkr. 
Showing stowage of nearly 500 persons iu a 300-ton ship; from a broadside. 

Several new branches of trade developed after 1700, espe- 
cially the African slave trade. Under the treaty of Utrecht 
87. Devel- (1713) an English company, in which Queen Anne was 
colonral° °^® °^ ^^^ partners, got the Asiento, or privilege of car- 
commerce rying slaves to the Spanish West Indies. The New 
Englanders were quick to work up a profitable slave trade for 
themselves. Hardly anywhere was there protest against the 
trade or its shocking cruelties ; and whenever the legislatures 
of the colonies tried to tax it for revenue, or for any other 
reason, the bills were vetoed in England because the trade was 
so profitable to the English merchant. 

Eventually so many slaves were brought that the people 
began to be frightened, and South C'arolina several times tried 
to lay duties on their importation. The slave traffic was con- 
nected with the manufacture of rum, which was carried to 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 115 

Africa to be exchanged for slaves ; part of the slaves were 
carried to the West Indies on the so-called Middle Passage 
and exchanged for molasses ; and the molasses and the profits 
came home to New England to furnish raw material for more 
rum. In 1733 this business was much affected by the Molasses 
Act passed by Parliament to protect the product of the British 
West Indies, by prohibiting the colonists from using molasses 
or sugar from the French or Spanish West Indies. 

Colonial trade was always disturbed because there was no 
uniform or steady standard of currency. Alongside the Eng- 
lish sterling money was a medley of coins of all nations, 88. Cur- 
especially the Spanish " piece of eight," or dollar. In '*"*^\n^r 
Virginia and Maryland tobacco was a legal currency, money 

even for taxes. There and elsewhere barter was very com- 
mon, and people bought goods for "money" (cash), "pay" 
(produce), or " pay as money " (credit payable in produce). 

Most of the colonies followed the bad example of Massa- 
chusetts in putting out paper notes issued to secure a tempo- 
rary public loan, or lent by the colony to private individuals 
on the security of their lands, or lent by private " loan banks " 
on mortgages to the stockholders. To vote such paper issues 
was so easy that they ran up in amount and ran down in 
purchasing power. There came a time when a Rhode Island 
ten-pound note would not pass for more than eight shillings, 
or one twenty-fifth of its face, measured in gold and silver. 
The issue of any form of colonial paper money was discour- 
aged by the home government ; and in 1751 was prohibited 
by Parliament, except in emergencies. 

The experiments in paper money were an evidence of a will- 
ingness to try something new, which extended even to the- 
ology. The Puritan theocracy steadily lost ground during 89. Intel- 
the eighteenth century, although a new leader of thought relieious 
in New England, Rev. Jonathan Edwards, worked out an awakening 
elaborate system of theology based on the " total depravity " 



116 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

of human nature. He taught that the blessed in Heaven would 
be made happier by seeing the torments of the lost; yet he 
was an affectionate parent, a thrifty business man, and an 
acute reasoner. 

Against this harsh theology and appeal to the fears of man- 
kind, came a movement of protest which began in the attempt 
of John and Charles Wesley, devoted clergymen of the 
Church of England, to restore vital religion to that church. 
In their sermons, doctrinal books, and hymns, they dwelt on 
the love of the Savior, and the great desire of God that His 
children should be reconciled to Him. In 1736 both brothers, 
followed by Rev. George Whitefield, came out for a time to 
Georgia, and attempted to convert the natives and to rouse the 
white people. The Wesley movement ended in the founding 
of the Wesleyan or Methodist Church in England. In 1740 
Whitefield came to New England, and by his powerful preach- 
ing brought about " The Great Awakening," the first general 
revival of religion in America. 

The New England Congregationalists under this pressure 
divided into " Old Lights " and " New Lights," the latter feel- 
ing that genuine conversion must show itself by tears, groans, 
and convulsions, popularly called '' the jerks." The outcome 
of the movement was the establishment of the Methodist 
Church in America and a great strengthening of the Baptists, 
while the Congregational, Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches 
throughout the colonies were directly or indirectly influenced 
to make religion less a matter of observance and dogma and 
more a matter of personal service. 

A new intellectual interest was shown by the publication of 
several excellent local histories, and by the foundation, between 
1746 and 1769, of five new colleges : New Jersey at Princeton ; 
Kings, now Columbia; Philadelphia, founded by Franklin, 
and later reorganized as the University of Pennsylvania; 
Rhode Island, now Brown ; and Dartmouth. 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1G89-1740 



117 



The most distinctly intellectual man of this period, and also 
the greatest political leader, was Benjamin Franklin, who was 
born in Boston in 1706, and settled in Philadelphia in 
1723. Franklin was a good printer, and the first Ameri- 
can journalist of any continental reputation. Through- 
out his life he was interested in education, and he rendered great 
service to science by 
discovering that light- 
ning is the same thing 
as the discharge of 
electricity produced by 
friction. He was also 
the inventor of the use- 
ful Franklin stove, a 
kind of little movable 
fireplace. He was ap- 
pointed deputy post- 
master-general for the 
colonies in 1753 and 
greatly improved the 
service. In 1757 Frank- 
lin was sent to England 
as agent of the colony 
of Pennsylvania, and 
remained there five 
years. Gradually other 
colonies noticed his influence with British statesmen and gave 
him a similar commission. He was a keen and caustic writer, 
and his satires on social and political matters, such as his How 
a Great Empire may become Small, had powerful effect; his 
Poor Richard's Almanac was an annual, abounding in shrewd 
common-sense observations, widely read in the colonies. 

The chief merit of Franklin was that his great mind saw 
how much the colonies could do if they would only act 



90. Ben- 
jamin 
Franklin 




Benjamin Franklin, about 1780. 
From a portrait by Duplessis. 



118 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

together ; he showed a willingness, very uncommon in the 
colonies, to sink local differences and interests for the common 
good; and in England he impressed the leading men with 
respect for himself and for the colonies which he represented. 
Franklin personified the colonist of the second half of the 
eighteenth century who had ceased to look upon himself as 
an Englishman living over seas, but was an American, with 
no purpose or desire but to remain a colonist. 



The characteristic of the half century from 1690 to 1740 is 
the quiet and sound development of the colonies, and their 
91. Sum- experience of self-government. The colonial govern- 
mary ments were in a sense new creations, for there was 

nothing like them in England. The governors had large nom- 
inal powers, but were hedged about by the assemblies and by 
their instructions ; Rhode Island and Connecticut were in all 
matters except foreign trade and foreign war practically inde- 
pendent little republics, and the other colonies were not much 
behind them. By force of circumstances, the English, types 
of parish meetings and county courts developed in America 
into vigorous little local governments, which did much to edu- 
cate the people in the conduct of their own affairs. 

The colonists made money by trade and struck off a poor 
and depreciating currency with their printing presses. A freer 
spirit prevailed in religion, and it is at this time that religious 
toleration begins to be general throughout the colonies. Above 
all, such men as Franklin stood for a sense of common interest 
and responsibility which might accustom people to think of 
themselves, from north to south, as essentially one people. 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) How did Massachusetts get the charter of 1691 ? (2) Why 

topics ^^g^g j^Tg„, York transferred by the proprietor to the crown ? New 

Jersey ? the Carolinas? (.3) Notable Germans in America before 

1750. (4) Was Penn entitled by his charter to the site of Phila- 



INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 



119 



delpbia ? (5) Describe the public services of some governor of a 
colony. (6) For any one colony compare its geographic extent in 
1650 with its extent in 1690. (7) Make a list of meetings of 
colonial governors, 1640-1763. (8) How could the English colo- 
nists trade with the Spanish West Indies ? (9) Why was the 
British government opposed to paper money ? (10) Spotswood's 
explorations west of the mountains. 

(11) The Wesleys in America. (12) Whitefleld's preaching. 
(13) Some of Franklin's witty sayings. (14) Claims by the 
colonists to the rights of Englishmen, 1689-1750. (15) Origin 
of the "caucus." (16) A session of a colonial legislature. 
(17) Oddities of town meetings. (18) Conduct of the slave 
trade. (19) Life at Princeton College. (20) Causes of dis- 
putes with colonial governors. (21) Some notable colonial 
agents. (22) Instances of acts of colonial legislatures vetoed by 
governors. 

REFERENCES 



Search 
topics 



Thyv&ites, Colonies, §§24-26, 46, 81,97, 116-130; Fisher, Colo- Secondary 
nial Era, 216-236, 241-286, 292-312; Lodge, English Colonies, a-^t^o^'i^ies 
chs. i. iii. v. vii. ix. xii. xiv. xviii.-xxi. passim ; Greene, Provin- 
cial America, — Colonial Governor; Fiske, Old Virginia, II. 30- 
44, 162-173, 289-308, 333-337, 370-400, — Z>m<cA and Quaker 
Colonies, II. 209-257, 294-317, — New France and New England, 
197-232 ; Dqyle, English in America, I. 266-274, 323-327, 343-350, 
363-380, III. 8-14, 273-376, 395-404 ; Gay, Bryant's History, IL 
395-400, III. 25-191, 222-253 ; Weeden, New England, I. 314-330, 
379-387, II. 473-492, 607-713; Channing, Town and County 
Government ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 3-11 ; Hart, Practical 
Essays, 133-161 ; Mereness, Maryland. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 27, 42, 48-52, — Contemporaries, I. §§ 104, Soiirces 
126, II. §§ 19-24, 26, 29-31, 33, 36, 38-44, 47-79, 88, 89, — Source 
Headers, I. §§ 13, 18, III. 71 : American History Leaflets, no. 14 ; 
Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xi. ; Caldwell, Survey, 32-39 ; Frank- 
lin, Autobiography ; John Woolman, Journal. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 301, 306-308, S13-S15, — Historical 
Sou7-ces, § 73. 

Hawthorne, Grandfather^ s Chair, pt. i. chs. x. xi., pt. ii. chs. 
i.-vi. ; Cooper, Deerslayer (N.Y.) ; J. K. Paulding, Dutchman's 
Fireside (N.Y.) ; Mary Johnston, Audrey (Va.) ; W. A. Caruthers, 
Knights of the Horseshoe (Va.) ; J. E. Cooke, Stories of the 
Old Dominion, 82-109 ; Simms, Yemassee (S. C. Indians). 

Winsor, America, V. ; Wilson, American People, I. II. Pictures 



Illustrative 
works 




1654 

'^edish l I Duteh l I 



CHAPTER VITT. 

WAKS WITH THE FRENCH (1G89-1763) 

One of the first acts of King AVilliani III. was to declare 

war on France in 1689; and during the next three quarters of 

92. Rivalry ^ century four fierce struggles by sea and land expressed 

of France flie national hostility between England and France, 
and Eng- 
land i'lie most notable thing in these wars is the rise of the 

(1689-1697) liritish " sea power." To protect her own colonies, 
scattered all over the globe, and to attack the colonies of France 
and Spain, England developed the best navy of the time. The 
unit for naval fights was a fleet of the " wooden walls of Eng- 
land," the great three-decker "ships of the line" of 1000 to 
2000 tons' burden, carrying in two or three tiers as nianv as 120 
guns. In time of war, often in times of peace, merchantmen 
sailed in " convoys," great fleets under protection of vessels of 
war, to keep off the enemy's cruisers and privateers. 

In each of these wars the colonists fought for England by 
land and sea. Their first experience of invasion was from a 
French expedition, composed partly of Indians, which in 1690 
struck the town of Schenectady, eighteen miles west of Albany, 
surprised it at midnight, sacked and burned its eighty houses, 
killed sixty people, and took thirty prisoners. In successive 
years half a dozen towns near the Atlantic coast were raided in 
the same ruthless fashion. The English struck one good return 
bhnv in 1090, when, under the leadership of Sir William 
Phips of Massachusetts, they captured Port Royal (now Ann;ii>- 
olis, Nova Scotia). After eight years of what was called in 
America " King William's War," each ])ower agreed by the peace 
of lvyswi(;k, in 1097 to restore its conquests to the other. 

122 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 



123 



Indians 



The French attack on the frontier led the English colonies to 
make friends with the ferocious Iroquois. The Five Nations 
were enlarged into the " Six Nations " by the coming of a 93 -Ph 
tribe of their blood brethren, the Tuscaroras (1713). Then border 

five years later the home government appointed Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson its agent to the Six Nations. He lived among 
them in a great place called Johnson Hall, where he held open 
house for their benefit. He was an adept at those long-drawn 
councils which the Indians so much loved ; he knew how to 
give belts of wampum " to dry up their tears," how metaphori- 
cally " to clear the road grown up with weeds," and to set up 
"the fine shady trees almost blown down by the northerly 
winds." This palaver, accompanied with plenty of food and 
rum, was very effective in preventing the French north wind 
from blowing down the English influence among the Iroquois. 

In the South, the growth of the 
Carolinas led to bloody wars with 
the Tuscarora and Yamassee Indians 
from 1712 to 1716. In 1730 the Cher- 
okees made treaties, by which they 
recognized the king of Great Britain 
(p. 126) as their Father, and thus pro- 
vided a point of opposition to the 
French in the Southwest ; and the set- 
tlement of Georgia soon brought the 
whites into close contact with the Cher- 
okees, Oreeks, and other strong inte- 
rior tribes. 

The colonial wars were made more 
terrible by the Indian allies of the 

French, who captured prisoners to make slaves of them, or to 
hold them for a ransom. Fearful was the hasty march north- 
ward after a raid; little children were brained against the 
trees, because too troublesome to carry ; the women who fainted 




Indian Art. 

Pipe, lacrosse stick, and 
pouch, procured from 
■western Indians. 



124 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

with fatigue were tomahawked and scalped to save the trouble 
of carrying theui along. In one such foray (1G91) Hannah 
Dustin of Haverhill, Massachusetts, was made prisoner. She 
had the heroism, with a nurse and a white boy, to surprise her 
captors, and the barbarity to kill not only two Indian men 
but three women and five children; by this means she escaped 
and reached home again to tell the tale. 

During the twenty -five years after La Salle's exploration of 

the Mississippi, the French made various permanent settlements 

94. Settle- in the new country, especially St. Joseph near the head 

Lo^^8i°ana °^ ^^^^ Michigan (1681), Kaskaskia (1695), Cahokia 

(1681-1721) (1701) near the mouth of the Missouri, and Detroit on 

the waterway from Lake Erie to Lake Huron (1701); and 

later Vincennes on the Wabash Kiver (about 1732). 

For the lower Mississippi country three nations reached out 
at once: (1) Spain settled Pensacola as a basis for colonies 
to be plaT^ted farther west; (2) the French interrupted this 
plan by sending a fleet of five vessels with 130 colonists, under 
the Sieur d'Iberville, to take possession of the coast of Louisi- 
ana in 1699; (3) the English also sent out a ship, which was 
driven back (1699) by the French from the bend of the 
Mississippi just below New Orleans, still called English Turn. 
After stopping first at Dauphin Island, and then longer at 
Biloxi on tlin (xulf coast, I)'Il)orvill«! roiindofl Mobile niO'J). 
The purposes of this Louisiana colony were to control the in- 
terior Indians, to enrich the French with their furs, and to 
fight the English. Notwithstanding the introduction of negro 
slaves Louisiana grew very slowly, for like the English coast 
colonies it suffered from disease and Indian enemies; so that 
after ten years it contained only four huiulred Europeans. 
In 1712 a rich banker, Anthony C'rozat, got from the king of 
Gannett, France a grant giving him a monopoly of trade in ''all 
^oun unes, ^^^ countries, territories, lakes within land, and the 
rivers which fall directly or indirectly into the river St. Louis 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 125 

heretofore called the Mississippi." Crozat did little except 
to build posts in what is now upper Alabama and western 
Georgia, and after five years gave up his privileges. To them 
succeeded John Law and his vigorous Company of the West. 
The Illinois country was annexed to Louisiana ; Fort Chartres 
was built on the Mississippi above the Ohio, and another fort 
at Natchitoches on the Red River; a new political and com- 
mercial center for the colony was created in the town of New 
Orleans, founded in 1718 on a site chosen because the water 
front was elevated a few feet above the river. Law brought 
in German emigrants as well as French, and when his company 
went bankrupt a few years later 7000 persons had gathered in 
Louisiana. 

While Louisiana was developing, England engaged in " Queen 
Anne's War" (1701-1713) to prevent a union of the French 
and Spanish European and colonial empires under the 95 jjg. 

grandson of Louis XIV. In this war the Spaniards and newal of 

intercolo- 
Carolinians attacked each other's frontier towns ; espe- niai war 

cially St. Augustine and Charleston. In the North (1701-1713) 

the French incited the Indians to attack the Connecticut 

River town of Deerfield (1704) ; most of the inhabitants were 

killed or swept away, but the affair left deep resentment at 

a warfare which aimed only at destruction, with no hope of 

conquest. The New Englanders retaliated with the same 

kind of warfare on the French villages. Both Frenchmen 

and Englishmen often scalped their defeated enemies ; and in 

many cases white prisoners were turned over to Indian allies 

to give the Indians their favorite amusement of burning them 

at the stake. Toward the end of the war the English colonists 

captured Port Royal and again attacked Quebec. By the 

treaty of Utrecht, which ended the war in 1713, the French 

gave up "all Nova Scotia formerly called Acadia," and all 

claims to Newfoundland and Hudson Bay. This was the first 

time that the English by actual conquest extended their Ameri- 



126 COLONIAL AMKHICANS 

can boiiiiflarios at the expense of the Fiencb, and it was the 
beginning of the (h)\vnl'all oH the French empire in America. 

The period of this war was one of consolidation in England. 
For a century England and Scotland had been sister kingdoms, 
having one sovereign but two Parliaments ; but in 1707, by the 
Act of Union, they were united into the single kingdom of 
Great Britain, with a single British Parliament. Ireland, how- 
ever, remained a separate kingdom, with a separate Parliament, 
till 1801. After 1707 the Scots were on the same footing as 
the English in colonial trade. The union was expressed in a 
new British flag having the crosses of St. George and St. 
Andrew combined. In 1714, on the death of Queen Anne, the 
succession passed to the Elector of Hanover, George I. ; in 
1727 to his son George II. 

Though the French made no proper effort to send out large 

bodies of colonists to Canada, they strongly fortified the town 

96. Devel- s-^^d. harbor of Louisburg on the island of Cape Breton, 

opmentof ^^ q, center for their naval power in the north Atlantic: 

Canada and 

Louisiana they built forts at the mouth of the Niagara River, and 

(1721-1748) a(; Crown Point on Lake Champlain; and they began 
to send explorers and traders into the Ohio River country. 
The next step was to plan a chain of posts west of the Appa- 
lachian Mountains between Canada and Louisiana. 

This plan was postponed by a war called in American his- 
tory " King George's War," which broke out in 1739 between 
Great Britain and Spain, and in 1744 between Great Britain 
and France. Oglethorpe raised a force of Georgians which 
attacked the Spanish at St. Augustine; and thousands of 
English colonists were sacrificed in vain attacks on Cuba and 
on the Spanish stronghold of Carthagena in South America 
(1741). Four thousand New Englanders, however, under 
the command of William Pepperell, a brave but untrained 
militia general, joined a small British fleet, and in sixteen 
days' siege brought Louisburg to surrender in 1745. The 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 127 

war was ended in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by 
which conquests were mutually restored in all parts of the 
world. The French, reoccupied Louisburg and refortified it. 

Against the French claim to the whole eastern valley of the 
Mississippi, the British government set itself definitely, in 
1749, by making royal grants to the Ohio Company for 97. The 
land on the Ohio River, in what is now western Pennsyl- the^Ohio 
vania and West Virginia. To forestall a settlement there, (1749-1754) 
Celoron de Bienville was sent out by the French. He went 
down the Ohio in 1749 and near the mouths of the tributaries 
buried lead plates, setting forth that he had taken possession 
of the river. To confront the French, Virginia, which claimed 
the upper Ohio, founded a trading post on the Miami, about 
twenty miles above its mouth. The French broke it up (1752) 
and, reviving their plan of a chain of posts from the St. 
Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, built a fort at Presque Isle 
(Erie), and another. Fort Le Boeuf, twenty miles farther south. 

It became evident that war was at hand. Under directions 
from the king, Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia, in October, 
1753, sent to warn the French to withdraw. His messenger, 
George Washington (aged 21), with one companion made his 
way amid threatening Indians and the dangers of the wilder- 
ness, and delivered his message at F'ort Le Boeuf. He all 
but lost his life in the icy waters of the Allegheny River, but 
returned to report that the French would not yield. Instead, 
the French drove a little force of Virginians out of the stra- 
tegic point at the Forks of the Ohio (now Pittsburg) and built 
Fort Duquesne on the coveted spot. George Washington, in 
command of a little Virginian force, thereupon collided with 
a body of threatening French near Great Meadows (May 28, 
1754), and by his orders was fired the first shot in a great war. 

At the breaking out of this fourth intercolonial struggle, 
commonly called the French and Indian' War, the Lords of 
Trade tried to bring about an understanding between the Brit- 
uabt's amer. hist. — 8 



128 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

ish colonies t.lirough a congress at Albany, assembled to make 
a joint treaty with the Iroquois, and representing the four !Ne^T 

98. Con- England colonies, New York, Pennsylvania, and Mary- 
|re8B of land. When the treaty was completed, Benjamin Frank- 
U754) lin of Pennsylvania presented a plan for colonial union, 

which is a foreshadowing of our present federal constitution. 
A grand council sent from the colonies in proportion to their 
inhabitants was to have control of all Indian affairs, frontier 
settlements, and taxes for common purposes. This plan was 
approved by the congress, and sent out to the colonies for 
consideration, but as Franklin said, "Its fate was singular; 
the assemblies did not adopt it as they all thought there was 
too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judged to 
have too much of the democratic." 

At the beginning of the war the British colonists numbered 
about 1,300,000, and the Canadians were about 80,000, not 

99. Three counting a few thousand savage allies. The points of 
fea" ° *" contact between the French and the English were : 
(1755-1757) (1) the north Atlantic seacoast; (2) Lake Champlain; 

(3) the southern shore of Lake Ontario ; (4) the headwaters of 
the Ohio. At all four points the British attempted at the 
beginning of the war to strike hard, and most of the colonies 
contributed freely in men and money; although the Quakers 
in Pennsylvania held back, for they were opposed to all wars. 
On the northeast there was a special danger from the 7000 
French settlers who remained in Acadia (Nova Scotia) after it 
was ceded to Great Britain in 1713. Parkman, the best his- 
torian of this war, says, "The Acadians, while calling them- 
selves neutrals, were an enemy encamped in the heart of the 
province." To prevent the danger of their rising, an officer 
was sent, in 1755, with orders to remove them. He says that 
Contempora- the men first to embark " went off Praying, Singing & 
Ties, 11.365 Crying being Met by the women & Children all the way 
(which is \\ mile) with Great Lamentations upon their Knees 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 129 

praying &c." The Acadian families were torn from their 
homes, loaded on vessels, and distributed in the colonies, where 
many of them suffered severely before they could find a liveli- 
hood; and some families were forever separated. 

In the summer of 1755 an expedition of fifteen hundred men 
under the British general Braddock, sent against Fort Du- 
quesne, met a dramatic fate. Braddock was within seven miles 
of his destination, when a force of French and Indians, about 
one half of his strength, sallied out and totally defeated him. 
His regulars were brave but did not understand bush fighting, 
and Braddock would not allow even the militia to fight from 
behind trees ; hence a third of his ofl&cers and men were killed, 
and the remainder, regulars and provincials alike, Washington, 
says, " ran as sheep pursued by dogs." 

Braddock's defeat opened a road directly to the frontiers of 
Virginia and Pennsylvania, which were harried by the Indians ; 
but, through the exertions of Sir William Johnson, the Six 
Nations were held neutral. Two campaigns followed without 
decisive result. The English lost Fort Oswego on Lake On- 
tario ; and, while attempting to force the Lake Champlain route, 
lost Fort William Henry, where the French were unable to pre- 
vent their Indian allies from massacring the prisoners. 

In May, 1756, Great Britain declared war against France, 
and the general European struggle began, commonly called the 
Seven Years' War. It extended even to India, where Lord 100. Three 
Clive assured British supremacy against both French and 7^^^^ of 
natives at the battle of Plassey, 1757. Elsewhere Great (1758-1760) 
Britain suffered humiliating defeats. Then the English people 
insisted that William Pitt, an ardent and impulsive man, a 
powerful speaker, and a great administrator, be put at the 
head of affairs; and affairs began to mend. Fort Duquesne, 
and Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario, were taken in 1758 ; and 
the French were so weakened at sea that they could not pre- 
vent the second capture of Louisburg. 



130 



COLONIAL AMERICANS 



To invade Canada, Pitt now selected General James Wolfe, 
a model commander, endowed with the English bulldog te- 
nacity, and at the same time with the soldier's skill and dar- 
ing. With 9000 men and 
a fleet Wolfe besieged 
the strong fortress of 
Quebec, defended by 
14,000 men ably com- 
niauded by the Marquis 
(le Montcalm. Wolfe 
forced and won a battle 
on the Plains of Abra- 
ham, above the town 
(September 13, 1759), 
but was himself mortally 
wounded. " ' They run, 
see how they run,' cried a 
bystander. ' AVho runs I ' 
demanded our hero, with 
great earnestness. . . . 
The Officer answered, 'The enemy, Sir; Egad, they give way 
K His- everywhere.' The dying general issued his orders 
torical quickly; then turning on his side, he said, 'Now, God 

be praised, I will die in peace.'" In a few days Quebec 
surrendered, and the next year Montreal fell. In 1762 Manila 
and Havana were captured from Spain by British fleets. 

Hostilities were ended in all parts of the world by the peace 
of Paris (February 10, 17G3). Manila was not held, and Cuba 
Avas given up ; but the British took Spanish Florida in 
exchange, besides annexing Canada and Cape Breton, and 
the whole Mississippi valley east of the river, except the 
Island of Orleans. France had already transferred to 
Spain the part of Louisiana lying west of the Mississippi, 
together with New Orleans. Or all her North American pos- 




James Wolfe. 
From an old print. 



Journal, 69 



101. Exclu- 
sion of 
the French 
from North 
America 
(1763) 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 



131 



sessions, France retained only the two little islands of St. 
Pierre and Miquelon and some of the West Indies. 




SCALE OF MILES 

6 Ilio 3)0 six) 

^_,_BoUDjarie3 of the newprovinces 
^ ^_^.^ Proclamation Line 

BAH a|m a Boundaries of the Thirteen Colonies 

Present state boundarleB 



British Colonies in 1765. 

The treaty left the British undisputed owners of all the 
territory between the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi River, 
Hudson Bay, and the Atlantic Ocean. The British govern- 
ment, by royal proclamation, October 7, 1763, erected three 
new provinces, Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida, and 



132 COLONIAL AMERICANS 

extended Georgia to the St. Marys River. Instead of adding 
new area to any of the other colonies, several of which had 
once had charters extending west to the Pacific, the proclama- 
tion cut off all the old colonies from the Mississippi basin 
by a clause providing that " no governor, or commander in 
chief of our other colonies or plantations in America do . . . 
grant, warrant or survey or pass patents for lands beyond the 
heads or sources of any of the rivers which fall into the 
Atlantic Ocean from the west or northwest." That country 
was to be reserved for the occupation of the Indians. At 
that time the French whites and half-breeds east of the Missis- 
sippi were not more than 6000 in all ; and south of the Ohio 
the only Europeans were a few score traders and officials. 

The English began at once to mismanage the Indians. As 

Sir William Johnson said, they served out " harsh treatment, 

102 Indian ^^^S^^ words, and in short, everything which can be 

neighbors thought of to inspire . . . dislike." When they un- 

^ dertook to send out garrisons to the little French posts 

northwest of the Ohio River in 1763, a dangerous Indian war 

blazed out under the leadership of the great chief Pontiac. 

Several posts were taken and the garrisons massacred, but the 

British commander, Colonel Bouquet, soon broke down the 

Indian rising. 

By the treaty of Fort Stanwix with the Six Nations (1768), 
a dividing boundary line was drawn from Wood Creek, a tribu- 
tary of Oneida Lake, in central New York, southward and then 
westward to the west branch of the Susquehanna, thence across 
to the Allegheny River, and down the Ohio to the mouth of the 
Tennessee. This was an acknowledgment that the Iroquois, 
already in effect wards of the colony of New York, controlled 
territory outside the valley of the Hudson and the New York 
lakes. New relations were established in the South with the 
five tribes of Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and 
Seminoles, who had about 14,000 " guns," or fighting men. In 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH 133 

1768 the British got their first treaty of land cession from the 
Cherokees, and began to establish an influence in the region 
between Georgia and Louisiana. 



From 1689 to 1763 the international history of America is 
the history of the downfall of the French colonial power. 
At the beginning France had Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, 103. Sum- 
Canada, and claims to Newfoundland and Hudson Bay ; mary 

and she colonized Louisiana and asserted title to the whole 
Mississippi valley, though she occupied only a narrow fringe 
along the Gulf coast and a few settlements on the river. 

The year 1713 is the great turning point, because in the 
treaty of Utrecht the French were obliged to cede Acadia 
to Great Britain. In 1754 came a trial of strength for the 
Ohio valley, in which for three years the French held their 
own. Then in 1758 came the change; one French defense 
after another gave way, and the capture of Quebec in 1759 
broke their hold on Canada. In 1763 they were compelled to 
give up every square foot of their splendid empire on the 
mainland, and retained only the two little islands of St. Pierre 
and Miquelon south of Newfoundland, and their possessions in 
the West Indies, including part of Haiti. Thenceforward the 
Anglo-Saxons controlled the destinies of North America. 

TOPICS 

(1) Was William III. interested in the colonies? (2) Make a Suggestive 
list of wars in wliich tlie Iroquois took part. (3) Make a list *°P*<=8 
of captures and conquests of French territory in North America 
by the English, 1603-1750. (4) Why was Port Royal so often 
attacked ? (5) Why did the Tuscaroras join the Five Nations ? 

(6) What claim had the French and the English to Hudson Bay ? 

(7) Why did the Spaniards allow the French to settle on the lower 
Mississippi ? (8) Make a list of attacks on English seacoast 
settlers by the French and Spanish, 1607-1750. (9) What claim 
had the English to the Ohio valley ? (10) Was it necessary to 
deport the Acadians? (11) Why was the peace of 1763 unpopular? 



134 



COLONIAL AMERICANS 



Search 
topics 



(12) What were the goncral European wars corresponding to the 
four intercolonial wars — and what were their causes? 

(13) Account of a fleet engagement between the English and the 
French. (14) Life on a British man-of-war about 1750. (15) Ac- 
count of an Indian raid on a frontier town. (16) The "casket 
girls" in Louisiana. (17) Germans in Louisiana. (18) English cai>- 
tives taken to Canada. (19) Attack on Carthagena, 1741. (20) Con- 
temporary accounts of Braddock's defeat ; of the capture of Quebec. 
(21) Early New Orleans. (22) Defeat of Pontiac. (23) British 
war with the French in India, 1756-1763. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 121, 131 ; Thwaites, France in America ; Semple, 
Geographic Conditions, 36-46. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 12-20 ; Fisher, Colonial Era, 
236-240, 286-291; Sloane, French War and Revolution, 22-115; 
Lodge, English Colonies, 30-36, 109-111, 223-225, 307-310, 367- 
371 ; Thwaites, France in America ; Fiske, A'ew France and Neio 
England, 233-359; Parkman, Frontenac, 184-452, —//aZ/ Cen- 
tury of Conflict, — Montcalm and Wolfe, — Pontiac, I. 69-367, II. ; 
Wilson, American People, II. 58-61, 68-97 ; Gay, BryanVs History, 
III. 192-221, 254-328; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 342-:566, — 
Mississippi Basin ; King, Sieur de Bienville; Griffis, Sir William 
Johnson; Lodge, George Washington, I. 1-14, 54-118; Johnson, 
General Washington, 1-66. See also references to ch. iv. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 37-40, — Contemporaries, 11. §§ 22, 109- 
.29, — Source Readers, I. § 42, II. §§ 24-32, 34, 37-44 ; MacDonald, 
Select Charters, nos. 51, 52, 54 ; American History Leaflets, no. 14; 
Old South Leaflets, nos. 9, 73 ; Caldwell, Surveys, 39-43, — Teiri- 
torial Development, 12-23. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, 
Syllabus, 316, — Historical Sources, §75. 

Eggleston, American War Ballads, I. 14-20 ; Longfellow, Evange- 
line ; Whittier, Pentucket ; (Jilbcrt Parker, Trail of the Su;ord 
(Canada), — Seats of the Mighty (French and Indian War); 
William Kirby, Golden Dog (Canada) ; W. J. Gordon, English- 
man's Haven (Louisburg); Hawthorne, Grandfather'' s Chair, pt. ii. 
chs. vii.-x., — Old News, pt. ii. ; James McHenry, The Wilder- 
ness (Ohio country) ; B. E. Stevenson, Soldier of Virginia (Brad- 
dock and Washington) ; J. E. Cooke, Stories of the Old Dominion, 
110-139; C. E. Craddock, Old Fort Loudon ; Cooper, Last of the 
Mohicans,- Pathfinder ; Kirk Munroe, At War imth Pontiac. 

Winsor, America, V. ; Wilson, American People, II. ; Sparks, 
Eri)((nsiitn. 



CHAPTER IX. 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY (1763-1774) 

The period from 1760 to 1765 is a turning point in the his- 
tory both of England and of America, for it marks the begin- 
ning of a feeling of hostility between these two parts of 104. New 
the British Empire. The first strong and positive sover- theBritish 
eign since William III. was the young George III., who Empire 
came to the throne in 1760, and said, in a public address, 
" Born and bred in this country, I glory in the name of Briton." 
His mother used to say to him, 
*' George, be a king"; and as 
soon as he could, he rid him- 
self of the ministry of noble 
Whig families who controlled 
both houses of Parliament, 
and he began systematically 
to build up a personal gov- 
ernment. 

Opposed to the king's policy 
was a group of brilliant states- 
men, of whom the most famous 
were William Pitt (later Earl 
of Chatham), Charles James 
Fox, and Ednnind Burke ; they 

counseled wise and moderate dealing with the colonies. Not- 
withstanding this opposition, for a long time the king by 
shrewd means, by bestowing titles here, appointments there, 
reproofs to a third man, and banknotes where other things 

135 




George III., about 1765. 

From a painting by Sir William 
Beechy. 



13G REVOLUTION 

failed, was able to keep up in the House of Commons a major- 
ity, usually called "the king's friends." 

On the western side of the Atlantic a new spirit began to 
stir among the colonists when the danger of invasion by French 
neighbors ceased forever in -1703. As the French statesman 
Turgot said (1750), "Colonies are like fruits, they stick to the 
tree only while they are green ; as soon as they can take care 
of themselves they do what Carthage did and what America 
will do." These latent tendencies to independence were 
strengthened by the attempt of the home government to assert 
new powers of government over the colonies. The colonial 
officials in England resented the slowness and lack of united 
action shown by the colonial assemblies during the French and 
Indian War, and felt that it would be better for them all to 
pay money into one treasury, for g'?neral colonial purposes. 

Up to this time the principal British control over the colonies 
as a whole had been exercised through the navigation acts. 

105. Regu- Notwithstanding the special privileges thereby given to 
colonial colonial ships, the acts caused friction, because they cut 
trade off colonial trade and profits in order to swell the trade 

and profits of English merchants. The home government was 
aware that smuggling went on, and tried to stoji it; but even 
the little duties laid by the home government in colonial ports, 
to give some control over the movements of ships, were so 
evaded that it cost £7000 a year to collect £2000. To prevent 
the rise of new manufactures the IJritish (17o0) prohibited the 
colonists from using rolling mills and steel furnaces ; and in 
1774 stopped the coming in of machinery for making cloth. 

In order to detect smugglers, British customs officers in 
the colonies were accustomed to go to the courts and ask for 

106. Claim a general writ of assistance, which authorized them to 
ienab^e^ search any ])rivate buildings for suspected smuggled 
Eights" goods; without such searches the navigatit)n acts could 

hardly be carried out. In a test case before tlie Massachusetts 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 137 

courts in 1761, a brilliant and able young lawyer, James Otis, 
argued against the writs on the novel ground that they were 
contrary to the principles of English law : " Reason and the 
constitution are both against this writ. . . . All precedents 
are under the control of the principles of law. . . . No John 

Acts of Parliament can establish such a writ. . . . An works 'ii 
act against the constitution is void." John Adams said 525 

of him, " Otis was Isaiah and Ezekiel united — Otis was a 
flame of fire — Otis's oration against writs of assistance breathed 
into this nation the breath of life." 

Notwithstanding Otis's argument, the writs of assistance 
were again issued in Massachusetts ; but his speech and his 
later pamphlets stated three principles of great weight in 
the approaching Revolution : (1) that the colonists possessed 
certain inalienable personal rights ; (2) that there was a 
traditional system of colonial government, which could not be 
altered by Great Britain without the consent of the colonies; 
(3) that under that system the colonies were united to Great 
Britain through the same sovereign, but were not a dependent 
part of Great Britain, nor subject to Parliament. 

In accordance with the practice of a century and a half, 
the home government about this time disallowed a statute of 
Virginia which reduced the stipends of the established clergy. 
A test case was made (1703), commonly called " the Parson's 
Cause," in which Patrick Henry got his first reputation and 
won the jury by an argument that there was a limit to the 
legal control of the mother country over colonial legisla- 
tion. In a bold and significant phrase he declared that Contempora- 
" a King, by . . . disallowing acts of so salutary a na- ''*^*'' ^^- -'^'^ 
ture, from being the Father of his people degenerates into a 
Tyrant, and forfeits all right to his subjects' obedience." 

Another danger to the freedom of the colonies came from 
a new spirit in the Lords of Trade. When Charles Town- 
shend was chairman for a short time (February to April, 1763), 



188 



KEVOLLTION 



he worked out a comprehensive plan for controlling the colo- 
nies. (1) Armed vessels were to be sent to the American 
107 p o coast, and the naval officers were to be commissioned as 
posed con- revenue officers. (2) A new system of admiralty courts 
^ was to be set up, to deal more effectively with breaches 



nial govern' 

ments 

(1763) 



of the Acts of Trade. (3) A force of troops was to be 
stationed in America for common defense at the expense 

of the colonies. (4) Steps were to be 

taken to appoint and pay the colonial 

judges from England, so as to free them 

from control of the colonial assemblies. 

(5) For the necessary expenses a stamp 

duty was to be laid on the colonies. 

None of the proposed measures were car^ 

ried out at the time. 

Another danger was brought on by the 

activity of Lord George Grenville, when 
108 Tax- ^® became prime minister in April, 

atio'* and 17(53. The Molasses Act of 1733, 

the Stamp 

Act essentially a measure to protect 

(1763-1765) t^e sugar planters of the British 
West Indies, was by the Sugar Act of 
17G4 made more stringent and extended 
to coffee and other tropical products. In 
this act Grenville inserted the statement 
that it was *'just and necessary" that a 
tax be laid in the colonies. In 1765 he informed the agents 
of the colonies that he meant to lay a stamp duty unless they 
would suggest some other form of taxation. Without much 
objection, an act of Parliament was passed (March, 1765) for 
"certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the British colonies 
and plantations in America, toward further def Baying the ex- 
penses of defending, protecting, and securing the same." The 
duties were to be imposed on all sorts of legal documents, law 




Great-gkandmother's 
Dress. 

Abigail Bishop's dress of 
1780, worn by a de- 
scendant. 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 



139 



proceedings, wills, licenses and commissions, land patents, bills 
of sale ; and also on playing cards, newspapers, pamphlets, ad- 
vertisements, almanacs, and the like. The proceeds of the tax 
(estimated at £100,000 a year) were to go toward the expense 
of troops which were to be sent to America for the defense of 
the colonies. A few days later another cause of quarrel was 
provided in the Quartering Act, by which military officers were 
authorized to call on colonial authori- 
ties to provide barracks for troops. 

Against the Stamp Act the best writ- 
ers in America poured forth a flood of 
argument and protest. 

(1) On taxation, they argued that 
the power of laying taxes for revenue 
in the colonies belonged solely to the 
colonial governments. As for Parlia- 
ment, one writer said: If they "have 
a right to impose a stamp tax, they 
have a right to lay on us a poll tax, a 
land tax, a malt tax, a cider tax, a 
window tax, a smoke tax; and why 
not tax us for the light of the sun, the 
air we breathe, and the ground we are 
buried in ? " 

(2) On representation, they argued 
that the principle practiced by Parlia- 
ment itself was " no taxation without representation," and how 
could they be represented in a Parliament thousands of miles 
away ? And they scouted the British explanation that they 
were fairly represented by the English members of a Parlia- 
ment; for their principle was that members of a legislature 
represented not classes or landed interests, but a body of peo- 
ple living in some definite area. 

(3) On the nature of colonial government, they maintained 







mi. ^^ 


■It'' 'H 



A Colonial Lady, 
ABOUT 1780. 

Portrait of Susanna Ran- 
dolph, by Copley. 



140 KEVOLLTION 

that the colonists had a traditional right not to be subject in 
such matters to the control of Parliament. For instance, tlic 
John Han- Boston merchant John Hancock said, " I will never carry 
cock, his on Business under such great disadvantages and Burthen. 
* I will not be a slave, I have a right to the libertys &l 

Privileges of the English Constitution, and I as an English- 
man will enjoy them." 

Opposition to the tax took several serious forms. 

(1) Some of the colonial assemblies passed strong resolutions 
109. Op- against taxation; the best known are Patrick Henry's 
^Bitaonto Yix-ginia Kesolutions, which culminate in the declaration 
Act (1766) " That every attempt to vest such power in any other 
Frothing- person or persons whatever than the General Assembly 
vTr ^%i ^-foi'ssaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has 
HO a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as Ameri- 
can liberty." 

(2) More quiet but effective means were the organization 
of "Sons of Liberty," a kind of patriotic society; and an 
attempt to boycott British goods. 

(3) In many places mobs made discussion impossible; stamp 
distributors were threatened and compelled to resign, or were 
burned in effigy before their own doors, and their property de- 
stroyed. Thomas Hutchinson, lieutenant governor and chief 
justice of Massachusetts, opposed the Stamp Act while it was 
pending; nevertheless his house was sacked and plundered, and 
his life and the lives of his family endangered because he pro- 
posed to execute the law. In thus forsaking an orderly govern- 
ment, and resorting to violence, the people who engaged in 
these outbreaks damaged their own cause and set a bad ex- 
ample for the years that followed. 

(4) The most effective method was the holding of a Stamp 
Act Congress of delegates from nine colonies, in New York, 
October 7, 1765. This dignified body petitioned the British 
government to withdraw the act, and drew up a formal state- 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 141 

meat of " the most, essential rights and liberties of the colo- 
nists, and of the grievances under which they labor."' This 
document set forth loyalty to the crown, but stood firm on 
" No taxation without representation." When November 1 
came, the date for putting the act in force, it was entirely 
ignored, and documents were simply left without stamps. 

The opposition to the Stamp Act caused much perplexity in 
England. William Pitt warmly defended the colonists : " We 
may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise 
every power whatsoever," said he, " except that of taking their 
money out of their pockets without their consent." Parlia- 
ment repealed the Stamp Act (March 18, 1766) before any 
serious attempt had been made to execute it ; but eleven days 
earlier passed a brief act setting forth that the colonies were 
" subordinate unto, and dependent upon the Imperial Crown 
and Parliament of -Great Britain [which had] full power and 
authority ... to bind the Colonies and People of America, 
subject of the Crown of Great Britain, in all Cases whatsoever." 

By thus reaffirming the right to tax the colonies, the way 

was opened for a renewal of the trouble. Townshend again 

came into power, and in 1767 secured new duties on hq xown- 

paper, painters' colors, glass, and tea, the expected pro- shend Acts, 

and troops 
ceeds of £35,000 or £40,000 a year to be used to in Boston 

pay fixed salaries to royal colonial officers. When the (1767-1771) 
New York assembly refused to pass the necessary act to pro- 
vide barracks and other necessities for the British troops, 
Townshend took the dangerous step of practically suspending 
the government of New York by an act of Parliament. This 
distinct assertion that the colonial assemblies were subject to 
Parliament greatly alarmed the other colonies. 

Again strong protests were heard. John Dickinson of 
Pennsylvania, in his Letters from a Farmer, called upon his 
countrymen by practical and law-abiding methods to "take 
care of our rights, and we therein take care of our prosperity 



142 • 1 n:\oLrTioN 

. . . slavery is ever preceded by sleep." Xoii-iiiiport;ition 
agreements were made in many parts of tlie colonies and 
signed by men like George Washington. The General Court, 
or legislature, of Massachusetts sent a circular letter to 
the other colonies, urging thera to join in remonstrance. In 
June, 1768, British customhouse officials were assaulted while 
searching the sloop Liberty, belonging to John Hancock ; and 
he was sued for smuggling. Soon after, two regiments of red- 
coats were ordered to Boston " to strengthen the hands of the 
government in the Province of Massachusetts Bay." As a 
witty Boston clergyman sajd, "Our grievances are now all 
red-dressed." 

The coming of troops, intended to overawe and not to defend, 
incensed all the colonies. In March, 1770, there was a fight be- 
tween the troops and the populace in Boston in which five per- 
sons were killed. Although the name " Boston Massacre " was 
applied to the unfortunate affair, John Adams was so far from 
sympathy with the populace that he defended the commander 
of the troops, who was acquitted. Two of the soldiers who 
had fired without orders, under great provocation, were con- 
victed of manslaughter, and eventually were lightly punished. 
The offensive Townshend duties were withdrawn in 1771, 
after producing £16,000 at a cost of about £200,000; but 
again the British government stupidly insisted on the principle 
of taxation by retaining a tea duty of threepence a pound. 

Just about this time another grievance much disturbed the 
peace of mind of many good colonists. So completely sepa- 
Jll. Ques- rated are church and state in America to-day that it is 
coloiUal^ hard to realize how much our forefathers feared that 
church they might be brought under the control of the Church ' 

of England by the designation of an American bishop, or 
bishops. The idea was not welcome to the Episcopalians 
of the southern and middle colonies, and was still more un- 
popular in New England, where the Congregational Church 



QUAEREL WITH TIJE MOTHER COUNTRY 



143 



was established. When the Episcopal missionary to the college 
town of Cambridge built himself a large and handsome house, 

it came to be popularly 
known as ''the Bishop's 
Palace." If the colonists 
had realized it, there was 
no cause for alarm ; for 
the British government 
was unwilling to furnish 
a new cause of grievance. 
While North and South 
were slowly combining to 
oppose Great Brit- 112 The 
ain, a new West 




" The Bishop's Palace," Cambridge, 
BUILT IN 1761. 

Type of the handsome eolonial house. 



Trans- 
was opening up, on the headwaters of the southern tribu- movement 
taries of the Ohio (map, p. 181). After the French and (1768-1774) 
Indian War, both Pennsylvania and Virginia claimed the forks 
of the Ohio, where in 1765 the town of Pittsburg was founded. 
People poured across the mountains, and part of them drifted 
southward into the mountain regions of Virginia and North 
Carolina. Then frontiersmen, chiefly Scotch-Irish and Ger- 
man with a few Huguenots, ignored the proclamation of 1763 
(pp. 131, 132), defied their own colonial governments, braved 
the Indians, and plunged into the western wilderness. 

The pioneer in this movement was Dapiel Boone of the 
Yadkin district in North Carolina, who in 1769, with five com- 
panions, started out " in quest of the country of Kentucke." 
Por years he was the leading spirit in a little community of 
men who were frontiersmen, farmers, trappers, and Indian 
fighters all at the same time — the first settlers in Kentucky. 

A second and more continuous settlement was begun in 1769 

by William Beane, on the Watauga River, a head stream of the 

Tennessee. Soon after, the so-called " Regulators " of North 

Carolina protested in arms against the tedious and expensive 

hart's amer. hist. — 9 



144 REVOLUTION 

methods of the courts, and in 1771 wore defeated by Governor 
Tryon in the battle of the Alaniaiu^e. Some of those who 
escaped crossed over to the Watauga, which they supposed to 
be a part of Virginia, though it proved to be within the North 
Carolina claims. Under the leadership of John Sevier and 
James Robertson, they formed a little representative constitu- 
tion under the name of "Articles of the Watauga Association." 

By this time the value of the West was apparent to some 
capitalists, who formed the Vandalia Company, a kind of suc- 
cessor to the old Ohio Company, and asked for a royal charter 
for a colony south of the Ohio. In 1774, however, Parlia- 
ment showed the purpose of the British government to pre- 
vent the growth of any new western commonwealth, by the 
Quebec Act, which added the region between the Ohio and 
the Great Lakes to the province of Quebec. 

The conflicts between Boone's men and the Indians living 
north of the Ohio, for the unoccupied " Dark and Bloody 
Ground" of Kentucky, led in 1774 to "Lord Dunmore's War," 
which was aggravated by a brutal and unprovoked murder of 
the family of Logan, a well-known Indian chief. Dunmore, the 
governor of Virginia, pushed across the Ohio, a second army 
beat the Indians at Point Pleasant on the Kanawha, and the 
savages were forced to cede their claims south of the Ohio. 
Meanwhile the few settlers in Kentucky fled eastwai-d. 

The infant West seemed to INlassachusetts people the small- 
est of interests; for their own struggle was all absorbing, 
113. Crisis and it became almost a personal contest between Samuel 
lan(f^ °^ Adams, leader of the popular party, and Thomas Hutch- 
(1772 1773) inson, the governor. Hutchinson's letters to friends in 
England, urging that " there must be an abridgment of what are 
called English liberties," fell into the hands of Adams, who used 
them to persuade the people that Hutchinson was their enemy. 

In June, 1772, the Gaspee, a British vessel engaged in catch- 
ing smugglers, was burned in Rhode Island by a mob, against 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 145 

whom nobody would testify. Things grew so squallj that 
Samuel Adams, in 1772, obtaioed from the Boston town meet- 
ing a Committee of Correspondence '* to state the Rights of the ' 
colonists and of this Province in particular ... to communi- 
cate and publish the same to the several Towns in this Province 
and to the World." A continental committee was subsequently 
appointed, and eleven other colonies appointed similar com- 
mittees, which kept themselves informed of public feeling and 
thus prepared for later joint action. 

The tea duty left in force by Townshend in 1771 was not much 
felt, because the colonists usually drank smuggled tea; but 
tc help the British East India Company out of financial diffi- 
culties, the home government gave it such privileges that it 
was able to undersell the smugglers, and in August, 1773, tea 
f.hips were dispatched to the principal colonial ports. If the 
tea were landed and the duty paid, the right of taxation was 
admitted. Hence, upon the arrival of the tea ships in Phila- 
delphia, New York, and some other places, they were sent back 
without unloading. Efforts to this end in Boston were foiled ; 
out a meeting of five or six thousand people was held in the 
Old South Church in Boston (December 16, 1773) to make a final 
protest against the landing of the tea. Suddenly a war whoop 
was heard outside, and two hundred men boarded the ships and 
flung into the sea tea worth £18,000 (about $90,000). An eye- 
witness says : " They say the actors were Indians from Mass. Hist 
Narragansett. Whether they were or not, to a transient Society Pro- 
observer they appear'd as such, being cloath'd in Blankets i864-i865 
with the heads muffled, and copper-color'd countenances." P- ^^^ 

Children who next morning found their fathers' shoes full of 
tea kept their own counsel. 

To the Tory government in England, the Boston Tea Party 
appeared an act pf outrageous violence, encouraged by 114 Th 
the town of Boston and the people of Massachusetts, and force acts 
deserving such punishment as would give warning to Ci«"4) 



146 



REVOLUTION 



other colonies. In spite of Edmund Burke's protests against a 
policy " which punishes the innocent with the guilty, and con- 
demns without the possibility of defense," a series of coercive 
statutes, sometimes called " the Intolerable Acts," were hastily 
passed by Parliament (1774) : (1) The port of Boston was 
closed until the town should make proper satisfaction for the 
destruction of the tea. (2) The charter of Massachusetts was 
" revoked and made void," in so far that the governor received 

new authority over the 
council and the town 
meetings. (3) The au- 
thority to take the nec- 
essary buildings for 
barracks was renewed. 
(4) Persons charged with 
murder or other capital 
offenses, committed in 
the execution of orders 
from England, might be 
transported to England 
for trial. 

To put these measures 
into force, General 
Thomas Gage was sent 
over to Massachusetts ; 
he superseded Governor 
Hutchinson, and attempted to establish the new government 
by " mandamus councillors," whom he appointed contrary to 
the provisions of the charter. The Salem merchants offered 
their wharves to their Boston brethren, and from south to 
north came expressions of sympathy with IMassachusetts. 
Resistance to taxes laid by Parliament had carried the coun- 
try to the verge of revolution. 




ENGLISH Lll.UT DUAGOOX, AI;(iLT 1778. 

Type of the British cavalryman. 



QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 147 

During the eleven years from 1763 to 1774, the colonies lost 
their old contentment in their relation to Great Britain, and 
came almost to the point of revolt. The main reasons us. gum, 
were: (1) taxation by Parliament for revenue through mary 

the Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend duties of 1767, and the 
tea duties of 1771-1773; (2) the execution of the navigation 
acts, by means of writs of assistance, or by customhouse officers 
as in the sloop Liberty (1768), or by naval officers as in the 
Gaspee (1772) ; (3) attempts to alter the form of colonial 
governments, as shown by the suspension of the New York 
legislature (1767), and especially by the repeal of the Massa- 
chusetts charter in 1774, — apprehension was heightened by the 
Parson's Cause (1763), and the supposed purpose to send over 
a colonial bishop; (4) a fear that those personal rights were 
endangered which were claimed by Englishmen in England as 
well as in America ; (5) experience of the power of union, as 
shown in the Stamp Act Congress of 1765, the nonimportation 
agreements of 1765, 1768, and 1769, the resolutions of sympathy 
or defiance in the colonial legislatures, and the committees of 
correspondence of 1773; (6) irritation at the way in which 
British rulers, colonial governors, and regular officers looked 
down on the colonists ; (7) the narrowness and stupidity of 
George III. and other English leaders, who did not understand 
the colonists, and pushed the contest to a fatal issue. 

TOPICS 

(1) How did George III. come to be king of Great Britain ? Suggestive 

(2) What were tlie services of James Otis to American liberty ? 

(3) Wliy ought not the colonial judges to be paid by the home 
government ? (4) Make a list of acts of Parliament laying taxes 
on the colonies, 1660 to 1765. (5) Why was the Stamp Act re- 
pealed ? (6) Why should the colonists object to the Quartering 
Act? (7) What personal rights did the colonists have in 1765? 
(8) Why did the colonists object to control of their government by 
Parliament ? (9) Was Governor Hutchinson hostile to the liberties 
of Massachusetts ? (10) Was the Boston Tea Party justifiable ? 



148 



REVOLUTION 



Search 
topics 



(11) Karly life of Goorge III. (12) Predictions of American 
indepeudenre before 177;'). (|;j) Account of the I'arson's Cause. 
(14) Contemporary objection.s to the Stamp Act. (15) Stamp Act 
mobs. (10) Affair of the sloop Liberty. (17) Destruction of tlie 
Gaspee. (18) Principles of tlie Watauga As.sociation. (19) West- 
ern frontier life, 1769-1774. (20) Governor Gage's "mandamus 
councillors." (21) North Carolina " Regulators." (22) Franklin's 
opinion of the Stamp Act. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



niustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 131, 181 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 46-74 
Epoch 3Iaps, no. 5. 

Hart, Foi'ination of the Union, §§ 22-;jO ; Sloane, French War 
and Revolution, 11G-17.'J; Lodge, English Colonies, 476-490 
Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution ; Fiske, American Revo 
lution, L 1-99; Wilson, American People, II. 98-192; Gay, Bry 
anVs History, III. 329-376; Frothingham, Rise of the Republic 
158-358 ; Lodge, American RevohUion ; Trevelyan, American 
Revolution, pt. i. 28-193 ; McCrady, South Carolina, II. 541-732 
Winsor, Westward Movement, 4-Sl, 100-106; Roosevelt, Winning 
of the West, I. 28-271; Tyler, Revolution (literary), I. 1-266,— 
Patrick Henry, 1-100 ; Sparks, Men who made the Nation, 1-72 
Tbwaites, Daniel Boone, 1-112; Morse, Benjamin Franklin, 100- 
203 ; Ford, Many-sided Franklin; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, 1-259 

— Thomas Hutchinson. 

Hart, Source Book, § b^,— Contemporaries, IT. §§ 37, 130-152 

— Source Readers, II. §§ 33, 45-51 ; MacDonald, Select Charters. 
nos. 53, 55-71 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xii. ; Americati His 
tory Leaflets, nos. 21, 33 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 41, 68; Cald 
well, Survey, 413-68; Johnston, American Orations, I. 11-23 
Fithian, Journal. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus 
S\H-^2b,— Historical Sources, § 76. 

Moore, Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution, 1-64 
Raymond, Ballads of the Revolution, 3-55 ; L. M. Child, The Rebels 
(Boston) ; C. C. Coffin, Daughters of the Revolution ; Hawthorne 
Edward Randolph's Portrait, — Grandfather's Chair, pt. iii 
chs. i.-vi. ; I). P. Thompson, Green Mountain Boys ; A. E. Barr 
Boto of Orange Ribbo7i (N.Y.) ; Thackeray, Virginians ; Edmund 
Lawrence, George Stalden ; J. E. Cooke, Virginian Comedians, — 
Fairfax, — Stories of the Old Dominion, 140-204. 

Winsor, America, VI., — Memorial History of Boston, III.; 
Wilson, American People, II. 



CHAPTER X. 

BIRTH OF A NEW NATION (1774-1776) 

The last act of the Massachusetts House of Representatives 
under the old charter was to propose (June 17, 1774) a colonial 
congress, already informally suggested in Virginia; and 116. The 
delegates were appointed from all the colonies, except cental con- 
Georgia. This First Continental Congress met, Septem- gress(1774j 
ber 5, 1774, in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, and was the most 
distinguished body that had ever gathered in America. Among 
its members were' John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, 
John Jay of New York, John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, Ed- 
mund Randolph and Patrick Henry of Virginia, Charles Carroll 
of Maryland, and John Rutledge of South Carolina. The im- 
portant action was of three kinds : — 

(1) Congress protested in dignified and loyal phrases against 
the treatment of Massachusetts and of the colonies in general ; 
they respectfully petitioned the king to remove their griev- 
ances, and they sent out a series of addresses explaining the 
situation. Except a few radicals, of whom Samuel Adams was 
the chief. Congress hoped and expected that Great Britain 
would yield to this strong and united protest. 

(2) Congress drew up a Declaration of Rights which laid 
dlaim to the liberties and immunities of Englishmen, includ- 
ing a "Right of Representation ... in all Cases of 
Taxation and internal Polity, subject only to the Negative Congress, 
of their Sovereign " ; and they enumerated various acts of ^'' ^^»"'^^^- 
Parliament which they declared were "infringements and 
violations of the rights of the colonists." 

149 



150 



REVOLUTION 



(3) On October 20, 1774, Congress drew up the "Assooia- 
tion," which was an agreement for a boycott on an immense 
scale : no British goods (including slaves) were to be imported 
or sold ; and after September, 1775, no American goods were to 
be exported to Great Britain, Ireland, or the British \yest 
Indies. It was signed by fifty-two members and was recom- 
mended to all the colonies, most of which put it into force. 
Since no action by the colonies could take away the legal right 
of the people to biiy, import, and sell British goods, the 
Association could be enforced only by violence. From north 
to south there was an era of terrorism ; mob methods were 
called in; and he was a fortunate ship captain who, having 
arrived in port with a shipload of merchandise, was allowed 
even to sail away again with his goods on board. 

Meanwhile the House of Representatives of Massachusetts 
broke off relations with Governor Gage, organized itself as a 
117 War "Provincial Congress" (October 7, 1774), and created a 
breaks out Committee of Safety under the chairmanship of John 
chusetts Hancock, which began to collect military supplies and 
(1775) organize " minutemen," ready to march at a minute's 

notice. To break up the preparations of the colonists, during 

the winter Gage sent 




out and seized powder 
and arms at various 
places near Boston. 

In the night of 

April 18, 1775, Paul 

Revere and other 

swift riders galloped 

off to give notice that 

Vicinity of Boston. British troops were 

on the march ; the object was to capture John Hancock and 

Samuel Adams, who were staying at Lexington, and to destroy 

military stores at Concord. At five o'clock of the morning of 



- SriHtl, Itmic "I ' Vr^ <y^\\ < 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 



161 



April 19, 1775, the British van of six companies appeared on 
the green at Lexington and found a line of provincial militia 
drawn up. To this day it is uncertain just how the fight 
began ; an English officer who was present at the battle says, 
" On our approach they dispersed and soon after firing began ; 
but which party fired first I cannot exactly say, as our troops 
rushed on shouting and huzzaing previous to the firing." 




Battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775. 
From Earl's drawing, made a few days later. 

When the smoke cleared away, seven patriots were found 
killed and nine wounded. The responsibility for this out- 
break of open war goes back to the king of Great Britain, who 
had forced matters to this issue ; and is shared by men like 
Samuel Adams and Washington who were ready to resist the 
authority of the mother country rather than yield what they 
felt to be their rights. 

From Lexington the British marched seven miles to Con- 
cord, where a body of militia boldly marched down to oppose 



152 



REVOLUTION 



them, and beat them back at a little bridge where now stands 
the statue of the minuteman. 



Emerson 



" Here once the embattled farmers stood 
And fired the shot heard round the world." 



118. Union 
in the Sec- 
ond Conti- 
nental 
Congress 
(1775) 



As the weary British troops 
returned toward Boston they 
were followed and harassed by 
the militia, who ambushed 
them from behind the road- 
side walls and fences. With 
a total loss of 273 British to 
93- Americans, the British at 
last reached the shelter of the 
guns from their ships. 

The Continental Congress 
of 1774 called a Second Conti- 
nental Congress to meet 
in Philadelphia, May 10, 
1775. It came together 
in what is now Inde- 
pendence Hall, burning 
with indignation over the Lex- 
ington and Concord fight; and 
speedily found itself the cen- 
ter of organization and resist- 
ance for the thirteen colonies. 




The Minutkman. 

Statue by Daniel French, on site of 

the battle of Concord. 



Without any formal authority from the colonial governments, 
but supported by their good will and assent. Congress made 
itself a national government. For example, from May to July, 
1775, it forbade certain exportations, ordered a state of defense, 
organized a post oflRce, voted an American continental army, 
appointed George Washington commander in chief, authorized 
bills of credit, sent a last petition to the king, and considered 
Franklin's scheme for a federal constitution. 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 153 

Congress also went into the niiimtice of government. For 

instance, on a single day it received a petition from a loyalist 

parson in jail ; resolved to open trade with the non-British 

West Indies; considered a report on a French artillery , 

^ '' Journals of 

officer; advanced $400 to a Canadian prisoner; appointed Congress, 

a committee to investigate charges against a military offi- *^""' ^~' ^~~" 

cer; and fixed the pay of a regimental surgeon at $25 a month. 

Immediately after the battle of Lexington, virtual war 
began throughout the thirteen colonies, for the people of the 
middle and southern colonies showed their sympathy . 
with Massachusetts by driving out their governors and issue of 
setting up provincial congresses and conventions which °"® ^ ' 
assumed the government. The four other continental colo- 
nies, Quebec, Nova Scotia, East Florida, and West Florida, 
had few English-speaking people and did not join in the 
revolution, though repeatedly invited to do so. 

The Kritish government met the issue of war before it came, 
when Parliament (February 2, 1775) declared that rebellion 
existed. The farthest point of conciliation offered by Par- 
liament was Lord North's resolution, to the effect that no 
taxes should be laid on the colonies if they would provide a 
revenue of their own for the common defense. The American 

formal declaration of war was a vote of Congress setting ^ 

Journals of 
forth the necessity of their taking up arms. " Our Congress, 

cause is just," said they. " Our Union is perfect. Our "^"^^ ^' ^^^^ 
internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign Assist- 
ance is undoubtedly attainable." 

After the battle of Lexington and Concord, the New Eng- 
land militia streamed into Cambridge, and Gage was formally 
besieged in Boston. Ethan Allen of Vermont, without 120. Can- 
waiting for anybody's authority, surprised and captured ^^ ^ 
the great fortress of Ticonderoga (May 10, 1775), with (1775-1776; 
an invaluable store of powder and other munitions ; and that 
winter forty great, guns from the fort were dragged across New 



154 REVOLUTION 

England to give indispensable aid in the siege of Boston. The 
road was now open directly into Canada, where the French 
were supposed to be ready to throw off allegiance to Great 
Britain. In the fall of 1775 an expedition under Montgomery 
took Montreal; and another under Benedict Arnold was joined 
by Montgomery but just failed of taking Quebec. The Ca- 
nadians held off, for they did not understand this form of 
friendship, and had no mind to exchange distant British rulers 
for neighboring American masters, especially since the Quebec 
Act of 1774 gave them religious freedom and an acceptable 
government. 

The siege of Boston was enlivened June 17, 1775, by the 
battle of Bunker Hill. The Americans, under Israel Putnam 
and William Prescott, made the bold attempt to fortify the 
high ground back of Charlestown, commanding Boston. They 
fortified Breeds Hill, were ill supplied with ammunition, lost 
their popular general Joseph Warren, and were finally driven 
out of their intrenchments by the third desperate assault of 
the British. It was one of the dearest of victories, for the 
British lost over 1000 troops out of 3000 engaged, and 
gained no new ground. 

Congress had already taken charge of the siege and appointed 
a new commander in chief, George Washington, who, July 3, 
1775, drew up the troops on Cambridge Common, read to 
them his commission, and took formal command. He pro- 
ceeded to reorganize the force, and, to use his own phrase, 
" gave a pretty good slam " to some of the militia generals. 
Gradually troops arrived from the middle and southern col- 
onies. Washington seized the commanding position of Dor- 
chester Heights, and on March 17, 1776, compelled the British 
army, still numbering 10,000 soldiers and sailors, to go on 
board the fleet, together with their loyalist friends ; and 
presently they sailed away to Halifax. 

Up to 1776 the theory of the Americans was that they were 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 155 

fighting simply to compel the British to return to the legal 
principles of colonial government ; they still hoped for an 121. Ex- 
honorable settlement of the trouble. As the war went on, ^depend- 
they lost their habitual loyalty to the sovereign and be- ence 

gan to accuse George III. of all kinds of gross tyranny, and to 
think of independence. 

One of the great champions of independence was Patrick 
Henry of Virginia, a passionate, impulsive, fiery man, with 
a reputation for surpassing oratory. It is a well-founded 
tradition that in the Virginia Assembly in 1765 he exclaimed, 
"Csesar had his Brutus; Charles I. his Cromwell; and George 
III. — " "Treason," shouted the Speaker. " Treason, treason," 
rose from all sides of the room, — " and George III. may profit 
by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it." 
As a member of the First Continental Congress, Patrick Henry 
foresaw independence. "Government is dissolved," said he. 
" Fleets and armies and the present state of things show that 
government is dissolved. ... I am not a Virginian, but an 
American ; " and in the Virginia convention of 1775 he made 
a magnificent speech ending with the oft-quoted passage, "I 
know not what course others may take; but as for me, give 
me liberty, or give me death." 

In the North the greatest exponent of independence was the 
astute political leader Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, the 
first man to discover how much may be done in a democracy 
by organizing the voters and by preparing work for town 
meetings and assemblies through caucuses and private meet- 
ings. He induced Boston to take strong ground in the quarrel 
with England ; in 1768 he conceived the idea of the Massa- 
chusetts circular letter (§ 110), the beginning of common action 
among the colonies. He afterward said that at this time he 
had made up his mind that independence was the only remedy. 
In the Massachusetts legislature he invented the Committee of 
Correspondence' in 1772 (§ 113), and was himself the most 



156 



REVOLUTION 



active member. Governor Hutchinson called him " Master ot 
the Puppets." He i)ulled the wires which led to the Boston 
Tea Party ; and in 
Congress he labored 
unceasingly for inde- 
pendence. Though he 
could destroy, he did 
not know how to build 
up a state, and after 
1776 he lived for the 
most part in private, 
except for a brief pe- 
riod as governor of 
Massachusetts. 

The first public sug- 
gestions that the Brit- 

122. Pre- ish rule had ceased 

liminaries -^yere made in 

pendence votes of local con- 

(1775-1776) ventions, among 
them one in Mecklen- 




Samuel Adams, about 1780. 
From the portrait by Copley. 



burg County, North Carolina (May, 1775). Congress waited 
to see the, result of their appeal to the king. When news 
came (November 1, 1775) that the king would not even receive 
it, the hope of any settlement inside the British Empire died 
away. In January, 1776, appeared the first widely read and 
effective argument on this subject — Thomas Paine's ringing 
pamphlet. Common Sense, an arsenal of arguments against 
England and against reconciliation. "The birth day of a new 
world is at hand," exclaimed Paine ; " and a race of men . . . 
are to receive their portion of freedom." Congress began to 
take bold ground. In March, it ordered American ports thrown 
open to all foreign nations, issued letters of marque to priva- 
teers, and advised all the colonies to disarm the Tories. 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 15? 

Rapidly the idea of a formal public declaration of independ- 
ence by Congress took root; and from March to May, 1776, 
four provincial congresses instructed their delegates to vote 
for the suppression of all forms of royal authority. May 15, 
on motion of John Adams, Congress voted that all British 
authority in the colonies ought to be legally suppressed. June 7, 
Richard Henry Lee, under instructions from his colony of 
Virginia, introduced a resolution for independence, and also 
looking to a formal union ; and two committees were appointed 
(June 10-12), one to draft a declaration of independence, the 
other to prepare articles of confederation. The question of 
independence was postponed, to enable delegates to receive 

instructions from home, for, as Franklin dryly remarked, 

' ' , Bigelow, 

" We must all hang together or we shall ail hang Franklin, 

separately." ^^- ^^^ 

The first committee appointed as a consequence of Lee's 
resolution comprised Thomas Jefferson, a young delegate from 
Virginia, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sher- 123. Decla- 
man, and Robert R. Livingston. To Jefferson was given ^f-^^°^°^"^- 
the delicate task of drawing up a jjublic statement of the (1776) 

reasons for war and separation. Fortunately he had a ready 
pen, and his mind was full of principles of free government, 
which were not peculiar to the colonies, but were the com- 
mon property of the English race, and had been in part put 
in form by the English philosophers Locke and Hobbes. He 
threw his Declaration of Independence into three parts : — 

(1) An announcement of political principles applying to 
all mankind, stated in the form of certain "self-evident 
truths," such as " that all men are created equal ; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable 
rights; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pur- 
suit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Govern- 
ments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed." 



1 r>S REVOLUTION 

(2) A list of twenty-seven grievances, partly directed to illegal 
acts, but most of them charging the British government with 
unjustly exercising powers till then accepted as legal. 

(3) The ringing statement that " These United Colonies are, 
and of Right ought to be. Free and Independent States." 

The declaration thus prepared was reported on June 28, and 
was for some days debated and slightly amended. Meanwhile 




Independence Hall, Philadelphia, built in 1736. 
Meeting place of the Continental Congress. From an old print. 

the postponed resolution of independence (§ 122) was formally 

adopted, July 2. John Adams has left us his impressions pf 

this momentous act. " The second day of July, 1776, will be 

the most memorable epocha in the history of America. . . . 

Works, IX. It ought to be commemorated, as a day of deliverance, by 

^^^ solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to 

be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, 

sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 159 

this continent to tlie otlier, from this time forward, forever- 
more." On July 4, 1776, Jefferson's draft of the Declaration 
of Independence was adopted as amended. On August 2, 
an engrossed copy (still preserved in Washington) was laid 
before Congress and the members then in Congress affixed 
their names to this document, although in the eye of English 
law every signer was a traitor and subject to a traitor's doOm. 

For a time the Declaration fell heavy on the people of 
America; it seemed too bold, too thoroughgoing; it shut the 
door of reconciliation ; and nothing but hard fighting could 
give the proof that the colonies were really "free and independ- 
ent states." Even the flag of an independent nation was not 
adopted until the following June. But the Declaration com- 
pelled every thinking man once for all to choose either Parlia- 
ment or Congress ; and it announced to foreign nations the • 
purpose of the Americans to do or die. 

" The Union is older than any of the States," said Abraham 

Lincoln in 1861, "and in fact it created them as States." 

Am. Hist. 

He meant to bring out the fact that the Second Conti- Leaflets, 
nental Congress organized a national government before """ ^* 

new state governments came into being. The provincial mafon'^of 
congresses, from which all those who protested against the states 
the Revolution were shut out, felt that they were only 
temporary, and several of them applied to the Continental Con- 
gress to know what to do. Congress waited till November 3, 
1775, when it advised the people of New Hampshire to estab- 
lish a government ; and early in 1776 the New Hampshire con- 
vention adopted the first state constitution. Shortly after, 
South Carolina adopted a constitution, while Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut thought they could get on with 
their old colonial charters, slightly modified. 

On May 10, 1776, Congress gave general advice to the states to 
form such governments as will "best conduce to the happiness 
and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in 
hart's amer. hist. — 10 



160 REVOLUTION 

general." Thereupon tlie remaining eight colonies (and also 
Vermont) all adopted written constitutions during 1776 and 
1777. Massachusetts followed in 1780 with the tirst state con- 
stitution submitted to popular vote. "With many variations in 
detail these important documents agree in their general form and 
spirit. (1) Each contained a bill of rights — that is, a statement 
t)f the liberties of the individual. (2) Each provided for a repre- 
sentative republican government, including three departments, 
legislative, executive, and judicial. All the states except two 
created a legislature of two houses ; in all, the legislature was 
the most powerful part of the system ; all the states except 
Pennsylvania had a single governor, chosen by popular vote 
or by the legislature. (3) None of the constitutions were 
strongly democratic according to our ideas, for the suffrage was 
limited to property owners or taxpayers ; and most of the states 
had also religious and property qualifications for office holders. 
(4) In the fear of military and centralized government, all 
the constitutions fixed short terms for all elective officers. 
(.")) Several of them provided a method of easy amendnaent, and 
within ten years some of the first constitutions were entirely 
recast. (6) All these state constitutions directly or indirectly 
recognized that there would be a permanent general congress. 

The idea of statehood and membership in the Union spread 
into the "West. In 1775 Richard Henderson of "Virginia, with 
125. Fron- Daniel Boone as his right-hand man, set up the Transyl- 
^"t^e8°™°^^" vania Company, and bought from the Cherokecs the tract 
(1775-1777) between the Cumberland and Kentucky rivers (map, p. 
181). Boone was sent ahead and blazed out a pack trail known 
as the "Wilderness Boad, from the Holston (upper Tennessee) 
through Cumberland Gap to Kentucky. The new settlers 
founded Boonsboro and other settlements, and actually set up 
a government by a delegate convention. Governor Martin of 
North Carolina violently opposed what he called this " infa- 
mous company of land pirates " ; but after his expulsion the 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 161 

settlement applied to Congress to admit it as a state. The 
people of the Vandalia region in 1776 also petitioned Con- 
gress to make them " a sister colony and fourteenth ^^ „. 
province of the American confederacy." Both applica- Review, 

tions were distasteful to Virginia, which in 1776 organized 
Kentucky County, with a county seat at Harrodsburg, and put 
an end to the Transylvania government. 

One new community succeeded in organizing itself without 
the leave either of the parent state or of Congress. The people 
of the ''Kew Hampshire Grants," a tract assigned by the Brit- 
ish government to New York, revolted from New York, named 
themselves Vermont, set up their own constitution (1777), and 
kept up an independent government for fourteen years. 

Never for a moment did the friends of independence expect 
the states to remain separate and disorganized. Already (July 
21, 1775) Benjamin Franklin had propounded to Congress 126. Arti- 
a plan of union somewhat resembling his old draft in ''federation 
the Albany congress. In brief outline he proposed (1775-1778; 
(1) a common treasury to be supported by contributions from 
the colonies; (2) a Congress with representation in propor- 
tion to the population ; (3) national control of boundaries, 
of peace, of new colonies, and of Indians. The second com- 
mittee appointed as a result of Eichard Henry Lee's resolution 
of June 7 reported (July 12, 1776) a draft of a confederation 
from the hand of John Dickinson ; but Congress found in it 
many subjects for disagreement — for instance, should the 
states be represented in proportion to population ? Should 
slave property be taxed ? Should Congress regulate foreign 
commerce ? Should Congress control the West ? 

Congress completed its draft of the Articles of Confedera- 
tion November 15, 1777, and sent it out to the states for ratifica- 
tion ; but it was much weaker than Franklin's proposition. 
(1) It emphasized the sovereignty, freedom, and independence 
of the states. (2) Each state in the confederation was to have 



162 



REVOLUTION 



one vote in Congress. (3) Taxes were to be apportioned accord- 
ing to the value of land in each state (a method -whic]! later 
proved impracticable). (4) jS^o direct authority was given to 
Congress for the settlement of boundary disputes, or for the 
planting of new colonies. 

Katifications came in slowly: after eight months only ten 
states had approved ; three states, New Jersey, Delaware, and 
Maryland, stood out because Congress was to have no power to 
cut down the claims of Virginia to western lands; and three 
years passed before they all yielded. 



The change from colonies to an independent nation began 
in 1774 with a general feeling of wrath over the British coer- 
127. Sum- cive acts which had been aimed at Massachusetts. The 
aiary First Continental Congress of 1774 expressed the com- 

mon rcsontineiit, and in the Association attacked the "pocket 

nerve " of the British mer- 
chants and made the first 
general regulation of com- 
merce by America. To 
carry it out, however, mob 
violence was called in, 
and thus the Revolution 
began in disorder. The 
people of Massachusetts 
organized a revolutionary 
government of their own, 
and it was only a ques- 
tion of time when the two 
parties would attack each 
j' ^ other. 

*i ' ' The moment came on 

A I ., i.,.,. I A,K...i. ^P^'i^ l•^ l*""^' at Lexing- 

Monument in Arliugtou (tbeu Menotomy). ton. The actual shedding 



NEAR THIS Si>OT 

SAMUEL WHITTEMORE 

THEN 00 YEABS OLD 

l-D T"RrE BRITISH iOLDIEH": 

i>'BH. I'J 1775. 

HE WAS SHOT. B&YOKfTEJ 

BEATEN AN3 LEFT FOR DE'." 

BUT RECOVERED AND LIV. i 

TO 9E 98 YEARS OF AC- 



r 



BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 163 

of blood by the troops and by the Americans raised an issue 
which the other colonies must either take up or drop, and 
nobly and unselfishly they took it up. While Boston was be- 
sieged and Canada invaded, the Second Continental Congress 
in May, 1775^ began to act as a national government, and 
speedily organized an army and a navy, appointed a com- 
mander in chief, issued paper money, and took steps to form 
relations with foreign countries. 

Unless the colonists were willing to yield, they had to 
declare themselves independent. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of July 4, 1776, was followed by a scheme of federal 
government, but the real beginning of the United States had 
been in 1775, when Congress by general consent began to 
legislate for the concerns of the whole people. 

TOPICS 

(1) "Was the Association of 1774 a good method of protest? Suggestive 
(2) How was the patriot government of Massachusetts organized °P"^^ 
in 1774 ? (3) Make a list of previous instances of resistance by tlie 
colonists to British authority. (4) What did the Committees of 
Correspondence do for the American cause ? (5) How did the 
Second Continental Congress feel about the fight at Lexington 
and Concord ? (6) Make a list of instructions of the state legisla- 
tures to vote for independence. (7) History of the United States 
flag. (8) What do we know of the debate on the Declaration of 
Independence ? (9) What objections were there to ratifying the 
Articles of Confederation? (10) Why did the British evacuate 
Boston ? (11) Proceedings in Congress July 2, 1776 — also July 4. 
(12) Wliy were people ready for independence in 1776 and not in 
1775? 

(13) Revolutionary town meetings. (14) Sons of Liberty. Search 
(15) A revolutionary mob. (16) Contemporary accounts of 
the Lexington and Concord fight. (17) Enforcement of the 
Association. (18) Opinions of John Adams on Congress. 
(19) Did Washington take command of the army at Cambridge 
under the tree now called the Washington Elm ? (20) Samuel 
Adams's opinions of independence. (21) Where did Jefferson 
get his ideas for the Declaration of Independence ? (22) Heuder- 



topics 



164 



REVOLUTION 



son's Transylvania Company. (23) Contemporary accounts of 
Bunker Hill. (24) The Mecklenburg (N.C.) Declaration of 1775. 
(25) Expulsion of the royal governors of the colonies. (26) Why 
did the invasion of Canada fail? (27) Facts which justify some 
of the charges in the Declaration of Independence. 



REFERENCES 



Oeogrraphy 

Secondaiy 
authorities 



Sources 



niuBtrative 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 131, 168, 181. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 31-39 ; Sloane, French War 
and Bevolution, 173-237 ; Channing, United States, 67-87 ; Van 
Tyne, American Revolution, chs. i.-v., — Loyalists; Fiske, Revo- 
lution, I. 100-146 ; Trevelyan, American Revolution, pt. i. 193- 
411, pt, ii.-1. 1-171 ; Gay, BryanVs History, III. 377-450, 470-489 ; 
Larned, History for Ready Reference, III. 2337, IV. 2375, V. 3214, 
3244, 3635 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 160-174, 207-210, 
235-243 ; Greene, Revolution, 67-136 ; McCrady, Soiith Carolina, 
II. 733-798, III. 1-185; Tyler, Revolution (literary), I. 267-521, 
— Patrick Henry, 101-213 ; Sparks, Men loho made the Nation, 
72-118; Morse, John Adams, 1-127, — Benjamin Fraiiklin, 204- 
219 ; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, 260-337 ; Lodge, George Washing- 
ton, I. 128-157 ; Thwaites, Daniel Boone, 113-128. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 54-58, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 153-158, 
184-192, — Source Readers, II. §§ 51-54, 56-58, 77, 78 ; Mac- 
Donald, Select Charters, nos. 72-80, — Select Documents, nos. 1,2; 
Hill, Liberty Doc%iments, chs. xiii.-xv. ; American History Leaflets, 
nos. 11, 14, 20 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 2, 3, 47, 86. See N. Eng. 
Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 325-330, — Historical Sources, 
§ 77. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 8-45 ; Eggleston, 
America7i War Ballads, I. 23-39 ; Moore, Songs a7id Ballads of 
the American Revolution, 65-129, 139-149 ; Raymond, Ballads of the 
Revolution, 55-87 ; Longfellow, Paul Revere's Ride ; Lowell, Con- 
cord Ode, — Ode for the Fourth of July, 1876; Bryant, Green 
Mountain Boys; Holmes, Grandmother'' s Story of Bunker Hill; 
Hawthorne, Septimus Felton (Concord), — My Kinsman, Major 
Molineux (mob), — Hoice''s Masquerade, — Grandfather^ s Chair, 
pt. iii. chs. vii.-xi. ; Cooper, Lionel Lincoln (Boston) ; J. E. 
Cooke, Henry St. John, Gentleman (VaWey of Virginia), — Stories 
of the Old Dominion, 205-218. 

Winsor, America, VI., — Memorial History of Boston, III. ; 
Wilson, American People, II. 



CHAPTER XL 
THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE (1776-1783) 

When" war came, Great Britain seemed to have an over- 
whelming superiority over America in men and resources. A 
small and vigorous governing class, consisting only of a .gg mu^ 
few hundred families of landholders, furnished almost rival 

all members of Parliament and officers of the army and ^ °^ 
navy. In this aristocracy the central figure was King George 
III., who, from day to day, gave his personal directions to 
Lord North, the prime minister, for the management of Par- 
liament. A good husband and father in an age of vice, a kind- 
hearted friend, a king who meant well by his subjects, George 
III. was still a narrow, obstinate, and ill-informed man. The 
aggressive force of England was, moreover, weakened because 
several liberal statesmen sided with the colonies. Among 
them the Earl of Chatham solemnly demanded of his country- 
men " a formal acknowledgement of our errors, and a renunci- 
ation of our unjust, ill-founded, and oppressive claims." 

Against the might of Great Britain was opposed a poor 
country, with no manufactures of iron or cloth, unable to 
make a musket or cast a cannon. Yet America was a land 
of comfort and prosperity. Lafayette wrote of it, " Sim- Contempora- 
plicity of manners, kindness, love of country and of lib- ^^^^' ^^- ^**^ 
erty, and a delightful equality everywhere prevails. . . . All 
the citizens are brethren. In America there are no poor, or 
even what we call peasantry." Even during the war the 
colonists made money from privateering and West Indian 
and European trade, and bought the necessary materials of 
war with their exports. 

166 



166 KKVOI.L'TION 

The serious weakness of the Americans was that they were 
divided ; John Adams later estimated that fully a third of 
129 The ^^^^ people were opposed to war, and still more strongly 
American opposed to independence. The years 1775 and 1776 
were full of commotion, tumult, and violence against 
the loyalists. Those Americans who still maintained that the 
British government was not tyrannical were intimidated, 
arrested, imprisoned, tarred and feathered, and in some cases 
executed. As the struggle grew fiercer, the colonists passed 
laws banishing the loyalists or confiscating their property. 
In many districts the struggle was a civil war in which hun- 
dreds of the Tories, as the loyalists were called, were kept down 
by force. The Tories included in the New England and mid- 
dle commonwealths most of the well-to-do classes, the former 
colonial officials and their friends, old officers of the British 
army, niany of the clergy and of the graduates of colleges. 
In some states nearly half the people were loyalists. Thou- 
sands of them entered the British army and fought against 
their brethren ; and thousands of families removed to Nova 
Scotia, Quebec, and other British colonies. 

The British were overwhelmingly superior in the size of 
their military and naval forces, although much hampered by 
130. The the necessity of transporting men and materials across 
rival forcsB ^ stormy sea. In 1776 they had 200 ships of war, and 
for men they drew on 11,000,000 people in Great Britain and 
Ireland, besides the loyalists. Yet Lord North committed 
the stupid blunder of hiring 80,000 Hessians, who had no 
personal interest in the struggle, and were leased by their 
princes like so many cattle. "Were I an American," said 
Chatham, " as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was 
landed in n)y country, I never would lay down my arms — 
never — never — never"; and Franklin wrote grimly, "The 
German auxiliaries are certainly coming; it is our business 
to prevent their returning." 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 167 

Out of the 3,000,000 people in the colonies, the Tories 
and negroes numbered at least 1,200,000. There were from 
300,000 to 400,000 able-bodied patriots, of whom perhaps 
150,000 served in the army at one time or another; but they 
probably never numbered more than 40,000 men under arms 
at one time, and sometimes the total force available for striking 
a blow was not above 5000. Besides troops of English de- 
scent, there were many Germans, Irish, and Scotch, some Dutch, 
Jews, French, and Welsh, and several thousand negroes, 
especially from Rhode Island. Both sides made the moral 
and military mistake of enlisting Indian allies; the Amer- 
icans were first to seek this dubious aid ; the British used it 
most effectively. 

The main difficulty with the army was that the states 
insisted on furnishing militia on short terms of service, 
instead of allowing Congress to form a sufficient regular force 
with national officers, enlisted for the war. Washington said 
of the militia, "The system appears to have been pernicious 
beyond description. ... It may be easily shown, that all the 
misfortunes we have met with in the military line are to be 
attributed to this cause." 

Many soldiers of fortune drifted over from Europe to seek 
employment, besides Lafayette, a French nobleman, who 
brought his own enthusiasm and the silent support of the 
French government; the German Baron von Steuben, an 
excellent soldier, skillfully drilled the troops and introduced 
improved tactics; the Poles Kosciusko and Pulaski and the 
French general De Kalb were gallant soldiers. 

After a year of preparation, the British dispatched a fleet 
to take Charleston, but it was beaten off (June 28, 1776) by 
the gallantry of Colonel Moultrie, in a fight signalized 131. Long 
by the heroism of Sergeant Jasper. The main attack Trenton 
was on New York, near which Sir William Howe landed (1776-1777) 
with 20,000 men on Long Island (August 22). Washington 



^■x— ^>a» 



UEVOIATIONAUV WARr 
IN THK NOIITH 

SC*LE OF MILES 




1U« 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 



169 



had never before maneuvered an army in the field or defended 
a country ; his force of 18,000 men was badly defeated (August 
27), and only Howe's slowness enabled 
him to escape across the East River to 
New York. The British maneuvered 
him out of the city, fought a successful 
battle at White Plains (October 28), and 
soon after captured Fort Washington 
on the north end of Manhattan Island, 
with 3000 prisoners. 

Washington was forced back across 
New Jersey and the Delaware, his army 
sometimes falling below 3000 troops; 
for Charles Lee, a former British officer, 
in command of 7000 men, for a time dis- 
obeyed orders to come to his aid. Al- 
most in despair Washington wrote, " If 
every nerve is not strained to re- -or h' 
cruit the new army with all possi- ton. Works, 
ble expedition, I think the game 
is pretty nearly up." But for the heroic 
efforts of Robert Morris, a wealthy mer- 
chant of Philadelphia, who raised money on his personal credit 
to keep the army together, the Revolution might have failed 
then and there. 

Washington's indomitable spirit suddenly turned the scale. 
To prevent the British following him to Philadelphia he re- 
•rossed the Delaware in boats (December 26, 1776), struck the 
lUitish post at Trenton, and captured 1000 Hessians. A few 
days later he successfully attacked the British at Princeton 
(January 3, 1777), so that they witlulrew to the neighborhood 
of New York, and Washington fortified hi)nself at Morristown, 
where at one time he had only 1500 men. A compensating 
British victory was the capture of Newport. 




?^^ I 



473 



Statue of Sergeant 
Jasper in Charleston 



170 KKVOLLTIUN 

In tlie spring of 1777 tlie British plannod three lines of 

attack, iatended to cut Xew England off from the middle 

132. Bur- colonies: (1) from Lake Champlain to the Hudson under 

caSpaign <^^eueral John Burgoyne; (2) from Lake Ontario to the 

a777j Mohawk under Colonel St. Leger ; (3) from New York 

up the river under Sir "William Howe to join the northern 

forces. In June, 1777, Burgoyne started southward from 

Montreal witli an army of about 8000 men, including Hes- 

Mwre, siaiis; and he put forth a bombastic proclamation, in 

Am. Rev. '^^'lii*^'!' 1'*^ said, " I have but to give stretch to the In- 

1.454 dian forces under my direction, . . . and the messengers 

of justice and wrath await them in the field; and devastation, 

famine, and every concomitant horror." 

Washington was unable to leave Howe's front, and Schuyler 
was put in command to oppose Burgoyne, who nevertheless 
easily got as far as Fort Edward. Here he found a hornet's 
nest. Men poured in from near-by New England until Schuy- 
ler had nearly twice as many troops as Burgoyne, and General 
Stark of New Hampshire beat part of the British forces at 
Bennington (August 16). Meanwhile the British expedition 
to the Mohawk valley under Colonel St. Leger got no farther 
than the vicinity of Fort Stanwix, because of the skillful prep- 
arations of Schuyler and Benedict Arnold and the bravery of 
General Herkimer at the battle of Oriskany. General Horatio 
Gates was now put in command of the American northern 
army, though against' AVashington's judgment. The expected 
British army did not appear from the lower Hudson. Most of 
Burgoyne's Indians deserted, and the British lost men steadily 
in battle and by capture. Burgoyne was at last confronted by 
Arnold and others, active subordinates of the apathetic Gates, 
and, after two hard fights at Freeman's Farm, was obliged to 
surrender his whole remaining army at Saratoga, October 17, 
1777 ; the prisoners were 3500 British and Hessian troops, with 
2300 volunteers and camp followers. The defeat was the turn- 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 



171 



ing point of the war, for the overthrow of the boastful procla- 
mation-maker gave the patriot cause new life. In the words 
of a popular squib, 

"Burgoyne, alas! unknowing future fates, 
Could force his way through woods, but not through Gates." 




Chew House, Germantown. 
Injured by cannon balls in battle of Germantown, 1777; still standing. 

Probably Howe might have prevented Burgoyne's capture 
by advancing up the Hudson ; but he was induced to plan a 
separate campaign for the occupation of Philadelphia. 133. The 
In August he landed with 18,000 men at the head of J^JaJei- 
the Chesapeake ; Washington with his 11,000 men was phia (1777) 
unable to stop him, and was defeated in a pitched battle at the 
river Brandywine (September 11, 1777). Two weeks later the 
British occupied Philadelphia, and Washington's bold attempt 
to dislodge them by a surprise at Germantown (October 4) was 
a failure. 



1 72 REVOLUTION 

Disregarding the military niaxim that tlie object of cam- 
paigns is to destroy the enemy's army, Howe was content to 
capture the lower forts and thus to clear the Delaware of foes, 
and he then sat down for a comfortable winter in Philadelphia. 
Thousands of Jerseymen and Pennsylvanians thought the war 
was over and gave in their allegiance; but AVashington did 
not know when he was beaten, and took up winter quarters 
at Valley Forge, above the city, on the Schuylkill River. 

Newport, New York, and Philadelphia were all held by the 

British, and reenforcements and supplies came to them steadily 

134 Valley ^^"°°^ ^^®^ *^^^ ^^^> while Washington's army at Valley 

Forge Forge was living miserably in a camp village of log huts. 

^1777—1778^ 

Fuel was plentiful, but food arid clothing were scanty, not 
because there was any scarcity in the country, but because so 
many of the neighboring people were disaffected, and the roads 
were so bad that it was almost impossible to bring supplies 
■which were stored only a few miles away. At one time, out 
of a force of at most 11,000 men, 2898 were reported unable 
to go on duty for want of clothing. Yet the spirit of the 
Contempora- troops was excellent, as one of the officers wrote : " See 
ties, II. CGI ^Q pQOj. Soldier ... if barefoot he labours thro' the 
Mud «& Cold with a Song in his Mouth extolling War & 
Washington — if his food be bad — he eats it notwithstand- 
ing with seeming content." 

One cause of the suffering of the soldiers was the bad man- 
agement of the commissary officers ; back of that was the weak- 
ness of Congress, of which Alexander Hamilton said, "Their 
conduct, with respect to the army especially, is feeble, indecisive 
and improvident." It was a time of great losses ; nine hundred 
American merchant vessels had already been taken ; thousands 
of men had lost their lives or were prisoners in barbarous prison 
ships, or had returned home wounded or diseased. The states 
hung back, each hoping that other states would furnish the 
necessary men, and therefore Congress lost spirit and influence 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 173 

The one beacon light which shone steadily was General 

George Washington. Every other Revolutionary hero and 

patriot could have been replaced; Washington alone was jgg Qeorge 

the indispensable man. He was a Virginian, and his Watliing- 

n^ , f 1 ton the 

appointment gave conndence to the southern states ; he essential 

was a soldier who outranked in service and experience ^^^ 

nearly all the other officers in the army; he was careful of his 

men ; he was a man of extraordinary industry and mastery of 

details, keeping up correspondence all over the country. As a 

general Washington showed a splendid pertinacity: he learned 

by his own defeats ; if beaten in one place, he would reappear 

in another. He was extraordinarily long-suffering and patient, 

and he had a magnificent temper; that is, though naturally 

hot and impetuous, he kept himself under rigid control, except 

when a crisis came, and on such occasions, a contempo- Fonl, True 

rary records, " Washington swore like an angel from washlna- 

heaven." ton, 371 

Washington bore personal slights with wonderful dignity. 
He wrote to Congress of "the wounds which my feelings as 
an officer have constantly received from a thousand things, 
that have happened contrary to my expectation and .wishes." 
Especially did he shine out in the so-called Conway Cabal of 
1778, the purpose of which was to put Gates, " the hero of 
Saratoga," over his head. The cabal fell to pieces when 
a letter from Conway was made public, in which he said, 
"Heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak 
General and bad counsellors would have ruined it." Gates 
shortly after withdrew from command in the field. 

After all, the greatest of Washington's qualities was a 
rugged manliness which gave him the respect and confidence 
even of his enemies. Though he was at the head of a military 
force, nobody ever for a moment believed that he would use it 
to secure power for himself. Wisdom, patience, and personal 
influence over men were wonderfully united in Washington — 



174 REVOLUTION 

the greatest man in the Revolution, and, with the exception of 
Lincoln, the greatest of all Americans. 

The capture of Burgoyne saved the republic, because it made 
a profound impression upon the French government, which for 

136. The three years had been damaging its enemy. Great Britain. 
5,^°° by secret aid in arms and money to the revolted colonies. 

(1775-1778) In 1775 Silas Deane was sent over to France; he was 
followed by Benjamin Franklin, who, as the principal one of 
three commissioners, brought about two treaties, signed Fel> 
ruary 6, 1778, with the following principal provisions : (1) these 
treaties recognized the "United States of North America" as 
'an independent power; (2) the treaty of amity and commerce 
gave to the vessels of each power large privileges in the ports 
of the other; (3) the treaty of alliance (the only one in the 
history of the United States) provided that the two powers 
should make common cause against Great Britain till the 
independence of the United States should be secured. 

England tried to head off these treaties with France by Lord 
North's third plan of conciliation, b}^ which Parliament repealed 
the tea duty and the act suspending the Massachusetts char- 
ter, and promised not to lay any tax or send any troops 
without the consent of America, In June, 1778, British com- 
missioners came over to treat for peace on these terms ; 
but Congress replied that "they claim a right to alter our 
charters and establish laws, and leave us without any security 
for our lives or liberties." The real reason for refusal was 
that the treaty with France seemed to insure independence. 
The news that a French fleet was coming to America obliged 
Sir Henry Clinton (who had superseded General Howe) to 
evacuate Philadelphia. He retired through New Jersey; but 
with his usual vigilance Washington followed and attacked at 
AFonmouth (June 28, 1778). The treasonable disobedience of 
General ('harles Lee brought about a drawn battle ; but the 
British retired to New York, and they made no more general 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 175 

campaigns and fought no more pitched battles in the North, 

except forays on the coast. 

Notwitlrstanding the immense naval strength of England, 

the Americans fought well and successfully at sea. In 1775 

Congress organized the first naval force out of merchant 137 ^ij^g 

vessels ; and in 1776 Esek Hopkins was put in command °avy and 

the priva- 
of a national squadron of small ships, which raided the teers 

town of New Providence in the Bahamas. Several of (1775-1780) 
the states also commissioned ships of war of their own ; but 
during the whole war the Americans never built a single ship 
which could fight the ordinary three-decker ship of the line, of 
which Great Britain had about 120. The greater part of our 
naval warfare was carried on by privateers. From 177G to 
1778 the Americans took British merchantmen to the value of 
nearly ten million dollars; in 1777 alone 320 British merchant- 
men were taken ; on the other hand, the little American navy 
was driven off the sea, and the British and loyalist privateers 
captured hundreds of American vessels. 

After the French alliance, naval conditions were changed. 
In August, 1778, the French fleet appeared, blockaded New 
York, and then took part in an unsuccessful attack on New- 
port. The treaty also opened the way for the most dashing of 
all the American naval commanders of the time, John Paul 
Jones, for whom the French government fitted out a little fleet, 
including an old merchantman, the Bon Homme Richard. With 
this craft Jones cruised in the North Sea, and attacked and 
took the Serapis, a forty- four-gun ship of the British navy 
(September, 1779), the first instance of a square fight between 
American and British cruisers, and a glorious victory for the 
Americans. In American waters, however, the United States 
could do little but look on while the French and British fleets 
fought each other in the West Indies, or off the American coast. 
The Spaniards joined .in the war in 1779, and the Dutch iu 1780, 
and did their best to keep the British navy busy. 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 177 

During 1779 there was a lull in the Revolutionary War ; but 
by a gallant surprise "Mad Anthony Wayne" (July 16) over- 
powered the British post of Stony Point, on the Hudson. j3g 
A year later the patriot cause almost perished through Arnold's 
the treason of Benedict Arnold, a brave officer, veteran of "*° ^^■^ 
many battles, who thought he had been slighted. He asked 
the command of the important post of West Point, in order 
to betray it for $30,000 and a major general's commission. 
Fortunately the British agent, Major John Andre, was taken 
at the critical moment (September 23, 1780) ; West Point was 
saved, and with it the line of communication with New Eng- 
land. Since Andre was traveling through the American lines 
in disguise, he was a spy, and was justly executed as a spy, 
though his captors bore tribute to his brave and manly char- 
acter. Arnold received the promised reward from the British. 
In 1780 the British changed their plan of warfare by attack- 
ing the southern states, which were weak, divided in sentiment, 
and far from the main sources of troops and supplies. 139. Cam- 
Savannah had already been taken (December, 1778) ; and ^^^^ ^^*^^ 
an expedition under the French admiral D'Estaing, in (1778-1780) 
cooperation with a land force under General Lincoln, in 1779 
was unable to recover that city. Charleston was next besieged 
by Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis, with about 13,000 
men, and by the renowned loyalist cavalry commander, Tarle- 
ton. On May 12, 1780, Lincoln was compelled to surrender 
the city, with its whole garrison of about 3000. 

The British command in the Carolinas was now intrusted 
to Lord Cornwallis, an experienced officer who had strongly 
advised a southern campaign. He began to push into the in- 
terior, and Tarleton broke up the remnant of the American 
southern army at Waxhaw Creek; but Marion and Sumter, 
with militia, irregular troops, and guerrillas, somehow kept 
the field. The effort of Cornwallis to establish a loyal govern- 
ment, and to enroll loyalist troops, led to a fearful condition 



178 REVOLUTION 

of partisan warfare, marked by excesses on both sides. To 
stem this invasion, Washington sent De Kalb from the North' 
to Hillsboro, North Carolina; but Congress called Horatio 
Gates from his inactivity to take command. Gates formed the 
project of seizing Camden, occupied by the British as an im- 
portant strategic point. With 1400 regular troops and IGOO 
militia, he moved on Cornwallis's force of 2000 men August 
16, 1780 ; the American army was routed with a loss of 2000 
men. De Kalb was killed, and the "hero of Saratoga" ran 
away like any poltroon. 

Cornwallis now set about the systematic conquest of North 
Carolina, but a force of 1200 loyalist troops under Ferguson 
was trapped by the militia and destroyed or taken at Kings 
Mountain (October 17). This important battle was won by 
western settlers, under John Sevier, and was the chief blow 
struck by the West in the Revolution. 

The winter of 1780-1781 was again very hard for the 

American army, and bodies of the Pennsylvania and New 

140. From 'Jersey " line " mutinied for lack of pay. Washington 

Charleston realized that his objective was the British army wherever 

to York- 1 p 1 1 ^ 1 -vx 1 1 /-< 

town it was to be found, and sent General Nathanael Greene to 

(1780-1781) ^Q^^Q command in the South, the principal seat of hostili- 
ties. Cornwallis still held the advanced positions of Augusta 
and Ninety-six, but was harassed by the regulars under Marion, 
Henry Lee, and Morgan. Greene sent Morgan to attack a 
column of Cornwallis's army under Tarleton, who was (Com- 
pletely beaten at the battle of the Cowpens (January 17, 1781). 
The two armies then maneuvered northward. Cornwallis suf- 
fered severely at Guilford (March 15), was unable to maintain 
his communications, and fell back to the coast at Wilmington. 
Most of North Carolina was thus lost to the British ; and 
Greene soon made himself master of inland South Carolina. 
Cornwallis made up his mind to invade Virginia, where there 
was already a British force under Benedict Arnold and Phillips. 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 179 

Washington aided his friends in the South by hokling the 
British forces in New York, and he sent Lafayette to confront 
the enemy in Virginia ; but Lafayette could not prevent the 
junction of Cornwallis's and Arnold's troops, and the British 
army fortified itself at Yorktown to await reenforcements from 
New York. At this critical moment a French fleet under 
De Grasse blockaded the Chesapeake, repulsed a British fleet 
bearing reenforcements from New York, and landed 3000 
French troops ; while Washington at the right moment made 
a brilliant dash southward from the Hudson with 2000 Ameri- 
cans and 4000 Frenchmen under Rochambeau, to close in the 
net on the land side. 

October 19, 1781, after a spirited siege, Cornwallis surren- 
dered his whole army of 7000 men. Nine months later the 
British gave up Savannah ; and soon after evacuated Charles- 
ton. After seven campaigns the British held no territory of 
tlie original thirteen United States except New York city. 

From the beginning of the war, Congress gave to the neigh- 
boring Indian tribes the paternal supervision which they had 
been accustomed to receive from the British. Congress 141. The 
appropriated money for presents, appointed superintend- ^d**"^*^ 
ents of Indian affairs, and made some feeble attempts to (1775-1779) 
civilize the tribes. But the principal relation with the Indians 
was to repel border warfare in three different regions. 

(1) The southwestern Indians attacked the Watauga settle- 
ment in 177G, and harried the frontier, till the South Carolina 
legislature offered £75 for every Indian scalp. The Cherokees 
were beaten for the time, and made treaties with the states 
concerned. 

(2) The northern states felt the horrors of Indian warfare 
when the loyalist leader Butler, with a force of Tories and 
Indians, descended on Wyoming Valley, Pennsylvania (July, 
1778), and ravaged it with fire and sword. Later, he and 
Joseph Brant, a Mohawk chief, led a force of Iroquois to raid 

hart's amer. hist. 11 



180 



REVOLUTION 



Cherry Valley, New York (November, 1778). As a punishment 
and an example, Congress dispatched an expedition under 
General Sullivan, who marched up into the territory of the 
Six Nations in 1779, defeated the Indians and their white 
allies, and laid waste their whole country. The Iroquois were 
so reduced in numbers and prestige by the war that they never 
again became a force in 
American affairs. 

(3) The middle fron- 
tier was harassed by a 
mixed force of loyalists, 
Indians, and renegade 
Avhites, including the 
notorious Simon Girty, 
under direction of Henry 
Hamilton, commander of 
the British posts in the 
Northwest. 

Could not the tables 

be turned by attacking 

142 Con- ^^^® little British 

quest of posts in the North- 
the North- ^ ... 

west west, — in which 

f i778-l779) there were few Eng- 
lish and only six thousand French and French half-breeds, — 
thus to stop the Indian raids, and give a blow to British pres- 
tige ? Among the settlers in Kentucky associated with Boone 
was George Rogers Clark, an excellent backwoodsman and 
experienced in Indian fighting. He was but twenty-five years 
old, and had neither money nor men ; and no story of the 
Arabian Nights is more romantic or improbable than his con- 
ception of such an invasion and his success in carrying it out. 
Governor Patrick Henry of Virginia authorized him to attack 
the British post at Kaskaskia, not far from St. Louis. With 




Gkokge Roqkrs Clark, about 171)0. 
From a contemporary portrait. 



THE WAR FOR liNDEPENDENCE 



181 



about 100 men, he floated down the Ohio E,iver, and then 
marched 100 miles across the country, surprised and took 
Kaskaskia (July 4, 1778), and, a few days later, Cahokia — in 
both cases without taking or losing a life. 

The larger post of St. Vincent, or Vincennes, on the Wabash, 
was also ready to yield, when the British commander Hamil- 
ton returned from an absence and made preparations to teach 




Clark's Expedition, and Early Settlements in the West. 

the Kentuckians a lesson. Clark was too quick for him. As 
he had not Kentuckians enough for further operations, he 
enlisted and trained the French residents, whom he won over 
by giving them religious and civil liberty. These forces he 
used in an incredible march across a country drowned. by a 
flood, and an attack on Vincennes (February, 1779), which 
surrendered without a fight. The Spaniards, after retaking 
the small Gulf posts which dominated the Floridas, attempted 
to share in the Northwest, and sent an expedition from St. 



182 REVOLUTION 

Louis to raid the British fort of St. Joseph, in what is now 

northern Indiana. 

Since Clark carried a commission from Virginia, and took 

possession of the country in lier name, the whole area north 

143 Claims "^ *^^® Ohio was made into tlie county of Illinois by the 

to the West Vir<rinia government (October, 1778), and a " county 
(1778-1781) ^ 

lieutenant" was sent out to govern it. The Virginia 

claim rested partly on an attempt to recur to the charter of 
1009 (annulled in 16-4), with its uncertain phrase, "up into 
the laud throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest." 
If that charter still had force, the Massachusetts grant of 1629 
(annulled in 1684) and the Connecticut charter of 1662 must 
also be valid; and they covered part of the territory within 
the Virginia claim. The Carolinas had as good a charter claim 
as Virginia, through their grants of 1(563 and 1665 (though 
surrendered in 1729) ; and Georgia in its charter of 1732 (sur- 
rendered in 1752). New York, not to be outdone, came in with 
a claim for indefinite territory between the Kentucky River and 
Lake Erie, on the ground that it was part of the territory of 
the Six Nations, who were under the jurisdiction of New York, 
Contrary to these conflicting claims under old charters was 
a common-sense argument of national rights. The conquest of 
the West was possible, and could be permanent, only through 
keeping the British busy on the coast. Hence several of the 
states which had no western claims refused to ratify the Arti- 
cles of Confederation till Virginia should yield. Even after New 
Jersey and Delaware ratified, Maryland stood out for the great 
national principle that the wild land taken as a result of the 
war belonged to no state, but to the United States as a whole. 
As a pledge that the lands should be used for all the states. 
Congress passed a momentous vote (October 10, 1780) that 

Journals of " ^he unappropriated lands which may be ceded to . . . 

Congress ^\^q United States shall be disposed of for the common 
benefit of the United States, and be settled and formed into 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 183 

distinct republican states, which shall become members of 
the federal union." New York and Virginia promised to cede 
at least a part of .their claims, and without waiting for the 
matter to be settled, Maryland ratitied the Articles of Confed- 
eration (March 1, 1781). 

During this dispute, the Northwest fell into confusion. The 
Virginian local authorities made extravagant land grants, and 
the French were much discontented. Irregular fighting 144. Gov- 
went on with the Indians, and in 1782 the Christian In- ^'^X W^t 
dians at Gnadenhl'itten, on the Tuscarawas River, were (1778-1783) 
massacred in cold blood by militia from Pennsylvania. South 
of the Ohio River conditions were better. A new center of 
settlement was planted in 1779, at Nashborough (Nashville); 
and the next year a permanent settlement was made at the 
falls of the Ohio, and named Louisville for Louis XVI., king 
of France. Emigration flowed across the mountains from 
North Carolina and Virginia till the western population was 
nearly forty thousand ; and some of the inhabitants peti- 
tioned Congress to make Kentucky and Illinois a state. 

When Lord North heard of the Yorktown surrender (p. 179) 
he cried out, "Oh, God, it is all over." The merchants in Eng- 
land had suffered enormous losses by captures of their j^g Peace 
shipping, and therefore strongly urged a peace ; and the and inde- 
king wrote to Lord North (March 27, 1782), "At last the (i782°l783* 

fatal day has come which the misfortunes of the times ,, 

•' Contempora- 

and the sudden change of sentiments of the House of Wes, //. 620 
Commons have drove me to." He was obliged to accept a 
Whig ministry, which was determined to end the war on such 
conditions as would prevent its breaking out again. 

A strong commission — Franklin, John Adams, John Jay, 
and Henry Laurens — was sent to represent their country at 
Paris, where the general peace was to be made. Though 
their instructions provided that the envoys should take no 
steps without the approval of the French government, they 



184 REVOLUTION 

became satisfied that the French did not desire to give a good 
boinidary west of the Ap{)alachians. In consultation in their 
rooms one day, Franklin said to Jay, "Would you break your 
instructions? " "Yes, as I break this pipe." The pipe went 
into the fire, and the instructions were ignored ; an unex- 
pectedly favorable treaty with Great Britain was secured 
without the aid of France, under date of November 30, 1782. 
The same treaty was made " definitive " in September, 1783. 

By this treaty (1) the northern boundary was in great part 
a line through the St. Lawrence and the Lakes (p. 190) ; (2) the 
Mississippi was made the western boundary, thus including 
not only Clark's conquest, but the remaining British posts in 
the Northwest, and the whole Southwest; (3) the southern 
boundary was in part the 31st parallel (p. 190) ; south of that 
line Spain received back the Floridas ; (4) " the right to take 
fish of every kind on the Grand Banks of Newfoundland " 
was acknowledged, together with the " liberty " to land and 
cure fish on the neighboring coast of Canada ; (5) debts due to 
British merchants from American correspondents at the be- 
ginning of the war were to be valid; (0) Congress was to 
recommend the states to receive and treat well the loyalists 
who had not taken arms in the British service ; (7) the British 
agreed not to take away " negroes or other property." 

After the capture of Cornwallis, the American army had 
to be kept together until peace was assured. "While the 
troops lay at Newburg, New York, some officers who were 
dissatisfied with the delay of Congress to vote them a cash 
bonus, issued the so-called Newburg Addresses, urging their 
comrades to refuse to disband. A few words from Washing- 
ton calmed the difficulty, and Congress voted to the officers full 
pay for five years, and afterwards made large land grants to 
the common soldiers. In the spring of 1783 the troops were 
disbanded; New York was evacuated by the British, November 
25, 1783, and the Revolutionary War was happily over. 



THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 



185 




Though crops were good and business fairly prosperous 
throughout the war, both the states and Congress had a hard 
time to raise money. The states laid taxes which were 146. Revo- 
collected with difficulty-, they issued $210,000,000 of ^"^finance 
paper money, which was mostly never redeemed ; they (1776-1780) 
fixed prices in paper money and punished those who refused 
to receive it ; they confiscated the estates of the loyalists ; 
they borrowed money, 
and could not pay the 
interest. 

National finances un- 
der Congj-ess were rather 
worse than those of the 
states. (1) Congress bor- 
rowed money in several 
ways: in interest-bearing 
bonds ; in loans from for- 
eign governments ; in cer- 
tificates of debt issued to officers and other public creditors. 
At the end of the war the debt thus accumulated amcunted to 
about 136,000,000. (2) Congress raised about |6,000,000 by 
" requisitions " on the states, which were virtually taxes ; part 
of this was paid, not in cash, but in " indents," a kind of cou- 
pons for interest on the national debt. (3) France freely gave 
to Congress about $2,000,000 to enable it to keep up the war, 
besides lending large sums later, under Franklin's influence. 
(4) A few hundred thousand dollars were raised by lotteries 
carried on for the profit of the United States. (5) The 
main resource of Congress was paper money, of which the 
first issue was made in June, 1775; then every few months 
thereafter till the total was $242,000,000. In 1776 xt began 
to depreciate ; in 1778 it went down to about twelve Cents 
on the dollar, rallied a little after the French treaty, and 
then went on down, down, till half a yard of broadcloth 



Continental Paper Money, 1776. 



1S6 REVT)LUTION 

cost $200. In 1780 Congress redeemed about half the issue 
at two and a half cents on the dollar and issued new notes, 
which went on the same downward way, till in 1781 a specie 
dollar would buy a thousand dollars in continental currency, and 

Ho >n*-''<, n Paper money became so cheap, 

rell's Legacy Folks wouldn t count it, but said, ' a heap. " 

The paper money, both state and national, was really a kind 
of taxation. Congress got about forty million dollars' worth of 
supplies and of soldiers' services for paper notes wliitdi were 
never redeemed, and therefore caused that amount of loss to 
the people through whose hands they passed. 



In the hostilities which lasted from 1775 to 1781 the British 
had the most ships, yet they could not break up the American 
147. Sum- privateering. They had the most men, yet never routed 
™"y an American army except at Camden, and never captured 

a large force except at Fort Washington in 1776 and Charles- 
ton in 1780. On the other hand the Americans took the whole 
army of Burgoyne in 1777 and of Cornwallis in 1781. The 
British expected the loyalists to make their task easy, but 
although about twenty thousand entered the British service, 
the only loyalist insurrection which seriously hampered the 
patriots was in the Carolinas. The British occupied and had 
to give up Boston, Philadelphia, Newport, and Savannah. The 
Americans failed in Canada, but seized a large part of the north- 
western country, a prize worth ten Canadas. 

The British were marvelously weak in generals, while Wash- 
ington, Greene, Lafayette, Marion, and Sumter are enrolled 
among the world's great soldiers. The British were divided 
in Parliament, but English public opinion supported the king, 
while America was split by the loyalists. Great Britain had 
a strong, long-established government, but the United States 
had to form its confederation under tire; and till March 1, 



THK WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 



187 



1781, Congress acted 
without a constitution, 
and depended on the 
good will of the states. 
The most definite 
reasons for American 
success were the timely 
and essential aid of 
France and the charac- 
ter of Washington, who 
had the courage and 
skill to command his 
troops, the patience to 
lead Congress and the 
states, and the hero- 
ism to stand to his 
guns till the very last. 
His leadership was a 
proof that the Ameri- 
can Kevolution was a 
righteous cause. 




Lafayette Statuk in W'a.siiington. 
Designed by Falguiere and Mercie, 1890. 



TOPICS 

(1) What was Pitt's attitude en the American Revolution ? 
(2) What were the services of Baron von Steuben? (3) Serv- 
ices of Lafayette ? (4) Why did the British attack New York ? 
(5) Why did not Howe help Burgoyne ? (6) Was Gates the hero 
of Saratoga? (7) Whj"^ could not Washington hold Philadelphia? 

(8) Why did the French make a treaty with the United States P 

(9) Why did the Indians attack the frontiers, 1775-1778 ? (10) How 
could George Rogers Clark make such vast conquests with so few 
men ? (11) How was Charleston taken by the British ? (12) Pri- 
vate life of George III. (13) Sergeant Jasper's heroism. (14) Cap- 
ture and trial of John Andre. 

(15) banishment of Tories. (16) Patriot songs. (17) Tory 
songs. (18) Confiscation of Tory property. (19) Negro troops 
in the Revolution. (20) The Hessians in America. (21) Work of 



Sugrgestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



1«8 



REVOLUTION 



women in the Revolution. (22) Spies in the Revolution. (23) Life 
at Valley Forge. (24) Treason of General Charles Lee. (25; Cap- 
ture of the Serapis. (26) Curiosities of continental paper money. 



Geogrraphy 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



IlluBtrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 108, 170, 181 ; Winsor, America. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 40-47 ; Sloane, French War 
and Revolution, 2;}8-378 ; Channing, United States, 87-106 ; Van 
Tyne, American Revolution; Fiske, American Revolution, \. 147- 
843, U.,— Critical Period, 1-49 ; Lecky, England, IV. 1-289 ; Tre- 
velyan, American Revolution, pt. ii. I. 172-340, II. ; Gay, BryanVs 
History, III. 451-469, 490-023, IV. 1-90 ; Wilson, American People, 
II. 242-330, III. 1-24; Lodge, American Revolution; McCrady, 
South Carolina, III. 180-858, IV. ; Foster, Century of Diplomacy, 
1-88 ; Greene, Revolution, 137-443, — General Greene, 34-:;2() ; 
Dewey, Financial History, §§ 14-20 ; Roosevelt, Winning of the 
West, I. 272-327, II. ; Hinsdale, Old Xorthicest, 147-191 ; Winsor, 
Westward Movement, 81-100, 100-224 ; Tyler, Revolution (literary), 
II. ; Maclay, United States Navy, I. 34-151 ; Johnson, General 
Washington, 134-281, 325-330; Morse, John Adams, 144-223; 
Hapgood, Paul Jones; Thwaites, Daniel Boone, 129-191. See 
also references to chapter x. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 59-03, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 159-183, 
193-208, 211-220, — (Source Readers, II. §§ 63-70, 79-91, III. § 70; 
MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 3 ; American History Leaflets, 
no, 5; Old South Leaflets, nos. 43, 97, 98; Caldwell, Territorial 
Development, 26-48; Moore, Diary of the American Revolution; 
Riedesel, Letters and Memoirs. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, 
Syllabus, ii26-3n0, — Historical Sources, § 77. 

Moore, Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution, 130-138, 
150-386; Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 46-82; Eggle- 
ston, American War Ballads, 40-101; Philip Freneau, Poems; 
Trumbull, M'Fingnl; Campbell, Gertrude of Wyoming; Cooper, 
The Spy, — The Pilot ; Hawthorne, Old Keics, pt. iii. ; S. W. 
Mitchell, Hugh Wynne; P. L. Ford, Janice Meredith; Henry 
Morford, Spur of Monmouth ; Harold Frederic, In the Valley 
(Mohawk) ; Simms,- Partisan, — Mellichampe, — Scout, — Kather- 
ine Walton, — Foray ers, — Eutaw (S.C.); J. P.Kennedy, Horse- 
shoe Robinson (Southern Tory) ; Tiioinpson, Alice of Old Vin- 
cennes; Winston Churchill, Richard Carvel (Paul Jones). 

Winsor, America, VI. VII. ; Wilson, American People, II. III. ; 
Lossing, Field Book of American Revolution. 



CHAPTER XII. 




1877. 
Growth of the Flag. 



THE CONFEDERATION (1781-1789) 

Many writers have laid stress on 
July 4, 1776, the date of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, as the ^^^ jy^^^ 
great turning point of American Confedera- 
history ; but the date when the lished 

Articles of Confederation for- (1781J 

inally went into effect — March 1, 1781 
— is equally important, for it marks 
the beginning of a constitutional union. 
The government was crudely organized 
into three departments. 

(1) Everything was centered in a 
Congress of delegates appointed by, 
and responsible to, the state legisla- 
tures, each delegation casting one vote. 
Congress sat always in secret session. 
Seven state delegations concurring 
could pass resolutions and ordinances, 
but on all vital questions nine states 
had to vote in the affirmative to make 
a constitutional majority. 

(2) The supremacy of Congress made 
it something like the present British 
Parliament, for it created all the execu- 
tive offices, and commissioned all offi- 
cials, civil and military. Of these the 

189 



THE CONFEDERATION 191 

Secretary at War, Superintendent of Finance, Secretary for For- 
eign Aft'airs, and Postmaster General were the most important. 

(3) In addition, Congress set up what is called the Old 
Court of Appeals in Prize Cases, which, by the consent of 
such states as chose to pass the necessary laws, decided cases 
involving captures of British merchant vessels on appeal from 
state courts. 

In many respects the new Congress much resembled 
its predecessor, the Continental Congress; but it was much 
superior in effectiveness: (1) it had a definite constitutional 
basis in black and white ; (2) it had a constitutional right to 
levy taxes on the state governments in the so-called requisi- 
tions, and could borrow money on the credit of the United 
States; (3) it had a definite status as one of the world's 
national governments; (4) it assumed authority in matters of 
national concern, even though, like the public lands, they were 
not provided for by the Articles of Confederation. 

One of the duties of Congress was to adjust the disputes 
with the states over the western lands, involving the three 
questions of state claims, administration of the public 149. West- 
lands, and organization of new western communities. In ®™ .* 
' ° cessions 

the whole process one of the most effective arguments (1781-1784) 
was put forward by Thomas Paine, in a pamphlet called 
Public Good, in which he insisted on the right of the whole 
Union, as the successor of the British government, to control 
lands hitherto ungranted. 

Influenced by such arguments and by the protests of Mary- 
land, the four states which claimed lands north of the Ohio 
River gracefully yielded. (1) New York ceded all claims 
west of the present western boundary of that state (1781). 
(2) Virginia gave up all claims to territory north of the 'Ohio 
River, except ownership in the Virginia Reserve Military 
Bounty Lands (1784). (3) Massachusetts yielded all claims 
west of New York (1785), and in 1786 gave up to that 



192 FEDERATION 

state her claim to govern western New York, retaining owner- 
ship of the land. (4) Connecticut, during the Revolution, 
claimed northern Pennsylvania and the region west of it, under 
the charter of 1662, but a decision of a commission appointed 
by Congress went against her. In 1786 Connecticut ceded her 
claims to Congress, reserving, however, a strip 120 miles long 
on the south shore of Lake Erie west of Pennsylvania, as an 
outlying district of the state, a strip known as the Connecticut 
Reserve, or the Western Reserve (§ 199). 

The claims south of the Ohio River were harder to adjust. 

(1) To Virginia was left the District of Kentucky, which re- 
mained a part of Virginia until admitted as a state in 1792. 

(2) Korth Carolina claimed Tennessee, including the Watauga 
and other settlements, and issued land grants covering the whole 
tract, but in 1790 she ceded to Congress the right to govern 
the region. (3) South Carolina, in 1787, gave up her claim to 
a narrow strip lying between western North Carolina and 
Georgia. (4) Georgia claimed everything between the present 
state and the Mississippi River, and did not consent to accept 
her present state boundaries till 1802. 

Long before any part of the disputed lands came under 

exclusive control of Congress, that body decided to sell them 

150. Basis and devote the proceeds to paying the national debt. 

llnd^s^st'em ^^^^^ ^''^^ ^^"^^ ^"^^ ^^ ^'^ adopted was the Grayson ordi- 
(1786-1788) nance (May 20, 1785), following a suggestion of Jeffer- 
son: the western country was to be divided into townships, 
six miles square, by lines running due north and south, and 
others crossing at right angles; each township to be sub- 
divided by lines a mile apart into thirty-six sections, one of 
which was reserved for schools. The price of land was to be 
a dollar an acre. 

To get the land into shape to be transferred, the government 
sometimes had to drive squatters off with troops ; then the states 
and the holders of bounty land warrants had such quantities to 



THE CONFEDERATION 



193 



sell below the government price that sales could not be made 
for cash. The government debt was at a distressing discount, 
and shrewd men hit on the idea of buying land with certifi- 
cates of debt. The 
new Ohio Company 
(p. 195) contracted to 
buy about 1,500,000 
acres, and took about 
900,000. The Symmes 
Company wanted a mil- 
lion acres, and finally 
got a quarter of a mil- 
lion, including the site 
of Cincinnati. The Sci- 
oto Company, managed 
by speculators, under- 
took to buy three and 
a half million acres, but 
never took any. In 
the year 1788 the state 
of Pennsylvania bought 
200,000 acres — the tri- 




A Frontier Post, 1787. 
Fort Steuben, Ohio. From a recent restoration. 



angle of land west of the New York line, which gave a lake 
front, including the site of the city of Erie. 

To settle the new southwestern frontier, a body of hardy 
people called "backwoodsmen" were pressing on; they were 
Scotch-Irish, Germans, and people of English descent, but 151. West- 
thus thrown together they speedily became one people. ments 

They took up farms on land patents, or by "toma- (1783-1789) 
hawk right," blazing trees where they meant to settle. 
In a few days of hard labor they could build a log house ; in 
a few days more a fort. Their large families grew up and 
settled more land about them, or they left their farms and 
again plunged into the far backwoods. Their ordinary dress 



194 FEDERATION 

was the fringed hunting shirt and leggings, and their flintlock 
rifles brought down gauie or Indians, as it might happen. 
During nearly thirty years prior to 1800, the Kentuckians and 
Tennesseeans were disputing their territory with bold, savage 
enemies, the Indians, Avho called their white adversaries "Big 
Knife" or "Long Knives," and understood forest warfare 
better than they. 

After the Revolution the Southwest filled up rapidly. The 
Kentuckians in 1784 took steps toward the immediate estab- 
lishment of a state government, but desisted on Vii-giuia's tacit 
agreement that she would soon give her consent to the separa- 
tion. In 1785 a body of settlers in southwestern Pennsylvania 
and the adjacent part of Virginia asked Congress to admit them 
as a state. In the settlements on the upper Tennessee the 
movement went even further. In 1784 a convention at Joiies- 
boro formally voted to establish a state of Franklin, elected John 
Sevier governor, chose a legislature, made laws, and defied the 
jurisdiction of North Carolina. Again a policy of conciliation 
was followed ; and the people returned to their allegiance 
under the promise that North Carolina would transfer the 
territory to the United States. 

Although Congress had no constitutional authority to make 
or to grant territories, yet in order to provide a proper govern- 
152. Jeffer- ment for the settlers both south and north of the Ohio, 
*°'^^°^ ^ Jefferson drafted a general ordinance, which was adopted 
(1784) by Congress in 1784, except (1) that a clause forbidding 

slavery (after 1800) in all the territories was lost by a single 
vote, and (2) that Congress did not accept Jefferson's pon- 
derous names for the new states — Pelisipia, Cliersonesus, 
Metropotamia, Polypotamia, and so on. 

The ordinance provided for a temporary territorial govern- 
ment, for a representative in Congress (without a vote), and 
eventually for a legislature, and promised speedy admission 
as states. Within a few months it looked as though this 



THE CONFEDERATION 195 

ordinance might be applied to a new colony north of the Ohio. 
Several Revolutionary officers from Massachusetts, including 
Timothy Pickering and Eufus Putnam, organized the Ohio 
Company of Associates, and applied to Congress for a contract 
for lands west of the upper Ohio River. 

In 1787 Manasseh Cutler, agent of the company, ap- 
peared in New York, where Congress was sitting, and ob- 
tained, with only one dissenting voice, an ordinance 153. North- 
based on the ordinance of 1784. Cutler wrote, however, ^^^^ °^^^' 

' ' nance 

"The amendments I proposed have all been accepted ex- (1787) 

cept one." The principal points in this great territorial 
charter, dated July 13, 1787, were as follows : (1) It specifi- 
cally applied to the Northwest Territory, lying between the 
Ohio, the Mississippi, and the Great Lakes. (2) The first 
government of the territory was to be under a governor and 
three judges, all appointed by Congress ; they were to act as a 
board to select laws for the territory, and the governor was to 
appoint all local officers ; Congress also appointed a secretary. 
(3) Provision was made for a later representative assembly, 
with power to choose a non-voting delegate to Congress, and to 
make laws subject to the governor's veto. (4) Six "articles of 
compact" were formulated, which were to be forever binding 
on the new communities. These provided for personal liberty, 
for religious freedom, for " schools and the means of education," 
for federal supremacy over the territory, and for the creation ot 
three to five states out of the territory ; and added the mo- 
mentous provision that " there shall be neither Slavery nor 
involuntary Servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in 
the punishment of Crimes, whereof the Party shall have been 
duly Convicted." 

Three months later the first territorial government was estab- 
lished lor the Northwest Territory, under the governorship of 
General St. Clair. Two bodies of colonists sent by the Ohio 
Company, under the leadership of Rufus Putnam, traveled 



196 



FEnERATION 




Campus Maktius, Mariktta. 
From the American Pioneer, 1842. 



fioiii I]>s\vi('li, Mussucliusctts, j>;iss(m1 tlif rivi-r Tliidsnii and 
crossed l'eiiiisylv;iiiia suuthwest and tlieii west U) J'illshiir.ij ; 

and on April 7, 1788, 
founded the town of 
Marietta, at the junc- 
tion of the Muskingum 
and Ohio rivers (p. 
244). A county gov- 
ernment and courts 
were set up, and the 
Ordinance of 1787 was 
completely in force. 
The western lands, however, brought Congress little money 
(§ 150), and the finances of the federal government had to be 
154. Fi- cared for every year. The only taxes that the Con- 
nances of federation could lay were requisitions on the states, 
the Confed- •' ^ 

eration which from 1781 to 1788 yielded about $3,500,000 in 

(1781-1784) specie and about $2,500,000 in "indents." The half 
million of specie a year about paid the barest expenses of the 
government, leaving nothing for interest on the debt. Congress 
made an effort in February, 1781, to put tlie finances of the 
country on a new footing, by appointing as Sujierintendent of 
Finance Robert Morris of Philadelphia, a merchant, shipowner, 
exporter, importer, and banker all in one, who lived in great 
style, and was then consideved the richest man in America. 

Morris at once set to work on the accounts and eventually 
figured out that on January 1, 1784, the United States owed 
about $8,000,000 to foreign countries and $31,500,000 to its 
own people. When, in 1783, the government could not raise 
enough specie for the accumulated pay of the troops, by using 
his own credit Morris at last paid the common soldiers; and 
lie issued interest-bearing certificates for the claims of the 
officers. As a financial aid to the government, Morris per- 
suaded Congress to charter the Bank of North America in 



THE CONFEDERATION 197 

Philadelphia (December, 1781) — the first joint stock bank in 
America. Notwithstanding his abilities and his honest pur- 
pose, Morris found the task too much for him, and, after less 
than four years' service, resigned his office. 

Congress was troubled also by a controversy over the use of 
the Mississippi River. After the Revolution Congress made 
a series of commercial treaties with European powers: 155. Euro- 
with Holland, with Sweden, and with Prussia. In 1785 J^T^ ^'^f.^® 

clllu tr6Ru6S 

Spain sent over a minister who offered to make a treaty (1782-1788> 
which was very acceptable to the northern and middle ship- 
owning communities. The United States, however, pressed 
for the right to navigate the river Mississippi to its mouth 
without paying duties to the Spanish colony of Louisiana, 
which stretched across its lower course. This concession 
Spain absolutely refused, and Congress seemed inclined to 
accept the Spanish terms; but the people of Kentucky and 
Tennessee protested against barriers to their valuable down- 
river trade. At this moment the cargo of a North Carolina 
trader was confiscated at New Orleans, whereupon the prop- 
erty of Spanish traders was seized by Kentuckians. Some 
of the southwestern people roundly threatened to leave the 
Union if cut off from the sea, and Washington wrote: wa h' 
" The western states (I speak now from my own obser- ton, Works, 
vation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a 
feather would turn them any way." The whole matter was 
postponed for the time. 

Another commercial question was that of trade with Eng- 
land and the British colonies. American merchants were ready 
to buy almost exclusively in England, as they did be- i^q ngja. 

fore the Revolution. Nevertheless, the British govern- ^^°^^ ^*li 

Great Brit- 
ment closed the West India trade to all vessels except ain(1783- 

British owned and British built (July, 1783); that is, 1788) 

Great Britain applied, against the United States, as a foreign 

country, the same principles of exclusion from her colonial 



THE CONFEDERATION 199 

trade which she had for a century applied against Fr^ance and 
Spain and other powers. 8till, direct trade between Great 
Britain and the United States went on freely in the vessels of 
both nations, and the British merchants got most of the Amer- 
ican orders; hence Great Britain steadily refused to make a 
commercial treaty. 

Another set of difficulties between Great Britain and the 
United States arose because each nation charged the other with 
not carrying out the treaty of peace : (1) several states inter- 
fered with suits brought to collect the debts due to British 
merchants when the Revolution began ; (2) the British gov- 
ernment was offended because the states refused to receive 
back loyalists who were eager to accept the new order of 
things, although this hard and mistaken policy was not for- 
bidden by the treaty ; (3) negro slaves were carried away by 
the British fleets ; (4) the British held on to a line of posts 
through northern New York and the Northwest in American 
territory. 

In neither foreign relations nor finances could the Confed- 
eration compel the states to do their constitutional duty : for 
instance, Georgia never paid a penny of her quota of 157. The 
requisitions (§ 154) in the whole period from 1781 to 1788, \he Ui^n 
and Jefferson wrote, " There never will be money in the (1781-1789) 
Treasury until the Confederacy shows its teeth." One of the 
serious difficulties in trying to get a commercial treaty with 
Great Britain lay in the fact that the states had the right each 
for itself to regulate foreign and interstate commerce. Some of 
them laid discriminating duties on British ships ; others took 
off discriminations so as to induce British ships to come to 
their ports. Three states — Massachusetts, New York, and 
Pennsylvania — adopted protective tariff duties which were 
applied against their neighbors ; and New Jersey retaliated 
with an act taxing the New York lighthouse on Sandy Hook. 

The state acts which most affected neighboring states were 
habt's amer. hist. — 12 



200 FEDERATION 

the " Stay and Tender " laws, suspending all suits for debt for 
six months or a year, or pern^itting the debtor to offer goods, 
cattle, or even land in payiuent of his debts. Ignoring their 
experience in the Revolution, seven of the states put out issues 
of paper money, of which a great part Avas again repudiated ; 
and this bore hard on merchants who had sold goods on 
credit for specie prices. 

For many other reasons people were disturbed and discon- 
tented after the war : (1) they bought too much from England 
158 Dia- ^^^ found it a long task to pay the bills ; (2) taxes were 
turbances high, or seemed high ; (3) there was little specie in the 
country, and that was a miscellaneous lot of gold and 
silver coins of all countries; (4) the laws of the time were 
very severe on poor debtors, and from one end of the country 
to the other there was a chorus of complaint — much of it 
justified — that court fees and lawsuits and imprisonment 
for debt were intolerable hardships. 

In many states riots broke out and rose almost to revolu- 
tions. Pennsylvania whisky distillers violently opposed an 
excise on their product. In New York city John Jay was 
nearly killed while opposing a riot. In New Hampshire an 
incipient insurrection had to be broken up by troops. The 
people of Maine, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee all 
demanded separate statehood. The climax was reached in 
Shays's Rebellion of 1786-1787 in Massachusetts, which made 
a great impression on the country. As a protest against 
numerous suits for debt against the farmers, rioters in Great^ 
Barrington, Worcester, and other places prevented the judges 
from holding court; and then the movement grew rapidly. 
Eai'ly in 1787 (Captain Daniel Shays got together about 1800 
men and even attacked the United States arsenal at Springfield. 
State militia was sent to break up the insurrection ; when the 
two forces actually met each other at Petersham, the rebels 
gave way in confusion, and order was shortly restored. 



THE CONFEDERATION 201 

Another disturbing element in the American Union was the 
existence of human slavery. Against this contrast to the 
principles of political equality and Christian brotherhood, 159. Ques- 
many voices were raised before the Revolution. Thus slavery 

John Woolman, a Quaker lay preacher, wrote: "These (1774-1785) 
are the people who have made no agreement to serve us, Woolman, 
and who have never forfeited their liberty that we know Journal, no 
of. These are the souls for whom Christ died." In 1775 the 
first antislavery society was formed in Philadelphia. 

So long as all the communities had slaves, the system made 
no trouble among neighbors : runaway slaves were returned, 
if they got into another colony or state, exactly like stray 
horses; and in the Ordinance of 1787 there was a special 
agreement that fugitive slaves should be returned. During 
the Revolution the first legal steps were taken against slavery. 
The slave trade was prohibited by ordinances of the Continen- 
tal Congress, and by statutes of almost all the individual states, 
and most of the 3000 negroes who served in the army during 
the Revolution were set free, with their families. 

In several debates in the Continental Congress, however, 
the North and the South began to show a difference of spirit 
toward slavery, and this difference came out with great dis- 
tinctness when five states and one independent community 
laid the ban of their laws on slavery. (1) Vermont in its 
constitution of 1777 prohibited the slavery of grown men and 
women. (2) Pennsylvania in 1780 passed an act providing 
that all persons born within the commonwealth after the date 
of the act should be born free. (3) The Massachusetts consti- 
tution of 1780 declared that "All men are born free and 
equal," which the courts afterward held to be a prohibition of 
slavery. (4) The similar revised constitution of New Hamp- 
shire in 1783 had the same effect in that state. (5) In Con- 
necticut and (6) Rhode Island, emancipation acts, similar to 
that of Pennsylvania, were passed in 1784. 



202 FEDERATION 

By the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, freedom was guar- 
anteed in the whole territory north of the Ohio River. In 1799 
New York passed a gradual emancipation act; and in 1804 
New Jersey followed. Thus was created a solid block of terri- 
tory from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, north of Mason and 
Dixon's Line (the southern boundary of Pennsylvania) and 
north of the Ohio River, in which slavery was dead or drying. 
From that time on the Union was divided into two sections, 
having hostile labor systems. 

The Confederation was a great advance on any form of 

160. De- federal government that the world had ever known ; but 
Confedera- ^^ ^^^^ '^^^ experiment, and in practice showed several 
(ion kinds of defects. 

(1) Congress was ill organized for its work ; often less than 
the necessary seven states were represented, and for months 
together the delegations of nine states could not be assembled 
even for the most important business; and a clause against 
serving more than three years out of six turned men like Madi- 
son and Jefferson and Hamilton out of Congress when they 
had learned to be useful. 

(2) The powers of the Confederation were too weak. It 
had not full authority to make commercial treaties ; it had 
no power over interstate commerce and therefore could not 
prevent the states from injuring one another. It had no power 
to compel the payment of taxes and could raise revenue only 
by feeble requisitions on the states. 

(3) Congress had no means of carrying out its powers. It 
could not compel individ4ials to obey ; it could not collect 
its revenue, except through the states; it had no system of 
criminal law, and no permanent courts to apply its civil laws. 

The best men of the time were i)erfecr,iy aware of the defects 

161. Sug- of the confederacy. Thiee tlit'tfivnt tinies did Congress 
amendment ^^'^"^i^ ^^* the states constitutional amendments, which 
(1781-1786) would at least have tided over the trouble. 



THE CONFEDERATION 



203 



(1) In 1781 it askod authority, by the " Five per cent 
Scheme," to lay a duty of five per cent on imports, tlie pro- 
ceeds to go toward paying the principal and interest of the 
public debt. Twelve legislatures voted for this constitutional 
amendment, but since unanimous consent was necessary, the 
obstinacy of Rhode Island de- 
feated the plan. 

(2) In 1783 Congress proposed 
a " Revenue Plan " by which it 
might lay specific duties on a very 
low scale for twenty -five years, the 
states to appoint the collectors. 
Again twelve states accepted, but 
this time New York refused to rat- 
ify, and the amendment was lost. 

(3) A "commerce amendment," 
submitted in 1784, was intended 
to give power to Congress to pass 
navigation acts against such coun- 
tries as refused to make commer- 
cial treaties. This amendment 
was ratified by only seven out of 
thirteen states, and was a hope- 
less failure. 

The most persistent and the 
most effectual critic of the Arti- 
cles of Confederation was George 
Washington, then in retirement. 
In 1783 he wrote a famous letter to the governors of the states, 
urging a stronger union. Later he complained that " Thirteen 
sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at 
the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole." When 
asked to use his influence for reform, he replied : " Influence 
is no government. Let us have one by which our lives, liber- 




Washington Plate and 
Pitcher. 

From Metropolitan Museum 
of Art. 



204 FEDERATION 

ties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst 
at once." 



After five years of peace, the Union was still in confusion 
and uncertainty. Congress lost the popular respect and interest 
162. Sum- and was too clumsy for its own tasks. Almost the only 
^^^ thing that it did thoroughly was to organize the western 

territory, and for that it had no constitutional authority. 
The British treaties still remained unfulfilled, and Congress 
could get no commercial agreements with eitlier Spain or Great 
Britain. Finances went from bad to worse ; Morris, au intelli- 
gent and conscientious minister of finance, resigned in disgust, 
and the creditors of the government at home saw little prospect 
of payment of their principal. The state governments were 
weak, disturbed by riots, — some of them by insurrection, — 
and the southwestern frontier settlements threatened to secede 
from the Union altogether. All attempts to meet these diffi- 
culties by constitutional amendments failed, because of the rule 
of unanimous consent. 

Nevertheless, under the Confederation, the country was 
prosperous: trade increased, towns were built, education ad- 
vanced. There was plenty of raw strength suitable for a nation, 
and the very defects of the Confederation proved a lesson of 
the highest importance, because they taught people what 
to avoid. We honor the men who made and carried on the 
Confederation, because they had the good sense to correct 
their faults in tlie next attempt to make a national govern- 
ment — in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) Basis of New York claims to westers lands. (2) Basis of 

""^ *^* Massachusetts claims. (3) Basis of Connecticut claims. (4) Basis 

of Virginia claims. (6) Basis of North Carolina claims. (6) Ba.sis 

of Georgia claims. (7) What were the advantages of the rectan- 



THE CONFEDERATION 



205 



gular survey ? The disadvantages ? (8) Later territorial subdivi- 
sions of tlie Northwest Territory. (9) First antislavery society. 
(10) Why was the state of Franklin formed ? Why discontinued ? 

(11) Effect of the nine states rule. (12) Account of the Federal Search 
Prize Court. (13) Paine's argument on the public lands. (14) How *°P**'^ 
was the Northwest Ordinance obtained ? (15) Was the Ohio Com- 
pany a paying investment ? (16) Jefferson's opinions on slavery. 
(17) Life of John Woolman. (18) Anthony Benezet's criticisms 
of slavery. (19) Washington's objections to slavery. (20) Was 
there danger of the secession of the West in 1786? (21) Treat- 
ment of returned loyalists by the states. (22) Was there danger 
of the success of Shays's Rebellion ? 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 190, 198 ; McLaughlin, Confederation and Consti- Geography 
tution. 

Hart, Formation of the Utiion, §§ 49-54, 56-58 ; Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 1-20 ; Channing, United States, 107-122 ; McLaugh- 
lin, Confederation and Constitution ; Fiske, Critical Period, 90- 
216 ; Schouler, United States, I. 12-35 ; McMaster, United States, 
I. 103-416, 503-524, IIL 89-116 ; Wilson, American People, III. 
24-60 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 305-314 ; Lamed, His- 
tory for Beady Reference, IV. 2377, 2920, V. 3252, 3280, 3289 ; 
Gordy, Political Parties, I. 9-63 ; Curtis, Constitutional History, 
I. 98-220 ; Winsor, Westward Movement, 225-374 ; Roosevelt, Win- 
ning of the West, III. ; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 192-296, 345- 
350 ; Sparks, Expansion, 84-87, 100-134 ; Dewey, Financial His- 
tory, §§ 21-25; Locke, Antislavery, 46-87, 112-131, 157-159; 
Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 64-86, — Alexander Hamilton, I. 64- 
154 ; Schouler, Thomas Jefferson, 122-152 ;'Gay, James Madison, 
1-83 ; Sumner, Bohert Morris, 53-138 ; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 
1-23. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 64-67, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 209, Sources 
210, III. §§ Zl-b^, — So^lrce Beaders, II. §§ 35, 36, III. §§ 1-3 ; 
MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 4 ; American History Leaflets, 
nos. 22, 28, 32 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 13, 15, 16, 40, 42, 127; Hill, 
Liberty Documents, ch. xvi. ; Caldwell, Territorial Development, 
53-73. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 330-332, — 
Historical Sotirces, § 78. 

E. Bellamy, Duke of Stockbridge (Shays's Rebellion); R. M. 
Bird, Nick of the Woods (Ky.). 

Wilson, American People, III. ; Sparks, Expansion. Pictures 



UluBtrative 
works 



CPIAPTER XIII. 

MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION (1787-1789) 

The right way to get a new start was pointed out by Henry 
Laurens in 1779 when he asked, " Shall we call forth a grand 
i«?3 P convention in aid of the great council?" This sugges- 

liminaries tion of a special constitutional convention was repeated by 
eral Con^ state legislatures and individuals. In 1785 a conference of 
vention commissioners from Maryland and Virginia at Alexandria 
(1779-1787) suggested some reforms ; but the first actual step toward a 
complete revision of the Articles of Confederation was a con- 
vention on interstate trade at Annapolis (September, 1786). 
The only action was a report, drawn by Alexander Hamilton, pro- 
posing that a general convention meet in Philadelphia in May, 
1787, to prepare amendments to the Articles of Confederation. 
Under this unofficial call some of the states began to elect 
delegates, and Congress reluctantly issued a formal call for a 
convention " for the sole and express purpose of revising the 
Journal of articles of confederation, and reporting to Congress and 
Congress, the several legislatures, such alterations and provisions 
therein as shall, when agreed to in Congress, and con- 
firmed by the states, render the federal constitution adequate 
to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the 
Union." 

When the members of the Convention met and exchanged 

views, they saw that they must go outside the call of Congress 

164 Mem- ^^^ frame a new constitution altogether. For such a 

bersofthe purpose the Convention was rather clumsy, inasmuch 

as each delegation cast one vote for its state. This 

arrangement gave as much voting power to a combination 

206 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 207 

of five states — Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, South 
Carolina, and Delaware — as to the representatives of twice 
as many people living in the five states of Massachusetts, New 
York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina. Rhode 
Island sent no delegates, the New Hampshire delegation came 
in late, and Georgia, with a large and fertile territory, com- 
monly voted with the large states, which thus had a majority 
of one vote on critical questions. 

Fortunately the fifty-five gentlemen who at one time or 
another were members of the Convention included some of 
the greatest names in American history, among them eight sign- 
ers of the Declaration of Independence. The heaviest work fell 
on a few leaders. Benjamin Franklin was old, but as canny as 
ever. Alexander Hamilton, one of the most impetuous members 
of the Convention, took too extreme ground and lost influence. 
"William Paterson of New Jersey spoke for the small states. 
James Wilson of Pennsylvania, later a justice of the federal 
Supreme Court, was the keenest constitutional lawyer. The 
galaxy of the Convention was the Virginia delegation, including 
George Washington, who gave it prestige throughout the country. 

The man who did most to harmonize the sharp differences 
in the Convention was James Madison of Virginia. In 1787 
Madison was only thirty-six years old. A graduate of jgs. James 
Princeton College, he had seen service in the Virginia Madison, a 
legislature and in Congress, where he learned to know Constitu- 
the difficulties of the Confederation. He was a studious *^°° 

man, and before the Convention began sent for all the books 
that he could find on the history of earlier confedera- 
tions, and prepared a sort of digest of those books, which he 
sent to Washington. He also consulted with his friends in 
Virginia and elsewhere, and drew up the strongly federal 
" Virginia Plan " as a basis of argument. 

At the beginning of the Convention it occurred to Madison 
that posterity would be interested in the debates; and as 



208 



FEDKHATION 




Georgk Washington in nsi. 
From Wrifihl's portrait. 

there were no reporters, he took down in sliorthand an abbre- 
viated or concentrated statement of the debates, which he 
wrote oiit in the evenings and snbniitted to the speakers. 
In these discussions Madison himself took part more than 
fifty times, and throughout he advocated a national govern- 
ment, well knit, strong, and empowered to carry out its own 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 209 

just authority. As a representative of the largest and most 
populous state in the Union, the members from the small 
states sometimes thought him unfair; but in a quiet and 
sagacious way he often suggested a middle course, and few 
things against which he argued were adopted. 

For materials with which to put together a new constitu- 
tion, the delegates simply took the experience of mankind, so 

far as they knew it. Therefore they based their consti- , „„ _ 

166. Sources 
tution on the principles of free government as developed of the Con- 
in England ; yet in its form the new federal government stit^itioJi 
owed little to Parliament, or to the crown, or to the English 
judiciary ; for the Convention took English institutions as they 
had been modified and expanded in the colonial governments, 
in the states, in the Continental Congress, and in the Congress 
of the Confederation. For instance, the two houses of Con- 
gress were suggested by the two houses of the colonial legisla- 
tures, and also by experience of the clumsy working of a single 
house in the Confederation. The great merit of the members 
of the Federal Convention was that they had the sanctified 
common sense to discard old forms of government that worked 
ill, and to substitute forms which from their experience they 
thought would work well. 

The Convention was slow in starting, but chose Washington 
to be its president and settled down to work May 29, when 
Edmund Kandolph, in behalf of the Virginia delegation, jg^ Biock- 

submitted a set of resolutions, commonly known as the ingoutthe 
_-. document 

Virginia Plan. This plan in broad outlines provided for (May-June, 

a government of three departments ; and next day in its 1787) 

first formal resolution the Convention agreed " That a national 

government ought to be established, consisting of a supreme 

legislature, executive, and judiciary." 

To avoid the radical step proposed in the resolution, two other 

plans were suggested in the course of the Convention : (1) the 

Connecticut Plan, which proposed to enlarge the powers of 



210 FEDERATION 

Congress under the Confederation, ])iit to leave the execution 
of the national laws to state governments ; (2) the New Jersey 
Plan, which stood for the views of the small states; it in- 
cluded three departments, but preserved the equal representa- 
tion of the states in Congress. Hamilton's Plan, a highly 
centralized scheme, included a life senate and life president; 
the state governors to be appointed by the general govern- 
ment. The so-called Pinckney Plan, of which we have no con- 
temporary copy, was much like the constitution as finally 
adopted. After about two weeks' debate, however, the Con- 
vention adopted a set of provisional votes, embodying most of 
the features of the Virginia Plan, as the foundation of the 
new constitution. The most serious question at this stage 
was how to divide members of Congress among the states. 
The South wanted an assignment in proportion to popula- 
tion, including slaves ; the North wanted to leave the slaves 
out of account. As a midway course, it was provisionally 
voted to count slaves, but only at three fifths of their actual 
numbers. 

A second debate, from June 10 to July 26, brought out the 
168. The most serious differences of opinion on four subjects, and 
*t't*t'^°°i ^^^ ^^ motion forces which eventually brought about four 

compro- compromises, the adoption of which made something like 
mises , ^,^ 

(June-July, agreement possible. 

1787) (1) The so-called " Connecticut Compromise " settled 

the question of representation in Congress. The small states 

insisted on one house with equal vote of the states ; the large 

states stood out for the Virginia Plan of two houses, with 

proportional representation in both. So obstinate and bitter 

were both sides that Franklin feared lest "our projects will 

be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and 

by-word down to future ages." He therefore moved that the 

Convention be opened every day with prayer. A Connecticut 

member threw out the suggestion that in one branch the 



MAKING -THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 211 

people ought to be represented, in the other the states ; and 
this idea was carried out by the first compromise (July 5), 
providing that there should be an equal vote of states in the 
Senate and a proportional representation in the House. 

(2) A few days later came up the question of assessing 
federal direct taxes corresponding to the old requisitions : the 
North proposed that in fixing the proportion of each state, 
negroes should be counted at their full numbers, whereupon a 
North Carolina member declared that his state would not go 
into a union on that basis. The matter was compromised 
(July 12) by a vote that representatives and direct taxes should 
both be apportioned according to the three-fifths rule. 

(3) It had been agreed that Congress should regulate for- 
eign commerce, but the southern members feared that this 
power would lead to navigation acts for the protection of 
American shipping, which might raise the freights on south- 
ern exports. Hence Madison introduced a motion to require 
a two-thirds vote for such an act. On the other hand, the 
northern states, as well' as Maryland and Virginia, were in 
general strongly opposed to reopening the slave trade. A 
compromise was arranged (August 25) under which Congress 
was left free to pass acts in aid of American shipping by the 
usual majority, but was not to prohibit the slave trade for 
twenty years. The slaveholdiug states also secured a clause 
against export taxes. 

(4) A fourth compromise, not so distinctly expressed, fixed 
the relation of the states to the federal government. The Con- 
vention at first voted that Congress should have the right to 
veto state laws. Later it adopted a substitute clause (July 17) 
providing for appeals to the Supreme Court of the United 
States, in case a state infringed on the national Constitution. 

A third stage of the Convention began July 26, when the 
work done by the Convention to that point was summed up in 
a series of resolutions, which were sent to a Committee of 



212 FEDERATION 

Detail. The report of that committee grouped the principles 
adopted into articles and sections, made many vei'bal changes, 
and included a few new features, such as the choice of 
tionofde- President by electors. After debating this report from 
tails (Aug.- August 7 to September 8, the Convention sent it to a 
Committee of Style, which reported September 13. 
Gouverneur Morris was the leading spirit in this revision, and 
to him are due the lucidity of phrase and clearness and exact- 
ness of language which distinguish the Constitution. 

On September 17 the engrossed draft was presented for signa- 
ture. Some delegates had gone home in disgust, and three 
members present — George Mason and Edmund Randolph of 
Virginia and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts — refused abso- 
lutely to sign the completed work because it seemed too strong. 
Thirty-nine of the original fifty-five members, however, repre- 
senting twelve states, affixed their signatures to the Constitu- 
tion. Madison records that, at this solemn moment, Franklin 
called the attention of the members to the sun painted behind 
the president's chair : " I have," said he, " often and often, in 
the course of the session and the vicissitudes of my hopes and 
fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the president, with- 
out being able to tell whether it was rising or setting ; but, now 
at length, I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and 
not a setting sun." 

The completed Constitution, as is indicated by the preamble, 
170. Analy- was founded on a different set of principles from those 

sis of the of the old Confederation in form, in powers.in enforce- 
Oonstitu- '17 

tion ment, and in the status of the states. 

(1) In its form, the Constitution broke up the old con- 
centrated power of Congress, and created three equal and 
coordinate departments : Congress, the President and his 
subordinates, and the federal courts. 

(2) The powers of the federal government included all 
those given to the Confederation, and many others, such as the 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 213 

full power to tax individuals, to borrow money, and to expend 
money. Control over territories was at last expressly given, 
as well as complete power over foreign and interstate com- 
merce, including expressly weights and measures, coinage, post 
offices, copyrights, and patents. To the federal government 
was given unlimited powers to make war on land and sea, 
by regular forces or militia, to make peace, and to make trea- 
ties on all subjects. 

(3) Proper means of enforcing these powers were given to 
the federal government : it makes laws for individuals and can 
punish them through the courts if they are disobedient ; while 
the Supreme Court has jurisdiction in cases where states are 
parties, and can hear appeals from the state courts on cases 
involving the federal Constitution. 

(4) The relations between the states and the Union were 
made much more definite than under the Confederation ; and 
the states deliberately gave up to Congress, the President, and 
the federal courts, great fields of power — such as foreign 
commerce and unrestricted taxation. To be sure, several large 
areas of important powers were not distinctly conferred on 
Congress : there was no clause authorizing, in so many words, 
the annexation of territory, or the chartering of corporations, 
or the creation of a cabinet for the President, or federal con- 
trol of slavery in the territories, or opposition to secession of 
a state. Many such unenumerated powers have since been 
assumed by the federal government because " implied " in the 
specific articles of the Constitution (§ 197). 

To avoid the requirement of unanimous consent for altera- 
tions of the constitution, which wrecked the Confederation, the 
Constitution was to go into effect, as to the states ratify- j^i jj^g 

ing, when nine state conventions should have ratified it. Constitu- 
_-, , tion before 

Though the Convention, as a matter of form, sent the the people 

document to the Congress of the Confederation, that body (1787-1788) 
simply transmitted the instrument to the states. The friends 



214 FEDERATION 

of the new Constitution, including,' muiiy strong members of 
the Convention, at once began to discuss and to organize. 
Since the opposition accused them of aiming at consolidation 
and the destruction of the states, they gave themselves the 
name of " Federals," or " Federalists," to show that they 
favored the proper rights of the states. Their opponents had 
no better party title than " Anti-Federalists." 

Both sides at once betook themselves to the methods of that 
time for affecting public sentiment on great questions. They 
wrote elaborate series of letters, published from week to week 
in the local newspapers over such names as " A Land Holder," 
"A Countryman," "Cato," and "Cassius." Perhaps the best 
two series are the letters of " Agrippa" against the Constitu- 
tion, and a series of essays skillfully defending the Constitu- 
tion, written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and 
John Jay, which appeared for many weeks in succession in 
New York newspapers over the name Federalist, and to this 
day make up one of the wisest and best discussions of the 
Constitution. 

The fight raged over the Constitution from end to end ; in 
general, in particular, and in detail, it was hotly assailed and 
strongly defended. The Anti-Federalists predicted that Con- 
gress would overawe the states, that the President would prove 
a despot, and that the courts would destroy liberty, while the 
Senate would be a stronghold of aristocracy. In one state 
convention a member even objected that "if there be no 
religious test required, pagans, deists, and Mahometans might 
obtain offices among us, and that the senators and representa- 
tives might all be pagans." The point most criticised was the 
lack of a bill of rights. The Convention had assumed that 
individual rights were fundamental and could not be taken 
away by a federation ; but the state constitutions all had such 
bills of rights, and it was a mistake not to include one in the 
new instrument of government. 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 



21, 



All the states except Rhode Island called the necessary state 

Mmventions; and the first contest was in the popular elections 

for delegates. Then came the conventions, which in five 172. Eatifi- 

states had an easy task: though the Pennsylvania con- cation by 

•^ . - six states 

vention assembled first, Delaware had the honor of (1787-1788) 

being first to ratify (December 7, 1787), and that by a unani- 
mous vote ; the great influence of Pennsylvania was thrown 
into the same scale (December 12), by a vote of 46 to 23 ; next 
came unanimous ratification by New Jersey (December 18), 




The Hancock Housk in 1781). 
From the Massachvisettii Magazine. 

and by Georgia (January 2, 1788) ; Connecticut followed, after 
a hot discussion, by a vote of 128 to 40 (January 9). 

The first dangerous contest was in Massachusetts ; for when 
the convention assembled and elected John Hancock as its 
president, it was clear that the majority was against the 
Constitution, for reasons well stated by a country member: 
"These lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men," 
said he, " that talk so finely, and gloss over matters so 
smoothly, and make us poor illiterate people swallow down 



HART'S AMER. HIST. 



13 



216 FEDERATION 

the pill, expect to get into (Jongiess themselves ; they ex- 
pect to be the managers of this Constitution, and get all the 
power and all the money into their own hands, and then they 
will swallow up all us little folks, like the great Leviathan, 
Mr. President — yes, just as the whale swallowed up Jonah. 
That is what I am afraid of." The balance of power in the 
convention was held by its president, John Hancock, who was 
kept away at first by a convenient attack of the celebrated 
" Hancock gout." He had to be secured by promising him the 
governorship and hinting at the presidency of the United States. 
Yet still there was no clear majority, for the opposition insisted 
that ratification should include a long list of amendments. 
As a last resort, the friends of the Constitution agreed that 
amendments be added, not as a condition, but as a strong sug- 
gestion. With all these intluencos, on the test vote (February 
G, 1788), Massachusetts ratified by only 187 votes to 168. 

The fight in Massachusetts was the crisis of the constitution, 
for the result had great influence on other states. IMaryland 
173. Ratifi- ratified by a vote of G3 to 11 (April 28); and South 
cation by Carolina ratified by a vote of 149 to 73 (May 23) ; and 
states N^ew Hampshire by a vote of 57 to 4C made herself the 

(1787-1790) ninth state and completed "the federal arch" (June 21). 
The Virginia convention supposed that their state would 
be necessary to make nine. Madison and Edmund Randolph, 
who had a second time changed his mind, were for the Con- 
stitution ; and Washington, though not a member of the state 
convention, threw all his mighty influence in its favor. The 
strongest opponent was Patrick Henry, who did not shine 
as a logician. When taxes came to be discussed, he exclaimed : 
"I never will give up that darling word 'requisition': my 
country may give it up ; a majority may wrest it from me, 
but 1 will never give it up till my grave." After the greatest 
exertions, Madison succeeded in having the long list of pro- 
posed amendments made a " recommendation " and not a con- 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 217 

dition of ratification ; and the Constitution was ratified by the 
narrow vote of 89 to 79 (June 25, 1788). 

The Ninth PILLAR erected ! 

**The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, (hall be fuffitient forthe «ItabJitt. 
ment of this Conftitution, between the States fo ratifying the fame" Art. vii. 

INCIPIENT MJGNI PROCEDEUE MENSES. 

The Attraction muft 
be imfi/'tible 




Adoption of the Constitution, 1788. 
From the Independent Chronicle. 

The New York convention was at first hostile to the Consti- 
tution, and Governor George Clinton, the political boss of the 
state, appeared in the convention to oppose it. Its successful 
champion was Alexander Hamilton. Again the plan of a con- 
ditional ratification was proposed, but finally by the close vote 
of 30 to 27 New York ratified (July 26, 1788), " in full con- 
fidence " that the proposed changes would be made after the 
new government should be organized. 

For some time two states still held off. The North Caro- 
lina convention adjourned without taking a vote, but a second 
convention was called which duly ratified the Constitution 
(November 21, 1789). Ehode Island at this time called no 
convention, but was brought to terms later, when Congress pro- 
posed to treat it as a foreign nation; and she completed the 
roll of thirteen ratifying states (May 29, 1790). 



The Federal Convention was simply the practical result of 
the preparation, from 1774 to 1787, for a strong national 174. sum- 
government. In the fourteen months from May, 1787, mary 

to July, 1788, the nation reaped the fruits of fourteen years of 
experience of an inadequate government. 



ijl8 FEDEUATIUN 

After long discussions the Philadelphia Convention drew up 
a careful and well-arranged constitution which had to run the 
gantlet of the state conventions. In three — Delaware, New 
Jersey, and Georgia — there was no opposition; in live — 
Pennsylvania, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Maryland, and 
South Carolina — the opposition was easily overcome; in 
three — ^NEassachusetts, Virginia, and New York — ratification 
was obtained with the greatest difficulty. Two states, Rhode 
Island and North Carolina, did not ratify till after the gov- 
ernment was in working order. 

The acceptance of the Constitution was due to the thinking 
men, public leaders and business men, of the country, wlio 
could not stand the disorder and uncertainty of the Confederal 
tion. The creditors of the national and state governments 
wanted some assurance that they would be paid; the ship- 
owner wanted rights in the ports of other countries; the 
trader wanted to be able to collect his debts in other states ; 
and far-sighted public men like Washington and Hamilton 
were tired of the waste of time and effort necessary to make 
the government go at all. Rightly did John Adams say, "The 
Constitution was extorted by grinding necessity from a reluc- 
tant people." 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) Why did not Congress undertake a revision of the constitu- 

topicB ^j^^j^ p ^2) Why (lid Rhode Island send no delegates to the Con- 

vention ? (3) How was the Virginia Plan drawn up ? (4) Why 
did 80 many members of the Convention withdraw ? (5) Main argu- 
ments in favor of the ratification of the Constitntion. (6) Main 
arguments against ratification. (7) Why did the friends of the Con- 
stitution resist amendments in the stale conventions ? (8) What 
methods brought about ratification of the Constitution ? (9) Did 
the states think that ratification was final, or repealable ? 
Search (iQ) Suggestions of a national constitutional convention, 1781- 

'"'*" 1785. (11) Paterson's Plan. (12) A debate in the Federal Con- 

vention. (13) Sources of our knowledge of the Convention. 
(14) History of the Connecticut Compromise. (16) History of the 



MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTlTtJTION 



219 



slave-trade compromise. (16) Threats of withdrawal by members 
of the Conveution from small states. (17) Franklin in the Con- 
vention. (18) James Wilson in the Convention. (19) The Penn- 
sylvania convention. (20) The Massachusetts convention. (21) The 
Virginia convention. (22) The New York convention. (23) Pat- 
rick Henry's objections to the Constitution. 

REFERENCES 



Secondary 
authorities 



McLaughlin, Confederation and Constitution. Geography 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 60-68, — Actual Government, 
§ 21 ; Walker, Making of the Nation, 21-63 ; Channing, United 
States, 122-133 ; McLaughlin, Confederation and Constitution ; 
Fiske, Critical Period, 216-350 ; Landon, Constitutional His- 
tory, 77-124, 211-218; Gordy, Political Parties, I. 64-102; 
Schouler, United States, I. 36-70 ; McMaster, United States, I. 
277-281, 389-391. 416-423, 436^503 ; Cambridge Modem History, 
VIL 243-304 ; Wilson, Ainerican People, III. 60-98 ; Larned, 
History for Ready Reference, IV. 2644, V. 3296 ; Curtis, Consti- 
tutional History, I. 221-647; Dewey, Financial History, §§27- 
32 ; Sparks, Men who made the Nation, 153-180 ; Hunt, James 
Madison, 87-166; Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, 49-82, — Geo7'ge 
Washington, II. 29-41 ; Pellew, John Jay, 222-234 ; Tyler, Pat- 
rick Henry, 298-356 ; Roosevelt, Oouverneur Morris, 108-145. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 68-70, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 60-75 ; Sources 
MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 5 ; American History Leaflets, 
no. 8 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 1,12, 70, 99 ; Hill, Liberty Docii- 
ments, ch. xvii. ; Caldwell, Survey, 74-96 ; Johnston, American 
Orations, I. 39-71. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' As.s'n, Syllabus, 
332-334 ; Historical Sources, § 79. 

G. F. Atherton, The Conqueror (Hamilton); Francis Hopkinson, 
Essays and Occasional Writing^. 

Wilson, American People, IIL Pictures 



Illustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XIV. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 



distribution 



What were the numbers, characteristics, and capacities of 

the people who made the federal Constitution? The census 

175 Popu- ^^ 1"90 showed a population of 4,000,000, of whom 

lationand 80,000 were Indians, 60,000 free negroes, and 700,000 

slaves. In the remaining 3,160,000 the English race 

was predominant in all of the states; there were, perhaps, 

200,000 Scotch- 
Irish, chiefly 
along the fron- 
tier, a small but 
persistent Dutch 
element in New 
York, perhaps 
100,000 Germans 
in Pennsylvania 
and the West, 
and a small Hu- 
guenot element in South Carolina.* Over nine tenths of the 
people lived in the country : in 1790 the only places having a 
population greater than 8000 were Philadelphia, with about 
42,000 people (including suburbs); New York city, with 33,000; 
Boston, with 18,000; Charleston, with 16,000; and Baltimore, 
with 14,000. Only about one twentieth of the whole popula- 
tion lived west of the crest of the Appalachians ; and Louis- 
ville was the farthest town on the Ohio River. 

Nearly all the white men in America Avorked on farms at 

220 




[iS^jSj} Bittltd Art* In 1790 



Settled Area i.v 1790. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 221 

least part of the year, and most of them on their own farms. 
Northern farmers raised vegetables for their own use, hay for 
their stock, corn and other grain, in some places hemp and i^g -jj^g 
flax, and salted down pork and beef. The most valuable farmer 

crop was wheat, cultivated from New England to Virginia, 
and the basis of a large export of grain and flour. In Mary- 
land and Virginia tobacco was still abundant, while South 
Carolina raised rice and still a little indigo. 

For an example of prosperity, take a French traveler's ac- 
count of a Quaker family living near Philadelphia. The three 
daughters, beautiful, easy in their manners, and decent in their 
deportment, helped the mother in the household. The father 
was constantly in the fields, where he grew wheat and other 
crops. He had an excellent garden and orchard, ten horses, a 
big corn house, a barn full of wheat, oats, and other grain, „ . 
a dairy, in which the family made excellent cheese. Warville, 
" Their sheep give them wool of which the cloth is made " ' 
that covers the father and the children. This cloth is spun in 
the house, wove and fulled in the neighborhood. All the linen 
is made in the house." 

The farmers for the most part had large families, and hence 
did not have to hire much labor. There was a good demand 
for handicraftsmen, shoemakers, harness makers, tailors, ,-« « 
and the like. Their wages were in purchasing value only and slave 
about half what wages are to-day, but every wage earner 
who had the ambition and enterprise and industry could strike 
out for himself, by taking up land and starting a farm. 

Much of the hard labor was done by slaves. From Penn- 
sylvania to North Carolina they were commonly treated with 
kindness. In Georgia and in South Carolina, where in 1790, 
out of 330,000 people, 130,000 were negro slaves, the labor was 
hard, and there were cases of cruel treatment. The cotton crop 
was small and of little value, because it took so much time to 
clear the seed out of the fiber, till in 1794 Eli Whitney, a Yankee 



222 OKGANIZATION AND EXTANSIUN 

schoolmaster living in Georgia, patented the cotton gin, a simple 
machine which could do the work of scores of men. His ma- 
chine caused the production of cotton to rise from a few hun- 
dred bales in 1790 to 600,000 in 1820 ; and this new demand 
for a crop cultivated by slave labor eventually led to the 
struggle over the admission of Missouri 

Manufactures, except shipbuilding, were not much developed 
in America in 1800. A little iron and some steel were made 
in the middle states, all of it with charcoal. Carpet weaving 
and broom making had sprung up, and Philadelphia exported 
from 200,000 to 350,000 barrels of flour every year ; this in- 
dustry was aided by Oliver Evans's endless band elevator. 

The shipping trade again became very prosperous after the 
war, and new avenues of commerce were opened. In 1784 the 
178 Trade ^^^P ^^P'''^^^ of CJiina made the first voyage to China 
and in- and brought home the impressive freight of 300,000 solid 

^ silver dollars. A profitable direct trade ensued with 

China, India, and the east coast of Africa. About 7000 men 
were engaged in the cod fishery, and several thousand in the 
whale fishery. The fur trade fell off as civilized settlers pushed 
westward, but John Jacob Astor, a New York merchant, made 
what was then considered the enormous fortune of over a rail- 
lion dollars, by developing the business in the far Northwest. 

As an example of the rich ami influential class of American 
merchants, let us take John Hancock of Boston. He bought 
ships, sold ships, and chartered ships to carry his cargoes. 
He bought and sold country produce, and exported fish, whale 
oil and whalebone, pot and pearl ashes, naval stores (pitch, 
tar, and turpentine), lumber, masts, and ship timber. He im- 
ported dress goods for men and women, manufactures of all 
kinds, and coal. The Hancock firm also did a banking busi- 
ness, lent money, held mortgages, and placed them for friends, 
and issued drafts upon their London correspondents. John 
Hancock had a stately house in Boston (p. 215), built of stone, 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 



223 



including a ballroom sixty feet in length, with furniture, wall 
paper, and hangings imported from England. He liked to 
wear crimson velvet suits. Alongside the great merchant was 
the country storekeeper, with his shelves of hardware, cotton 
goods, and a few groceries, with plenty of hard liquors. 




Cross Section of a Turnpike on a Side Hill. 




Cross Section of a Turnpike. 
Showing arrangement of layers of stone. 

Interior commerce was hampered by the lack of roads and 

interior waterways ; but there was a lively coasting trade all 

along the Atlantic. About this time there was introduced j-g Means 

from England a new method of roadmaking — a layer of of com- 

. T , 1 • 1 1 • 1 munication 

large stones, a foot or more m depth, on which was laid a 

crowning of small, angular stones. Under travel these sharp 

fragments consolidated, making a smooth, hard surface. Many 

such roads, often called turnpikes or stone pikes, were built in 

America by individuals or corporations, beginning with the 

stretch from Philadelphia to Lancaster (1792 ; map, p. 291) ; 

and large streams were bridged. On such roads and bridges 

the owners were allowed to charge toll. 



224 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

The second half of the eighteenth century was a period oi 
canal building in England, and the fuijor spread to America. 
After the Revolution Washington visited the upper Potomac 
and Mohawk valleys, and suggested canals by both routes. 
The governments of Maryland and Virginia thereupon united 
in a plan for improving the navigation of the Potomac. A 
little later a traveler named Elkanah Watson formed "the sub- 

Contempora- li'^^ plan of opening an uninterrupted water communi- 

ries, III. 62 cation from the Hudson to Lake Ontario." A few canals 
were actually built, or begun, from 1793 to 1803, notably the 
Santee in South Carolina, the Dismal Swamp in Virginia and 
North Carolina, and the Middlesex from Boston to Lowell. 

Tolerable wagon roads were built about 1790 from Phila- 
delphia, through Bedford in southern Pennsylvania, to Pitts- 
burg; and later from Cumberland on the upper Potomac to the 
Monongahela River. The so-called Wilderness Road, marked 
out by Daniel Boone, the only direct overland route into Ken- 
tucky, was widened into a wagon track (1795). 

To carry on the new enterprises, there was a rapid develop 
ment of joint stock companies, insurance, bridge, and turnpike 

180 New companies, manufacturing concerns, and especially banks. 

economic All these companies had special charters, and the legis» 
latures were beset by demands to grant privileges to new 
corporations. For manufactures on a large scale, steam power 
and machinery have long since taken the place of much of the 
hand labor. It is hard to realize now that, at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century, for erecting buildings, for making iron 
or cloth, for all the farm work and transportation, the only 
motive force was the muscles of men and animals, except a 
few mills run by wind, water power, or the tide. In 1800 there 
was hardly a steam engine in America, and not a power loom. 
The making of woolen and cotton cloth was revolutionized 
about the time of the Revolution by four English inventions : 
Hargreaves's " spinning jenny " (1767) ; Arkwright's spinning 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 225 

frame (1769) ; Crompton's mule spinner (1779) ; and Cart- 
wright's power loom (1785). The spinning machinery was 
introduced into the United States by Samuel Slater of Paw- 
tucket, Rhode Island, in 1790, and thence grew up the woolen, 
cotton, and hemp mills of the United States. The power loom 
was first introduced into the United States by F. C. Lowell at 
Waltham, Massachusetts, in 1813. 

Several other important inventions can be traced back to 
this period, such as Oliver Evans's power dredge, and Jacob 
Perkins's nail-making machine. The renowned Yankee indus- 
try of clock making was also begun by Eli Terry at Plym- 
outh, Connecticut. The use of steam for propelling ships 
was suggested by two American inventors. In 1786 John 
Pitch put a boat on the Delaware propelled by a steam engine 
at a speed of seven miles an hour ; and in 1787 James Rumsey 
ran a steam craft of another type on the Potomac River ; and 
Washington predicted that Rumsey's invention would solve the 
problem of water transportation. 

Another proof that America was changing, was a new spirit 
of humanity and sympathy. Throughout the world in the 
eighteenth century, social life and the criminal law were jg^ jj^_ 
saturated with cruelty ; the constable beat the vagrant, manitarian 
the master workman beat the apprentice ; the farmer 
beat the indentured servant or maid ; the planter beat the 
slave. The insane man or woman was treated literally as a 
beast — chained, starved, and flogged. The criminal or the 
man charged with crime was brutalized in a poisonous and 
stifling jail, a school of criminals. Americans who won the 
battles of the Revolution, and the sailors in John Paul Jones's 
ships, were often half starved and were beaten by their own 
officers. Debtors might in any state in the Union be lodged 
in jail and kept there a lifetime for a petty debt. 

Such oppression and disregard of one's neighbor were not 
only contrary to Christianity, but were also -opposed to the 



220 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

great Revolutionary doctrine of the equality of man, set forth 
in the bill of rights of every state constitution. Equality was 
80 well carried out that foreign travelers were amazed to see inn- 
keepers sit down with their guests, and military officers chosen 
by their men. Gradually, for the weak and helpless, benevo- 
lent societies began to spring up, and a new sense arose of the 
duty of the community to all its people. Moreover, this feel- 
ing of sympathy and responsibility began to extend to the 
slaves. Hence Thomas Jetferson, born and bred a slaveholder, 
wrote in 1781 : " Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure 
Jefferson when we have removed their only firm basis, a convic- 
Noteson tion in the minds of the people that these liberties are of 

Vi/TOttiXQ. 237 

the gift of God ? That they are not to be violated but 

with his Avrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when 1 

reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep forever." 

With all the assertions of the right of the many to govern, 

the United States in 1780 was far from being a thoroughgoing 

182 A r democracy. In the New England states, the ministers 

ican de- and the merchants were still practically an aristocracy, 

mocracy holding, as John Adams put it, that " the rich and the 

well born and the able must be separated from the mass and 

placed by themselves." Even the little New England town 

meetings were not free from the mastery of the local squire, 

according to a satirist — 

" Yet at town meetings ev'ry chief 
Trumbull, Pinn'd faith on great M'Fingal's sleeve, 

M'Fingal And as he motion'd, all by rote 

Rais'd sympathetic hands to vote." 

Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York farmers were not 
influenced so much by great family names as by political organ- 
izations. The first state nominating convention was held in 
Pennsylvania in 1788. Two years later Senator Maclay ob- 
Maday, served that in New York " The Sons of St. Tammany had 
2eo ' a grand parade through the town in Indian dresses. . . . 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 227 

There seems to be some kind of scheme laid of erecting some 
kind of order or society under this denomination." The 
Tammany Society did develop within ten years as a political 
force ; but the organization of the New York democracy was ir> 
the hands of two rival clans, the Livingstons and the Clintons, 
who early developed the practice, whenever they got into 
power, of turning their political opponents out of office. 

Alongside the northern, middle, and southern states, grew up a 
fourth section of the country — the West, which in many ways 
was different from the older communities. (1) It was ,„« , ~ 
the only part of the country in which democracy was ence of the 
real. Out there the only wealth was land, which could 
be had almost for the asking. Most adult men could vote ; 
and it was hard for them to believe that an experienced 
statesman could be of greater public service than anybody else 
who could command a majority. (2) Two systems of navigable 
waterways intersected the West — the Great Lakes on the 
north, and farther south the eastern branches of the Missis- 
sippi. (3) The West was settled with great rapidity. Its 
population increased from 110,000 in 1790 to 386,000 in 1800; ' 
and before 1804 three western states were added to the Union 
(§ 199), while only one eastern state was admitted — Vermont 
(1791). 

After the Revolution the opportunities for education rapidly 
increased in the United States. New England kept up rural 
schools in hundreds of "district schoolhouses," which .-^ schools 
took both boys and girls as young as two years old. The and educa- 
teachers were slenderly paid, and were " boarded round " 
from family to family in the district. Most of the towns in 
the Union had schools, usually supported by fees. In Phila- 
delphia, where such a school was attended by Alexander Gray- 
don, he read Latin fables, learned Roman history, fought the 
other boys, was flogged by his teacher, and when fourteen 
years old had read Ovid, Virgil, Csesar, and Sallust, and was 



228 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



reading Horace and Cicero. The formal education of girls 
stopped in what we should call the grammar grade ; but the 

daughters of cultivated 
families embroidered, 
tapped the harpsichord, 
and read good books, and 
there were some girls' 
boarding schools. 

For secondary education 
New England developed a 
system of endowed acad- 
emies which spread into 
the middle states and 
West. Among them were 
the two Phillips Acade- 
mies of Andover and Ex- 
eter, and the Lexington 
(Kentucky) Grammar 
School. Such a thing as 
a public high school ex- 
isted only in a few favored 
New England towns ; but 
wealthy families through- 
out the Union often had private tutors for their children. Sev- 
eral new colleges also were founded between 1775 and 1800; 
the University of Pennsylvania was reorganized and put on a 
collegiate basis (1779) ; and in 1795 was established the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, the first state institution of the kind. 
The first professional schools in the United States were two 
medical schools founded in Philadelphia and Boston. 
The United States still had no genuinely national literature, 
185. Litera- for most of the authors followed English models and 
tureandart i^^j-q very dull. The most admired Amorican poets were 
Philip Freneau, who wrote stirring patriotic songs during the 




CiniiDREN's Costume of about 1776. 
Worn by the author's children. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 



^29 



Revolution, and Joel Barlow, whose epic, The Vision of Colum- 
bus, is a kind of washed-out Pope's Homer's Iliad The only 
satirist and essayist of the time who is now much read was 
Benjamin Franklin, decidedly the most distinguished Ameri- 
can author of the eighteenth century. The field of literature 
in which America excelled 



was the writings of public 
men, who furnished a new 
stock of political ideas to 
the world. Some of these 
books are descriptive, like 
Jefferson's famous Notes 
on Virginia; others are 
discussions of public ques- 
tions, like the Federalist, 
and Alexander Hamilton's 
financial reports. . George 
Washington, though he 
assumed to be only a man 
of affairs, wrote admirable 
letters on public questions. 
The fondness of Amer- 
icans for newspapers and 
periodicals showed itself 
in the first daily news- 
paper, the Pennsylvania 
Packet, founded in 1784. 
The newspapers were 
dull ; they had no editori- 




ScHOOL AND Sport. 
From a schoolbook of 1796. 



als, few advertisements, and filled many columns with reprints 
from foreign newspapers, and with long-winded essays on poli- 
tics. Two literary magazines were founded about this time: 
the Universal Asylum and Columbian Magazine, of Philadelphia, 
and the Boston Magazine. 



230 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



The most notable American art was the architecture of the 
best houses and public buildings. Residences like the Chew 
House in Germantown (p. 171), and the Harrison House in 
Virginia, are still un- 
surpassed in American 
domestic architecture ; 
and all over the east- 
ern states are scattered 
good courthouses and 
other public buildings, 
and a few good church 
buildings of the time : 
for example, the Old 
South Church in Boston, 
Trinity Church and St. 
Paul's in New York, and 
St. Michael's in Charles- 
ton. 

Soon after the Revo- 
lution most of the great 
186. Church churches in Amer- 

organiza- ica sought national 
tion 




St. Michael's Church, Charleston, 
BUILT IN 1761. 



Type of massive stone church, 
organization. As a logical result of their theories of 
republican government, the southern states withdrew their 
public support of the Episcopal Church. In 1784 James 
Seabury was consecrated as Bishop of Connecticut at Aber- 
deen, Scotland ; he came over, and in the next year was 
held the first general convention of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in the United States. The Methodist Church, founded 
by Wesley and Whitefield, began its formal American organizar 
tion in 1784, when the Methodists summoned a national con- 
ference, which adopted the title of ]\Iethodist Episcopal and 
gave to Francis Asbury and Thomas Coke the title of Bishop. 
The long prejudice against the Catholics softened, and several 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE EROM 1780 TO 1800 



281 



states piit them on an e(|ual footing with the Protestants. In 
1789 a Catholic bishop was sent over to Baltimore, and thus 
that church was formally organized in the United States. 

Another type of church government was established when in 
1789 the Presbyterian local synods united in "the General 
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States 
of America," which has ever since been the supreme governing 
body of that church The Dutch Eeformed Church of New 
York and New Jersey, though closely akin to the Presbyterian 
in doctrine, had a separate synod. 

The thousand Congregational churches in New England 
were nearly all supported by taxation, and each was its own 
highest tribunal ; for, 
as in the Baptist 
Church, no general 
convention had au- 
thority among them. 
The Quakers also 
practiced local self- 
government ; and both 
Quakers and INIetho- 
dists freely admitted 
women to take part 
in their service. Type of eighteenth-century meetinghouse 

Among the many other Protestant denominations were the 
German Lutherans, Moravians or United Brethren, and Dunk- 
ards ; and the Mennonites, none of whom would take an oath, 
or fight, or accept office, or go to law. Universalists had 
a few congregations. The curious communities known as the 
Shakers w^ere founded during the Revolution by Annah Lee, 
whom her followers called the Elect Lady, or Mother Ann. 
The Jews had synagogues in all the large places, but no cen- 
tral organization. 

On the frontier, religion was emotional. There was a great 
hart's amer. hist. — 14 




8yUAKE-PEWED CHURCH, SALISBURY, MASS., 
BUILT IN 1791. 



9P.9 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



revival of religion in 1800, and the "camp meeting" was 
invented in Kentucky. 

All the churches enjoyed the greatest religious freedom 
that had ever been known in the history of mankind. Each 
denomination chose and ordained its ministers, laid down its 
doctrine, and disciplined its members in its own way. For 
the individual there was equal freedom. The federal Con- 




<^>UAKER Meetim i"< • (From Kendall's Travels.) 

stitution of 1787 prohibited any religious test for federal 
oflBice, and the states in course of time removed most of the 
religious qualifications both for voters and for public officers. 



To describe the American people just after the Revolution 

is a hard task, because there was no single kind of American 

187. Sum- people. The New Englanders were traders, fishermen, 

"^^ and independent farmers. The middle states were still 

half frontier, and the farmers predominated. In the South 

existed four elements of society : the great planters ; the small 



THE AMERICAN I'EOI'LE FROM 1780 TO 1800 233 

planters, with whom were associated a large number of non- 
slaveholding farmers ; the poor whites ; and the negroes. 

Yet there was a thorough community of interest among the 
American people. Almost everybody spoke English ; almost 
everybody was a Protestant; people passed freely from state 
to state, and easily acquired citizenship. The many callings 
and occupations depended closely upon one another; the fur 
trader got the raw skins from the frontier Indians, and the 
country merchant bought the produce of the neighboring 
farmers; the city merchant and shipowner carried the goods 
abroad, and brought back return cargoes of manufactures, 
which were distributed through the states. The corporations 
built necessary roads and canals, and provided banks and con- 
veniences for trade. The United States was a country of 
wonderful opportunities, so that a man might expect to get 
away from poverty and ignorance if he chose. 

The great characteristic of the American people was their 
power of organization. They were organizing business, and 
preparing to make use of coming conveniences of intercourse ; 
they were building highways, accumulating capital, and open- 
ing up the unrivaled treasure-house of the West. Above all 
they were organizing towns, counties, and states — if they 
could also organize a strong national government, nothing St. John 
could stay their progress as a nation. As an observer L^lter^ofa 
said, "The American is a new man who acts upon new Farmer, 53 
principles; he must, therefore, entertain new ideas, and form 
new opinions." 

TOPICS 

(Vi What caused the rapid growth of colonial and state popula- Suggestive 

tonics 
tion ? (2) What did the United States export, 1780-1800 ? (3) Ef- 
fects of the cotton gin. (4) What had the United States to sell 
in China ? (5) Why was the Erie Canal suggested ? (0) Why- 
did not Fitch's or Rumsey's steamboat succeed ? (7) Why was 
America slow in beginning manufactures ? (8) Why were there 
no Episcopal bishops in America before 1784 ? 



234 



OKGAMZATKJN AND EXPANSION 



Search 
topics 



(9) Germans in North America up to 1800. (10) French 
Huguenots iu North America. (11) Scotch-Irish in North America 
up to 1800. (12) Slavery in New Hampsliire. (13) Slavery in 
Massachusetts. (14) Slavery iu Connecticut. (15) Slavery in 
Rhode Island. (16) Slavery in New York. (17) Slavery in New 
Jersey. (18) Slavery in Pennsylvania. (19) Travel on the Wil- 
derness Road. (20) Debtors' prisons. (21) District schools after 
1800. (22) College life in 1800. (23) American poetry in 1800. 
(24) Francis Asbury. (25) Eli Whitney. (26) John Jacob Astor. 
(27) Samuel Slater. (28) Do you think the Frenchman's experi- 
ence of a farmer's family (§ 176) is typical? (29) Other rich 
merchants in the United States besides Hancock. (30) The Tam- 
many Society from 1790 to 1820. (31) A journey about the year 
1800. (32) The Wilderness Road. (33) Life on American ships 
of war. 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sonrces 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 55, 70-72, 79; Sloane, French 
War and RpvoUdion, 378-388 ; Walker, Making of the Nation, 
64-72 ; Fiske, Critical Period, 50-89 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 
3-27 ; Sparks, Expansion, 135-187 ; Schouler, United States, I. 1- 
12, 221-241; Adams, Utiited States, I. 1-184; McMaster, United 
States, I. 1-102, 423-436, II. 1-24, 57-66, 158-165, 538-582, III. 
514-516, V. 268-284 ; Weeden, New England, II. 816-875 ; Locke, 
Antislnvery, 88-111, 166-197 ; Curtis, Conntitntional History, II. 
231-244 ; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 36-50 ; Merwin, Tftomas Jef- 
ferson, 45-58 ; Hunt, James Madison, 67-86 ; Ward, Bishop miite^ 
1-89. See also references to chapter vi. 

Hart, Sotirce Book, §§ 88, 89, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 10-36, 

— Source Headers, IL §§ 59-62, IIL §§ 4-8, 14-25, 29-33, 72, 100- 
104, 116, 117 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 65, 126: Caldwell, Survey, 
132^142 ; Scudder, Men and Manners in America; Bowne, GirVs 
Life Eighty Years Ago ; Grant, Memoirs of an American Lady ; 
Graydon, Memoirs. 

A. M. Earle, Stage-Coach and Tavern Days, — Two Centuries 
of Costume ; J. dc F. Shelton, Salt-Box House, 168-237 ; H. B. 
Stowe, Minister''s Wooing, — Oldtown Folks (N.E.) ; Sophie May, 
In Old Qiiiuiiebasset (N.E.) ; A. E. Barr, Maid of Maiden Lane, 

— Trinity Bells (N.Y.) ; C. B. Brown, Arthur Mervyn (Philadel- 
phia) ; J. P. Kennedy, Swallow Barn (Va.). 

Mrs. Earle's books mentioned above ; Sparks, Expansion ; 
Wilson, American People, IIL 



CHAPTER XV. 
ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 

The federal Constitution laid down the general principles of 
the government; but the details had to be settled by new laws 
and customs, so that the work of Congress from 1789 to 188. First 
1793 was hardly less important than that of the Phila- national 
delphia Convention. By vote of the old Congress of the (1788) 

Confederation, a date was set for the first presidential elec- 
tion, and the new Congress was to meet in New York the first 
Wednesday in March, 1789, which happened to be March 4. 
For the presidency there was no contest; everybody knew that 
George Washington would have the first vote of every elector. 
More of their second votes were cast for John Adams than for 
any one else, and he was thus elected Vice President. 

The members of Congress drifted into New York slowly, 
so that the House was not organized till April 1, 1789, and 
the Senate not till April 6. Frederick Muhlenberg of jgg „^^^ 
Pennsylvania was elected Speaker of the House, and gress organ- 
John Adams in due time took his constitutional seat as 
presiding officer of the Senate. Then the two houses laid 
down rules for their procedure, and thus made precedents 
which now have almost the weight of law. The House from 
the beginning, and the Senate from 1793, have usually sat in 
open session. Congress voted its members a salary of $6, later 
$8, a day while in session, for which a fixed salary was substi- 
tuted after 1854. Committees at first were chosen by bal- 
lot in both houses, but after 1790 the House authorized the 
Speaker to appoint all its committees, a great power which 
he enjoyed until 1911. Within a few years began to grow 

235 



236 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



up a system of standing committees appointed at the begin- 
ning of each session. 

Meanwhile, the electoral vote having been counted, Wash- 
ington was notified of his election, and on his arrival from 
190. Inau- Mount Vernon was received in New York by thousands 
the PreS°^ of enthusiastic people. On April 30, 1789, he was sol- 
dent (1789) emnly inaugurated at Federal Hall on Wall Street, where 
he took the oath of oflBce, and made a simple and earnest 




.\l(il NT \ I I .-■. I ( . 1 ■• ■■ 

From an engraving by Stuart. 

speech. Congress voted the President $25,000 a year, the 
largest salary then received by any man in the United States. 
AVashington liked becoming ceremony, and it was understood 
that he approved the proposed title of "His Highness, the 
President of the United States of America and Protector of 
their Liberties," though -Patrick Henry said of the title that 
"it squinted toward monarchy." Eventually no title was 
given by law ; so that the official form of address to the Presi- 
dent is simply, " jNIr. President." 



ORGANIZING THE GOVEHNMENT ( 1789-1 7ua) 237 

One of the earliest tasks of Congress was to organize the 

executive departments, and in its first session it created four. 

(1) First was the Department of Foreign Affairs, soon 191 Execu- 

changed to Department of State. Thomas Jefferson ^^'^^ depart- 
ments or- 
became the first regular Secretary of State. (2) The ganized 

War Department was next organized, and Henry Knox ^1789) 

(Secretary at War under the Confederation) was reappointed 
Secretary of War. (3) The Treasury was organized in great 
detail, and the first Secretary of the Treasury was Alexander 
Hamilton. (4) The former Post Office was continued, and 
Samuel Osgood was appointed Postmaster-General. All these 
officers were appointed by the President subject to the confir- 
mation of the Senate. By the casting vote of John Adams in 
the Senate, Congress established the wholesome principle that 
the President, who by the Constitution is obliged to see that the 
laws are faithfully executed, should have the unrestricted 
power of removing heads of departments and other officers, 
without the consent of the Senate. 

The President at once began to use his constitutional right 
to call on the heads of departments for written opinions ; 
and he went further by asking the three Secretaries and the 
Attorney-General (who for many years had no regular depart- 
ment under him) to meet him from time to time and discuss 
public business. This is the beginning of the unofficial Cabi- 
net, to which the Secretary of the Navy, Postmaster-General, 
Secretary of the Interior, Secretary of Agriculture, Secretary 
of Commerce, and Secretary of Labor have since been added. 

Under the wise provision of the Constitution that amend- 
ments may be proposed by Congress, about four hundred 
resolutions of amendment, suggested by states in their i92.Aniend- 

ratifications, or later by members of Congress, were mentstothe 

Constitu- 
boiled down by Congress to twelve amendments, which tion (1789- 

got the requisite two-thirds vote in both houses and were 1791) 

sent out to the states for ratification. These amendments 



2o8 ORGANIZATION AND KX I'ANSION 

formed a little bill of rights, assuring jury trial, freedom of 
speech and of the press, etc., against any enactment by the 
federal government, and including in the Tenth Article the im- 
portant clause that *' The powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, 
are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." Ten 
only of the twelve propositions secured the necessary ratifica- 
tion by three fourths of the states and became part of the Con- 
stitution (1791). 

The Constitution provides that there shall be a Supreme 
Court and inferior courts, leaving it to Congress to settle the 
193 Courts ^^t^i^s. By an act (September 24, 1789), most of which 
organized is still in force. Congress created three kinds of courts 
— district, circuit, and supreme — and two kinds of 
judges — district and supreme. Ordinary cases, involving 
federal law, could be brought in the District Courts, appealed 
to the Circuit Courts, and thence to the Supreme Court. Ap- 
peals could be taken from the highest state courts to the fed- 
eral Supreme Court in cases involving federal law. Thus all 
suits turning on federal law might finally be brought before the 
Supreme Court of the United States, so that there might be 
one highest authority on federal law throughout the country. 

The President at once appointed John Jay of New York 
to be Chief Justice. The first Supreme Court case which 
attracted much notice w^as Chisholm vs. Georgia in 1793, in 
which the court gave a judgment against the state. To pre- 
vent such suits against a state by citizens of another state or 
of a foreign country, the Eleventh Amendment was at once 
proposed, and speedily added to the Constitution. 

The center of American social and political life was Phila- 
delphia, seat of Congress during most of the Revolution, 
government While the British were in Philadelphia Congress sat in 
^ ^ York, Lancaster, and Baltimore ; and after Congress was 

insulted in its own liall by mutinous soldiers in 1783, it 



ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 239 

sat in Princeton, Trenton, Annapolis, and New York, but 
did not select any of them as the permanent seat of govern- 
ment. The location of a capital therefore came up again in 
1789. A Pennsylvania member spoke for Wright's Ferry 
(Columbia, Pa.), and praised the fish of the Susquehanna ; 

but a Georgia member, who did not like to travel so far, . , . 
° ' ' Annals oj 

retorted, " This . . . will blow the coals of sedition and Congress, I. 
endanger the Union. . . . This looks like aristocracy." 
And a New England member said " he did not dare to go 
to the Potomac. He feared that the whole of New England 
would consider the Union as destroyed." 

When the matter came up again in 1790, it was tangled with 
a proposal that the federal government assume the outstanding 
state debts, which all the southern members opposed and all 
the New England members favored. Hamilton, as a northern 
man, appealed to Jefferson, over whose dining table an agree- 
ment was reached that the Virginia members would vote for 
assumption, if Hamilton would find the votes necessary to fix 
the capital on the Potomac ; and by this compromise (it would 
be called a "deal" nowadays) both measures were passed. 
Eighteen million dollars was distributed impartially among 
the states ; and the capital was fixed for ten years at Phila- 
delphia, and then in a district ten miles square to be selected 
by the President on the Potomac River. This was the origin 
of the District of Columbia. 

To Alexander Hamilton the present government of the 
United States owes almost as much as to Madison or to 
Washington ; for he had the genius to think out methods j-. ., 
of organizing the new national government. Hamilton ander Ham- 
was born in the island of Nevis in tlie West Indies federal 

(1757), and was educated at King's College, now Colum- financier 

(1789-1793) 
bia University. When the Revolution broke out, he be- 
gan to write patriotic pamphlets, then joined the army, and 
attracted the notice of Washington, who never ceased to love 



240 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



//. 241 



and admire him. He sat in the Congress of the Confederation 

for a time (1782-1783), but a friend said of him that he was not 

„ ., "adapted to a council comi)osed of discordant materials, 

Hamilton, ^ '■ 

Hamilton, ov to a people which have thirteen heads." He was a 

famous lawyer, but his genius was especially fitted to 

finance, and it was a national blessing when, in September, 

1789, at thirty-two years of age, he was appointed Secretary 

of the Treasury. 

It was a discouraging 
post. Hamilton found 
a debt of $52,000,000 
and no money in the 
treasury ; the accounts 
were in confusion; the 
old paper-money notes 
were repudiated ; and 
few seemed to expect 
that the federal govern- 
ment would ever pay 
its bonded debt. Be- 
tween January, 1790, 
and January, 1792, 
Hamilton issued a 
series of five reports 
on the finances of the 
country : on Public 




Alkxander Hamilton. 
From the portrait by Weimar. 



Credit, on Manufactures, on a Bank, on Currency, a second 
Eeport on Public Credit. In these reports he developed a 
system of national finance, which he pushed with such force 
and statesmanship that he induced Congress to accept every 
one of the following plans: — 

(1) Import duties were to provide for the interest on the 
public debt. (2) An excise on the manufacture of whisky 
would raise additional money and would make the western 



ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 241 

people understand that they had a government. (3) The debt 
of the United States was to be funded in one kind of obliga- 
tions, and the government was to assume the state debts, so 
as to interest the capitalists in the success of the government 
and raise the credit of the United States for future needs. 
(4) A national bank was to perform the government business 
and furnish a safe currency. (5) Protective import duties 
were to encourage and build up home manufactures. 

The first tariff act became a law before Hamilton came into 
ofl&ce ; and the debate on it contained nearly all the arguments 
of the twenty and more tariff debates that have followed. 196. Na- 
Manufacturers petitioned Congress for protection ; Penn- t-ional 

sylvania wanted to protect " our infant manufactures " ; commerce 
South Carolinians thought protection " big with oppression " ; 
midway men were willing to lay duties to encourage young 
industries, and manufactures of military material. The result 
of these discussions was the first tariff act (July 4, 1789), 
which was then thought to be protective; specific duties 
were laid on about thirty articles, and on other articles ad 
valorem duties ranging from 7^ per cent to 15 per cent. The 
average rate of duty was only about 8^ per cent — the lowest 
in our federal history. Later, at Hamilton's suggestion, the 
import duties were raised a little, and an excise was laid on 
whisky (March 3, 1791), amounting to 7 or 8 cents a gallon. 

The question of the national debt was settled just as Hamil- 
ton wished. Some people wanted to take account of the fact 
that many owners of certificates of domestic debt had bought 
them at a depreciation ; but Hamilton carried his point of 
paying them in full to the actual holders, on the ground that if 
the government ever wanted to borrow money, it must issue 
securities that would easily pass from hand to hand. In a few 
months the surprised holders of government bonds began for the 
first time to receive regular interest on their holdings, and the 
securities of the United States rose to par. 



212 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

Hardly less important than the financial improvement of the 
country was the reorganization of business. Under its power 
to regulate coinage, Congress passed an act (April 2, 1792) 
establishing a United States mint, at which any possessor of 
gold or silver could have it coined into gold or silver pieces 
without charge for the stamping. The act also established 
the ratio of fifteen to one between gold and silver; that is, $15 
in gold weighed as much as f 1 in silver. 

Under the new power over foreign commerce. Congress passed 
a navigation act (July 20, 1789), laying a discriminating tonnage 
duty in favor of American shipping ; and provided for the na- 
tional registration of vessels and for public lighthouses. Later, 
all foreign vessels were excluded from the coasting trade. 
Trade at once began to increase (see Appendix F) ; but the de- 
mand caused by wars in Europe, and the disturbances from 
restrictions on neutral trade, made the growth very irregular. 
The most far-reaching commercial act was the charter of the 
United States Bank (February 25, 1791), which Hamilton con- 
197. The sidered the crowning part of his whole system. It had 
sutes^Bank ^ capital of .$10,000,000, of which the United States gov- 
(1791) ernment owned a fifth. In the conditions of that time, 

this was as remarkable as a bank with a capital of a thousand 
millions would be to-day, The bank was expected to receive 
deposits; to h()ld most of the government balances ; to make 
loans to business men ; to put out paper notes and hold " re- 
serves " of gold and silver in its vaults ; to pay its notes on de- 
mand ; and to act as the agent of the government. The real 
object of the bank was much deeper ; Hamilton wanted to 
teach the business men of the country that their welfare and 
prosperity would be aided by a great federal corporation. 

Hamilton found the constitutional authority in the clause of 
the Constitution which gives Congress power to pass acts that 
are " necessary and proper for carrying into execution the 
. . powers vested by this constitution in the government of 



ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 243 

the United States." Jefferson sent a written opinion to the 
President, in which he argued that the bank would not be con- 
stitutional, because Congress had no express power to char- 
ter a corporation ; and that the bank was not " necessary and 
proper," since all its services to the government could be 
performed in some other way. Hamilton's answer was that 
Congress had the " implied power " to carry out its express 
powers through a corporation, if that would do the work 
better; and that "necessary and proper" did not mean " indis- 
pensable," but " suitable." All the northern votes except one 
were in favor of the act. Washington signed it, and twenty- 
eight years later the Supreme Court adopted Hamilton's 
doctrine of implied powers, and it is now constantly used in 
the legislation of Congress. The bank was at once organized, 
with head office in Philadelphia and eight branches in other 
cities, and proved a safe and prosperous concern. 

Congress early began to use its new powers over the territo- 
ries. To prevent the settlers from pressing upon the Indians, 
Congress passed acts shutting out from trade or sojourn jgg West- 
in the Indian lands everybody who had not a license from em Indians 
the President. On the other hand, a series of new Indian 
treaties were negotiated and ratified by the Senate, for the 
cession of lands to accommodate white settlers. Nevertheless, 
Indian war burst out in the Northwest Territory in 1789, and 
the next year forces under General Harmer were twice defeated. 
General St. Clair, governor of the Northwest Territory, set 
out to build a chain of forts from the Ohio to Lake Erie; 
and in a pitched battle with the Indians at the site of Fort 
Recovery (November 4, 1791) he lost a thousand out of his fif- 
teen hundred men. Washington's private secretary records the 
President's emotion when the news came . " And yet to „ . 

suffer that 'army to be cut to pieces, hacked, butchered, Washing- 
tomahawked by a surprise — the very thing I guarded ' 

him against ! God, God, he is worse than a murderer ! " 



244 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



" But," he added, recovering himself, " General St. Clair shall 
have justice! " 

Anthony Wayne, who was now put in command, built 
frontier posts, and thoroughly thrashed the Indians at the 
Falls of the Maumee, and made possible the treaty of Green- 
ville (1795), by which the Indians gave up the territory now 
composing southern and eastern Ohio. In Georgia Indian 
wars broke out in 1793; but the United States stood by its 
right to control and negotiate with the tribes, and make treaties 
for land cessions. 

Meanwhile settlers began to pour into the Northwest. 

Virginia opened up her reserve of Military Bounty Lands 

199. Settle- north of the Ohio. Then followed new communities 

West "®^'' Chillicothe on the Scioto, and at Losantiville, now 

(1789-1800) called Cincinnati. Along Lake Erie settlement began 

about 1795, when Connecticut sold the greater part of the 

Western Reserve to the Connecticut Land Company. General 

Moses Cleaveland, agent 
of the company, in 1796 
founded at the mouth of 
the Cuyahoga, on Lake 
Erie, the city now called 
for the founder, Cleve- 
land. Next year the 
"Girdled Road" was 
made from the Pennsyl- 
vania line along the lake 
to Cleveland. In 1800 
the state of Connecticut 
ceded to the United 
States all jurisdiction 
over the Reserve, so that 
the lake and river settlements might be united into anew state. 
Indiana Territory was immediately set off, and in 1802 the 




The Northwest in 1800. 

Showing territory ceded by treaty of 
Greenville. 



ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 



245 



--i" 






a-'-ajtl 



, III .11 *fer ^•^1''. .^ I .,'1 ' , , ji-. 



". >^' 






• " ">|i""' "" .TT • '»'" Minima I iiU»|lil 



ll|!l 







Cincinnati in 1810. 
From Howe's Historical Collections. 

people of Ohio were avithorized to form a state government, 
and were duly admitted to the Union the next year. 

Congress provided for the southern region by an act (1790) 
organizing the " Territory South of the Ohio Eiver," which 
six years later was admitted into the Union as the state of 
Tennessee ; it was preceded by the admission of Kentucky in 
1792. Still farther south the boundary controversy with 
Georgia continued (pp. 190, 192) ; but Congress created the 
Mississippi Territory out of a part of the disputed land (1798), 
and four years later Georgia ceded everything west of her 
present boundary, and the long controversy as to western 
lands was ended. 

Till about 1793 there were no national political parties, for 
the Anti-Federalists disappeared soon after the Constitution 
was adopted, and hardly a man in the country any 200. Germa 
longer criticised the Constitution. , The first division °'^paSeJ 
on living issues came about in Washington's Cabinet, (1792) 

where Jefferson says that he and Hamilton from day to day 



246 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

attacked each other "like cocks in a pit." The two men and 
tlieir followers absolutely disagreed on the cardinal questions 
of the nature of government. Hamilton and his friends be- 
lieved that the opinion of the educated and property-holding 
classes must always be the best for the ignorant and the 
poor. He is said to have remarked once at a dinner : " Your 
people, yo\ir people, sir, is a great beast." The other side was 
represented by Jefferson, who counted himself among " those 
who identify theniselves with the people, have confidence in 
them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe, 
although not the most wise depository of the public interest." 
Hamilton and his friends believed further that it was the 
duty of government to encourage private enterprise, and to 
that end laid down the principle of " loose construction," or 
" implied powers." Jefferson's theory of " strict construc- 
tion " of the Constitution was that government ought to do 
as little as possible, that it ought to lay taxes only for ab- 
solutely necessary expenses, and that the development of the 
country ought to be left to individuals. On almost the same 
day (in May, 1792) Hamilton wrote that Madison and Jeffer- 
son were at the head of a "faction decidedly hostile to me, 
. . . and dangerous to the Union, peace and prosperity of the 
country"; and Jefferson described Hamilton and his friends 
as " Monarchical federalists." In the election of 1792, though 
there was not a vote against Washington, there was a strong 
and almost successful attempt to displace Adams as Vice 
President ; and thenceforth one body of men throughout the 
country took on the party name of Federalist, and the Jeffer- 
sonians called themselves Democrats. 



For about three years, from 1789 to 1792, the friends of 

201. Sum- the Constitution had the opportunity of showing how it 

mary would work ; they got a large majority in (Congress, 

elected Washington to be President, and framed organizing 



ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1780-1793) 247 

legislation wliich was in harmony with the work of the Con- 
vention. The reorganizatioii of finance and commerce was the 
next great national task. The genins of Alexander Hamilton 
rendered an inestimable service to the country, for he could 
look forward into the future and see the probable outcome of 
his plans ; and such was the confidence of the business inter- 
ests of the country in him that he carried all his measures 
through. 

Against the doctrine that it was the duty of the national 
government to make the country prosperous, Jefferson and his 
friends fought vigorously ; and before the end of Washington's 
first administration appeared the elements of two political 
parties, which were bound to oppose each other on all grave 
questions, and which intended to fight each other in the 
national elections. The reelection of Washington in 1792 
postponed, but could not prevent, the coming of strict party 
government. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did the first Congress meet in New York? (2) Are Sugrgestive 
secret sessions of the Senate desirable ? (3) Who have been °'''*^* 
the great Speakers of the House ? (4) Why are there standing 
committees in Congress ? (5) Who have been the great Secre- 
taries of State ? (6) Who have been the great Secretaries of 
the Treasury ? (7) Who have been the great judges of the 
Supreme Court? (8) Why should the President remove officers 
without the consent of the Senate ? (9) Why were the first ten 
amendments to the Constitution necessary? (10) Jefferson's 
political principles from 1781 to 1791. (11) Was Hamilton a 
monarchist ? 

(12) John Adams as Vice President. (13) Life in the first Search 
Congress. (14) History of the Eleventh Amendment. (15) Ham- *opic8 
ilton's share in fixing the place of the national capital. (16) Op- 
position to Hamilton in Congress. (17) Debate on the first 
national tariff. (18) Objections to the first United States Bank. 
(19) Later discussions of "implied powers." (20) Jefferson's 
opinions of Hamilton. (21) Hamilton's opinions of Jefferson. 
(22) Foundation of Cincinnati. (23) Foundation of Cleveland. 
(24) Foundation of Buffalo. (25) The Yazoo land dispute. 
hart's amer. hist. — 15 



248 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



REFERENCES 



Geogrraphy 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 11, 108; Seniple, Geographic Conditions, 76-92, 
Bassett, Federalist System. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 73-82 ; Walker, Making oj 
the Nation, 73-114 ; Chamiing, United States, 133-147 ; Johnston, 
Politics, 19-29 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 2U-41 ; Bassett, Federalist 
System; Wilson, American People, III. 98-128; Gordy, Political 
Parties, I. 103-158; Schouler, United States, I. 70-220; McMaster. 
United States, I. 525-604, II. 24-57, 07-89, 144-154, III. 116-123 ; 
Dewey, Financial History, §§ 34-52 ; McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, 
§§ 16-19 ; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 290-313, 308-;388 ; Roosevelt, 
Winning of the West, IV. 1-100 ; Winsor, Westward Movement, 
375-574 ; Foster, Century of Diplomacy, 10-3-135 ; Lodge, George 
Washiugion, II. 41-123, 218-237, •Mn-^IS)^, — Alexander Hamilton, 
8.>-150 ; Ford, Trwe George Washington; Morse, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, 87-129; Schouler, Thomas Jefferson, 15;3-109 ; Hunt, James 
Madison, 167-212. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 71-73, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 76-89, 
— S<nirce Readers, III. §§ 57-61 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, 
nos. 6-12 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 10, 74 ; Ames, State Docu- 
ments on Federal Relations, no. 1, pp. 1-16; Maclay, Journal. 
See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 334-;336, — Historical 
Sources, § 80. 

Cooper, Pioneers; J. L. Allen, Choir Invisible (Ky.); E. E. 
Hale, East and West (Northwest Territory); J. K. Pauldiug, 
Westward Ho f (Ky.). 

Wilsou, American People, 111. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 

Hardly was the new federal government in operation when 
it was drawn into the confusion resulting from the revolu- 
tion in France which began in 1789. In September, 202. The 
1792, France was declared a republic ; soon after, King ^^^olutfon 
Louis XVI. was executed by his people (January 21, (1789-1793) 
1793) ; ten days later the French republic declared war against 
Great Britain and Spain. The national sympathy of America 
went out to France as a friend, ally, and sister republic, appar- 
ently struggling against tyranny. Furthermore, by the treaty 
of 1778 the United States was bound to defend the French 
West Indies in case of "defensive war." Since the British 
had recently been enemies, and were still on bad terms with 
the United States, the French government expected that the 
United States would directly, or by connivance, join in the 
war against Great Britain and Spain ; and they sent over a new 
ambassador, Edmond Genet, to carry out that policy. 

When the news of the outbreak of war was received in 
America, Congress was not in session, and President Washing- . 
ton decided quickly that the country was in no condition 
for war. Even Jefferson, whom Hamilton accused of "a of neutral- 
womanish attachment for France, and a womanish resent- ^^ (1793) 
ment against England," reluctantly admitted that the treaty of 
1778 had no just reference to the changed conditions of the 
time. The President accordingly, on April 22, 1793, issued 
what is usually called the Proclamation of Neutrality, a decla- 
ration that the United States would " pursue a conduct friendly 
and impartial towards the belligerent powers." 

Gen§t landed in Charleston (April 8, 1793), and began to 

249 



250 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

issue privateering commissions to Americans and to enlist them 

for the French service. He was received in Philadelphia with 

enthusiasm, and Democratic clubs were formed on the model 

of the French revolutionary clubs. Genet at first accepted the 

proclamation of neutrality, but he did not scruple to enlist men 

in the West for an expedition to capture New Orleans from the 

Spanish, a plan which pleased the Kentuckians. Then he lost 

his judgment and in his violence and fury overreached himself : 

he fitted out a cruiser, the Petit Democrat, in Philadelphia, and, 

in defiance of Jefferson's protest, sent her to sea. He lo.st 

standing further by trying to force "Washington to call an 

extra session of Congress ; and in December, 1793, his own 

government was weary of him, and sent a recall. 

The naval war involved all the principal European maritime 

nations : Dutch, Spanish, French, and British merchantmen 

204. Ene- were chased on every sea. The United States was the 

land and principal neutral, and on the rights of neutrals England 

neutral 

commerce and the United States quickly found that they had 

(1793-1794) clifferent views : — 

(1) The United States admitted that neutral ships could be 
captured anywhere on the sea if bound to a port actually block- 
aded by a squadron ; but the British claimed the same right 
on a " paper blockade," that is, a mere notice, not backed up by 
a blockading fleet. 

(2) The United States admitted the right to capture ships 
having on board " contraband," meaning military stores destined 
for an enemy ; but the British claimed that provisions were also 
contraband, and seized American food ships bound to French 
ports. 

(3) The United States insisted that " free ships make free 
goods"; that is, that an American ship was not subject to 
capture simply because it had the property of Frenchmen 
on board. The British took such ships wherever they could 
find them. 



FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 251 

(4") Gl-reat Britain, under what was called the "Rule of 
1756/' proceeded to capture American vessels bound from 
French colonies to American ports, because such trade had not 
been allowed by France in time of peace. 

Forthwith scores of American ships were taken as prizes 
by British cruisers and privateers. So far as they had oppor- 
tunity, the French were as violent as the English ; they seized 
provision ships and British goods in American ships. If there 
had been a commercial treaty with Great Britain, much of the 
trouble with that country would have been prevented. 

The trouble was aggravated by the method of recruiting for 

British ships of war by " impressing " (seizing) sailors on shore, 

or from British merchant ships. Under the theory that a 205 Im- 

man born in England remained au Englishman as long presBineiit 

1 1 • 11 r, ■,■ ^ , 1 1 1 • • *Jid the war 

as he lived, the British extended their impressment to fever 

English sailors employed in American ships, and to (1793-1794) 
Englishmen born and recently naturalized in the United 
States ; often, also, they impressed Englishmen born who 
were American citizens at the time of the treaty of peace, 
and even American sailors born in America, and no more 
subject to Great Britain than to the emperor of China. Con- 
gress in April, 1794, was on the point of declaring war against 
Great Britain, but once more Washington's calm good sense 
saved the country from a great danger. He nominated John 
Jay, then Chief Justice of the United States, as special envoy 
to make a last remonstrance to Great Britain. 

After nearly four months' negotiation. Jay signed a treaty 
in London (November 19, 1794) which was intended to settle 
all but one of the four controversies then outstanding : 206. Peace 

(1) To carry out the treaty of 1783, the British agreed to ^itii Great 

Britam and 
evacuate the undisputed American territory (p. 199) ; but Spain 

then and thereafter would make no compensation for slaves (1794-1795) 

carried away in 1783. On the other hand, the United States 

undertook to make compensation to British merchants who 



ii52 OUGANIZATION AND KXI'ANHION 

had not been able to collect debts due in 1775 ; and the loyalist 
question was dropped. (U) For the capture of American vessels 
the British government agreed to make a compensation, if 
a commission of arbitration so found; and eventually paid 
$1,000,000. Jay gave up the principle that "free ships make 
free goods," and agreed that provisions under some circum- 
stances might be held contraband. (3) A commercial treaty 
to last a term of years was negotiated, but the British, who in 
1783 had limited the trade between the United States and the 
West Indies to British ships, refused to open it to American 
ships. (4) On impressment. Jay could get no agreement. 

In general the Jay treaty did not satisfy the shipowners 
and commercial people, and all the weight of Washington's 
influence was necessary to induce the Senate to ratify it by 
the bare constitutional majority of 20 to 10. The House at 
first showed a strong inclination to refuse the appropriation 
necessary to carry out the treaty, but voted the money at last ; 
and war with Great Britain was thus averted. 

Meanwhile a very favorable settlement was made with Spain 
by a treaty of 1795, which gave us the desired commercial 
arrangements, the still more desired navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, and an acknowledgment of the southern boundary 
as laid down by the British treaty of 1783. 

While Jay was negotiating his treaty, trouble broke out in 

western Pennsylvania, where the low national excise duties 

207. WhiB- were especially felt by the many small distillers. Sev- 

ky insur- ^^^-^ hundred armed men attacked the house of Inspector- 
rection '■ 

(1794) General Neville, and it was plundered and burned (1794). 

The mail from Pittsburg eastward was robbed, and about seven 

thousand men assembled at Braddock's Field and marched to 

Pittsburg to intimidate the town. 

Since Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania would not aot, 

Washington disregarded him and called out thirteen thousand 

militia from New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir- 



FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 253 

ginia. In October the little army crossed the mountains and 
came down into the western counties, but found not an 
insurrectionist in arms, for most of the people who were 
wanted had decamped. For their share in the rising, two 
men were found guilty of treason and sentenced to death, but 
pardoned by the President. In his messages to Congress 
Washington connected the rebellion with "certain combina- 
tions of men," or, as the Senate put it, " self-created societies," 
that is, with the Democratic clubs founded in 1793. The shot 
went home, and Jefferson and his friends — though they had 
no part in instigating the rebellion — soon thought it desirable 
to find a party name which had not such associations with 
France, and began to call themselves Republicans. 

Throughout this difficult period, George Washington was 
the most clear-headed and unyielding friend of good national 
government. As President he showed one of the great- 208. Retire- 
est qualities of an administrator ; namely, the power to ^ v^°V* 
judge and select men. He gave a never-failing support (1796-1797; 
to Hamilton, and did his best to keep on good terms with 
Jefferson. It was a great trial to Washington that after 1792 
the newspapers began to abuse him, and even his friend Jef- 
ferson wrote a letter criticising him, to a correspondent named 
Mazzei, which found its way into print. Jefferson tells us 
that one day at a cabinet meeting the President vehemently 
declared "that he had never repented but once the having 
slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every 
moment since, that ... he had rather be on his farm than to 
be made emperor of the world, and yet that they were charging 
him with wanting to be a king ! " 

In his celebrated farewell address of September 17, 1796 
(composed in part by Hamilton, but full of Washington's 
principles), Washington rose to the highest patriotism and 
statesmanship. His theme was Union; union of the North 
and South, union of the East and West, a union which would 



254 



ORGANIZATION AND KXPANSION 



be in danger if the United States took sides with either party 
in the European wars. Hence he advised his countrymen to 
keep out of " permanent alliances with any portion of the for- 
eign world." 

As Washington announced that he intended to retire oo 
private life, the two political parties each tried to elect his 
successor in the presidential election of 1796 ; and by the 
close electoral vote of 71 to 68 Vice-President Adams was 
elected President. The Federalists did not unite on any one 
candidate for Vice President ; and by a defect in the Constitu- 
tion as it then read, the rival candidate for President, Thomas 
Jefferson, was thus elected to the lower office. 

John Adams of Massachusetts was one of the two or three 

men most responsible for the Revolution. He served in the 

209. Ad- two Continental Con- 

Adams minister to France 

(1797-1801) ^^^ ^.Q Holland, and 

was one of the commis- 
sioners of the peace of 
Paris. In 1785 he was 
sent as first minister to 
Great Britain, and when 
the king laughingly hinted 
that Adams was no friend 
to France, he replied aptly, 

"That opinion, sir, is 

not mistaken; I must 

avow to your Maj- 
esty, I have no attachment 
but to my own country." 



IVorks, 
VIII. 258 




John Adams, 1783. 

In court dress ; from the portrait 
by Copley. 



After eight years' service as Vice President, Adams became 
President in 1797, and he made the fundamental mistake of 
adopting his predecessor's Cabinet, which felt itself superior to 



FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 



255 



its chief and which took counsel with his personal enemy, 
Hamilton. Adams finally dismissed Timothy Pickering, Secre- 
tary of State, and forced another Cabinet officer to resign, after 
which he had some peace and comfort in Cabinet meetings. 

In getting out of trouble with Great Britain, the United States 
was plunged a second time into difficulty with the French, 
who felt the bitterest resentment over the Jay treaty, 210. X. Y. 
because it gave to Great Britain privileges denied to ^' ^'^er'sv 
France. In retaliation, the French in 1796 again began (1796-1798) 
to seize American vessels; and when Charles C. Pinckney 
arrived in Paris with a commission as minister, he was not 

received by the Directory which 
was then the French government, 
and later he was warned to leave 
France. In a message on this insult 
(May 16, 1797) Adams said, « Such 
attempts ought to be repelled with 
a decision which shall convince 
France and the world that we are 
not a degraded people, humiliated 
under a colonial spirit of fear and 
sense of inferiority." 

Still Adams could not bear to see 
his country drawn into war if he 
could help it, and he therefore com- 
missioned Pinckney, John Marshall of Virginia (two Federal- 
ists), and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts (a Democratic 
Republican) to make a last effort to come to an understanding 
with France. After some months, dispatches arrived, stating 
that the French government, incensed at Adams's message, re- 
fused officially to receive the commissioners ; and that three 
men, called in the dispatches " X., Y., and Z.," came unofficially 
to inform them that if they wanted a treaty, they must furnish 
a quarter of a million dollars " for the pocket of the Directory 




Abigail Adams, about 1790. 

Wife of John Adams ; from 
Copley's portrait. 



256 ORGANIZATION AND KXl'ANSlON 

and ministers." When Mr. X. said plainly to the envoys 
Am. State "Gentlemen, you do not speak to the point; it is money : 
Foreiq'n ^* ^^ expected that you will offer money," they responded 
//. 167 firmly, " No, no, no ; not a sixpence." And the Presi- 

dent thereupon notified Congress (June 27, 1798), "I will 
never send another minister to France without assurances that 
he will be received, respected, and honored as becomes the rep- 
resentative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation.*' 
Adams's protest at the shameful attempt to exact bribes from 
American ministers raised him to the highest popularity of 

211. Alien his whole life. Songs were written in his honor, among 
tion Acts them Hopkinson's Hail Columbia. The Republicans were 
(1798) so stunned by the behavior of France that they could not 

stop four sweeping pieces of anti-French legislation by Con- 
gress in 1798 : (1) a Naturalization Act raising the required 
term of residence to fourteen years; (2) the Alien Friends' 
Act, authorizing the President to expel aliens in time of peace • 
(3) the Alien Enemies' Act, for the expulsion of aliens (by 
which was meant Frenchmen) in time of war; (4) the Sedi- 
tion Act, making it a crime to publish libels against the gov- 
ernment, or Congress, or the President. The Sedition Act was 
passed because the Republican pro-French newspaper press 
Annals of was violent and abusive ; as an example the Federalists 
i797-m9 quoted from the Aurora, a Jeffersonian newspaper, which 
p. 2097 called Adams "a person without patriotism, without phi- 

losophy, without a taste for the fine arts — a mock monarch." 

Late in 1798 the legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia each 
passed a series of resolutions, drawn up by Jefferson and Madi- 

212. Vir- son respectively, in which they attacked the Alien and 

grinia and Sedition Acts, declared that they were contrary to the 
Kentucky , '' '' 

reaolutiona Constitution and hence were " not law, but utterly void, 

(1798-1800) g^jjfi Qf jj^j force," and called upon the other states to join 
them in remonstrance. A second and stronger series of Ken- 
tucky resolutions was passed in 1799, containing the dangerous 



FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 257 

declaration that " nullification by the states of all acts of Con- 
gress that are unauthorized by the Constitution, is the rightful 
remedy." These resolutions, which were really a kind of politi- 
cal platform, attracted great attention throughout the country, 
and the Alien and Sedition Acts in the end caused the down- 
fall of the Federalist party. 

After the X. Y. Z. affaii-, there seemed nothing for it but 
war with France. In 1798 Congress declared the treaties of 
1778 at an end, and began to build a fleet ; and the 213. The 
Navy Department was organized, with a Secretary. French 

Congress could not quite bring itself to declare war; but (1798-1800) 
it did authorize the capture of French cruisers and, under some 
circumstances, of merchantmen, by warships and by Ameri- 
can privateers, of which 365 were commissioned in a single 
year. The American frigate Constellation captured the French 
frigate Vengeance ; and the federal ship Boston took the French 
corvette Berceau. 

Just at this time, Napoleon Bonaparte rose to supreme 
power in France ; and he saw no object in fighting America. 
Indirectly he sent word that he was willing to make peace, 
and Adams, against the advice of his party friends and his 
Cabinet, in 1799 directed negotiations resulting in a treaty of 
peace (September 30, 1800), which for a time safeguarded 
American neutral trade. 

The death of Washington, in 1799, took away the balance 
wheel of American politics, for Adams offended his party 
associates and never had any hold on the Republicans. 214. Elec- 
Though Adams would not apply the Alien Act, several ^°'^ferson 
prosecutions of Republican journalists under the Sedi- (1800-1801) 
tion Act were unfairly pressed ; and such a protest was made 
that the Federalists were startled at their own work. Mean- 
while the Federalist journals were allowed to indulge in publi- 
cations which were at least as scurrilous as those of their 
opponents. 



258 



OHCiANIZATION AND FA'PANSION 



As the time drew on for tlie presidential election of 1800, ;i 
long-standing feud between Hamilton and Adams came to the 
surface. Hamilton had twice already tried by some trick to 
set Adams off the track that led to the presidency ; but he 
could not prevent his rival from again receiving the party 
nomination. Jefferson, the candidate of the Republicans, 
was supported by Aaron Burr, of New York, who was nomi- 
nated for Vice President ; and that state changed over from 
the Federalist column. The result was that the Republican 
candidates got 73 electoral votes and Adams got only 65. 
John Adams and his party were defeated. 

Every Republican elector voted both for Jefferson and for 
Burr, so that there was a technical tie. As the Constitution 

then stood, the House had 
the power to select be- 
tween these two men. 
each state delegation cast- 
ing one vote. The Federal- 
ists had the majority by 
states, and, in the face of 
the intention of the Re- 
|)ublican voters to make 
Jefferson President, many 
of the Federalists voted 
for Burr, and came near 
electing him. Jefferson and his friends were furious, and even 
Hamilton advised his friends to vote for Jefferson, who in the 
end was chosen (February 17, 1801) by 10 states to 4. The 
Federalists looked on the success of Jefferson as the undoing 
of the work of twenty years of effort to establish a firm 
government; and their conduct left in Jefferson's mind a 
strong feeling of injury and distrust. This dangerous crisis, 
in which the will of the people was almost set aside through 
an imperfection in the Constitution, led to the proposal of the 




Whitk Hoi sk, Washincton. 
Built ill 18(K); additions in 1902, 



FEDERALIST POLICY (1793-1801) 259 

Twelfth Amendment (ratified September, 1804) under which 
the President and Vice President are voted for separately. 



The Federalist party remained in power from 1793 to 1801. 
In his second administration, Washington was obliged to accept 
the fact that there were two parties, and he remained a 215 Sum- 
Federalist to the end of his days. His party was weak in mary 
Congress, and nothing but Washington's great personal popu- , 
larity carried the country through the four crises of his second 
administration — neutrality, the Whisky Insurrection, danger 
of war with Great Britain, and the Jay treaty. 

When Washington retired, party spirit grew more violent ; 
Adams was neither tactful nor discreet but he stood for the 
rights of his country, and his bold messages made him for the 
time a truly national President. 

In the Alien and Sedition Acts, Congress stretched its con- 
stitutional powers to their utmost and stirred up the fiercest 
feelings of resentment. The Virginia and Kentucky resolu- 
tions were a protest against the Federalist policy, and also the 
first clear statement of the principle of state sovereignty, 
which in its completest form led to the secession of 1860- 
1861. 

The country was divided on the question of going to war 
with France, and the Federalist party was divided on the ques- 
tion of making peace. In 1800 the Republicans succeeded in 
electing Jefferson as President. 

TOPICS 

(1) What were the main causes of the French revolution ? Suggestive 
(2) Why should the United States have been expected to defend °'**°' 
French territory in America ? (3) What is " contraband of war " ? 
(4) Why did New England object to the Jay treaty ? (5) Why 
should Washington wish to be on his farm ? (6) Who were re- 
sponsible for the insult to our ministers in the X. Y. Z. affair ? 
(7) What were the objections to the Alien Friends' Act? 



260 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



Search 
topics 



(8) What were the objections to the Sedition Act ? (9) Why 
would not Congress formally declare war on France in 1798-1799 ? 
(10) Why did Hamilton dislike John Adams? (11) Why did 
Hamilton advise his friends in Congress to vote for Jefferson? 

(12) Cabinet discussion on the proclamation of neutrality. 
(13) Reception of Genet in Philadelphia. (14) Genet's complaints 
against Washington, (lo) Instances of impressment of American 
seamen. (10) Incidents of the Whisky Insurrection. (17) John 
Marshall as one of the three commissioners to Paris. (18) Ad- 
dresses to John Adams. (19) Did Virginia and Kentucky mean 
to resist the United States in 1798-1799? (20) Capture of the 
Insurgente. (21) Cooper case of trial for sedition. (22) Callender 
sedition case. (23) Were the " Democratic clubs " responsible for 
the Whisky Insurrection ? 



Oeogrraphy 
Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



niustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See map, p. 198 ; Bassett, Federalist System. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 83-92 ; Walker, Making of the 
Nation, 115-107; Channiug, United States, 147-159 ; Johnston, 
Politics, 30-54 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 42-73 ; Bassett, Federalist 
System ; Schouler, United States, I. 238-514 ; McMaster, United 
States, II. 89-144, 105-537; Wilson, American People, III. 
128-103 ; Gordy, Political Parties, I. 159-382 ; Foster, Century 
of Diplomacy, 130-184; Maclay, United States Navy, I. 155-213; 
Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV. 101-257 ; Lodge, George 
Washington, II. 123-219, 2Z1 -2^%, — Alexander Hamilton, 151- 
233 ; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 130-185, —John Adams, 251-318 ; 
Merwin, Aaron Burr, 71-90; Conant, Alexander Hamilton, 100- 
135 ; Hunt, James Madison, 213-270 ; Stevens, Albert Gallatin, 
1-109. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 74-77, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 90-105, 
— Soiirce Headers, III. §§ 74, 87, 88, 90 ; MacDonald, Select Docu- 
ments, nos. Ki-23 ; American History Leaflets, no. 15; Ames, 
State Documents on Federal Relations, no. 1, pp. 15-26 ; University 
of Pennsylvania, Translations and Prprints, VI. no. 2 ; Old South 
Leaflets, nos. 4, 38, 78, 103 ; Hill, Liberty Duciiments, ch. xviii. ; 
Johnston, American Orations, I. 84-143. See N. Eng. Hist. Teach- 
ers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 336, 337, — Historical Sources, § 80. 

Eggleston, Americaii War Ballads, I. 102-112; M. E. Scannell, 
Little Jarvis (French War); Cooper, Miles Wallingford ; H. H. 
Brackenridge, Modern Chivalry (Whisky Rebellion) ; Carter 
Goodloe, Calvert of Strathnre (France). 

Wilson, American People, III. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) 



The history of the United States from 1801 to 1809 is almost 
a biography of the President, Thomas Jefferson ; the people 

liked him and 216. 

Congress fol- Thomas 

T , , Jefferson, 

lowed him. exponent of 
Born in 1743, democracy 
the son of a Virginia 
planter, owner of 
land and slaves, a 
student of William 
and Mary College, 
Jefferson neverthe- 
less had a Yankee 
love of novelty, an 
interest in all sorts 
of farm machinery, 
sciences, and discov- 
eries. A visitor said 
of him that he was 
" at once a musician, 
skilled in drawing, a 
geometrician, an as- 
tronomer, a natural philosopher, and statesman." In public 
service he had a career hardly paralleled in versatility by that 
of any other American. He was a member of the Virginia 
Assembly at twenty-six years of age, in the Continental Con- 
gress, governor of Virginia in 1781, then two years a member 

201 




Thomas Jefferson, about 1800. 
From the portrait by Stuart. 



2G2 OHIJANIZATIOX AM) KXI'ANSION 

of the Congress of the Confederation, tlien anibassndor to 
France for five years, and Secretary of State (1790-1 79.S). 

This highly aristocratic and intellectual gentleman preached 
extreme doctrines of political equality and popular government. 
As President he insisted on what he called "republican sim- 
plicity " in the White House and in ])ublic intercourse. Hence 
he began the practice of making all presidential communi- 
cations to Congress in written messages (his predecessors 
had delivered formal addresses to Congress in person). He 
was a strong advocate of local government on the New England 
town-meeting plan, and of public education. The foundation 
of his theories of government was confidence in the average 
man; he opposed the use of force even to keep public order. 
Jefferson was never a good speaker and disliked appearing in 
public; yet no man of his time had such influence over the 
people. His principle of political equality he found in the 
minds of his countrymen ; he stated it and made it familiar, 
and in the end it led to the giving up of the requirement of 
ownership of property, payment of taxes, or religious belief, as 
qualifications for voters or for officeholders. 

One of Jefferson's favorite beliefs was that governments 
ought to do as little as possible. Hence, as soon as he became 
217. Ee- President, he began to cut down the small army and navy, 
publican ^^^^ ^^^ reduce the national debt. In this policy he had 
(1801-1805) the aid of his Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin 
of Pennsylvania, a Genevan by birth, a member of Congress 
from 1795 to 1801, where he was the Democratic critic of Ham- 
ilton's finance, and an able and honest statesman. Gallatin at 
Jefferson, once set to work to extinguish the debt, a task which Jef- 
/^^'^jf ferson said was "vital to the destinies of our govern- 

IX. 264 ment." Under the Federalists the debt had increased a 

little, and in 1801 stood at -1583,000.000; but from 1801 to 1810, 
by prudent reduction of expenses and increase of revenues, it 
was brought down to $53,000,000, and in 1812 to $45,000,000. 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1801)) 263 

It was easier for Jefferson to pay off the national debt than 
to settle what his party friends thought their reasonable claims 
to office. Great pressure was put on him to follow the prac- 
tice usual in the state politics of New York, Pennsylvania, and 
other states, by turning out the officeholders, nearly all of 
whom were Federalists. In his inaugural address, March 4, 
1801, Jefferson disclaimed any intention to ignore his political 
opponents. " We have called by different names brethren C'ontempora 
of the same principle," said he ; " we are all republi- "''•''' ^ ^- ^^^ 
cans, we are all federalists." Later he announced that he 
should appoint none but Republicans, until the Republicans 
and Federalists in office were about equal; after which, said 
he, " I . . . shall return with joy to that state of things when 
the only questions concerning a candidate shall be. Is he hon- 
est ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitution ? " 
Before he could reach that millennium, he removed or replaced 
109 civil officials, or about one third of all the officeholders in 
important posts. 

In the last days of Adams's term twenty-three new judicial 
officers were created — often called " midnight judges." Jeffer- 
son was furious at what he called Adams's indecent con- Jefferson, 
duct " in crowding of appointments . . . after he knew he (Ford) 

was making them . . . not for himself, even to nine Vlli. 45 
o'clock of the night at twelve o'clock of which he was to go 
out of office." Therefore, in the first session of the Repub- 
lican Congress, the new judgeships were abolished (1802), and 
Adams's appointees lost their places. When the Supreme 
Court tried to protect some minor officers, whom Jefferson 
had refused to recognize, in the case of Marbury vs. Madison 
(1808), Jefferson's friends retorted by an unsuccessful attempt 
to impeach and remove Samuel Chase, one of the Supreme 
Court justices. 

Jefferson's love of peace was sorely tried by the Mohamme- 
dan pirates of Morocco, Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis, who cap- 




264 



"EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) 266 

tured vessels and enslaved the crews. Like most nations, the 
United States paid an annual tribute to these ruffians; _ _ 
but the more they got, the more dissatisfied they were, bary wars 
The pasha of Tripoli said, "We are all hungry and if (1802-1806) 
we are not provided for, we soon get sick and peevish." "^"^ "^'"'^ 
Although Jefferson had expressed a wish to coop up the Foreign, 
navy under his own eye, in the East Branch of the 
Potomac, he had to use it when Tripoli declared war on the 
United States. From 1801 to 1805 American squadrons fought 
the Tripolitan pirates till the pasha gave in. Tunis, Algiers, 
and Morocco yielded without serious fighting. 

Jefferson was a man who felt strongly the duty of looking 
out for the nation's interest; and he was greatly aroused by a 
change in the ownership of Louisiana. Napoleon Bona- 219. Ques- 
parte was just then at peace with Great Britain, and Orleans 
formed a scheme of colonial empire, for which he wanted (1800-1802) 
Louisiana. What was Louisiana? To answer this question 
we must keep in mind that the regions east and west of the 
Mississippi River had not the same territorial history. Both 
sides were claimed by France under La Salle's discoveries and 
the settlement of 1699 (§§ 49, 94). In 1763 the whole east- 
ern half, except the Island of Orleans (the triangle between 
the Mississippi, the Bayou Manchac, and the Gulf, includ- 
ing New Orleans), was ceded to Great Britain, including the 
strip along the Gulf coast from the Island of Orleans to the 
river Perdido, to which the British gave the name of West 
Florida. The whole western half, together with the Island of 
Orleans, went to Spain (§ 101). In the Revolution, Spain 
conquered from Great Britain the strip from the Island of 
Orleans to the Perdido, and called it West Florida. In 1800, 
by the treaty of San Ildefonso, Napoleon received back "the 
colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it 
now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France 
possessed it." The greatest military power in the world thus 

hart's AMER. HIST. 16 • 



266 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

became the possessor of both banks of the lower Mississippi 
and a near neighbor to the United States. 

The natural uneasiness of the Americans, when in 1802 they 
heard of this change, was heightened when the Spanish gov- 
ernor withdrew the privilege of sending goods through New 
Orleans free of duty, which had been secured by the treaty of 
1795. Plainly, he meant to turn over the province to France 
with the river blocked to American trade. Hence it was that 
Jefferson wrote to Robert R. Livingston, our minister in France : 
Contempora- " There is on the globe one single spot, the possessor of 
ries, III. 363 which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New 
Orleans. The day that France takes possession of New Orleans 
. . . from that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British 
fleet and nation." 

A party in Congress wanted to take New Orleans by mili- 
tary force; and an act passed authorizing 80,000 volunteers. 
220. Pur- Jefferson was cooler. He instructed Livingston to 
Louisiana attempt the purchase of the Island of Orleans and the 
(1803) strip to the eastward between the southern boundary of 

the United States and the Gulf. In January, 1803, he desig- 
nated his friend James Monroe as a special envoy to France to 
aid Livingston. Fortunately for America, Napoleon was already 
tired of his own plan, for war with Great Britain was about 
to break out again, and it would be impossible for him to 
protect the sea route to Louisiana. Meanwhile he failed to 
reconquer the necessary halfway station of Haiti, where Tons- 
saint L'Ouverture, a negro general, aided by fever, had the 
impertinence to destroy 10,000 of his best troops. Therefore, 
while Livingston was trying to buy West Florida and New 
Orleans, suddenly the French foreign office asked him what he 
would give for the Avhole of Louisiana. 

One day later Monroe arrived, and the two ministers did 
not hesitate to go beyond their instructions by accepting the 
offer, but for some weeks haggled over the price. The treaty 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC, (1801-1809) 



267 



was completed April 30, 1803 ; the United States was to pay 
$11,250,000 in cash and $3,750,000 to American claimants 
against the French government, a total of $15,000,000; in 
return Napoleon ceded the Island of Orleans and the whole 
western half of the valley of the Mississippi, with an area of 
900,000 square miles (§ 223). Livingston, Monroe, and Jeffer- 
son each thought that he was responsible for this splendid addi- 
tion to the territory of the United States. Louisiana came like 
a plum dropping from the tree ; bvit Jefferson is fairly entitled 
to the credit of seeing more clearly than any other man of 
his time the danger of having France as a neighbor, and the 
possibilities of the West. 

Since there was nothing in the Constitution on the question 
of annexing territory, Jefferson asked for a. constitutional 
amendment ; but his friends found authority in the old 221. Incor- 
Federalist doctrine of implied powers, and the treaty was ^Louisiana 
promptly ratified. Notwithstanding factious protests by (1803-1812) 
some of the New England Federalists, the next step was to 
take possession of the new country ; New Orleans was turned 

over by the Spanish 
commander to a French 
officer (November 30, 
1803), and twenty days 
thereafter by the 
Frenchman to the 
United States ; though 
the distant Spanish 
post of St. Louis was 
not transferred till 
March, 1804. 

The population of 
the new acquisition was 
about 40,000, almost entirely settled along the water front of 
the Mississippi and Red rivers. Congress speedily passed an 




Vopyriglu, lUOl), by Detroit Photographic Co. 

Cabildo, New Orleans, built in 1794. 
The Spanish government building. 



268 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



act organizing the lower part of Louisiana as the Territory of 
Orleans, with an appointed legislature. The people of New 
Orleans were in an uproar. They did not like the new laws, 
the new language, or the new governor, and Congress good- 
naturedly gave tiiem a territorial government with an elective 
legislature (March, 1805). Seven years later an act was passed 
for the admission of this small part of the old province of 
Louisiana as " Louisiana," an equal state in the Union. 




Explorations of Lewis and Clakk, and Pjke. 



Jefferson's far sight early penetrated into the northwestern 
Pacific coast, where in 1792 Captain Gray, in the ship Colum- 
222. Reach- hia of Boston, had found the mouth of a great river, 
(Teeon " ^"^ named it for his ship. As soon as Jefferson became 
11792-1811) President, he induced Congress to provide for an overland 
expedition to the Oregon country, under the command of Wil- 
liam Clark and Meriwether Lewis, Jefferson's private secretary. 
The whole Missouri valley had become part of the United 
States by the annexation of Louisiana when this expedition 
left St. Louis with forty-five men (May 14, 1804). In the 
course of six months they ascended the Missouri 1600 miles; 
they camped all winter, aud in the spring of 1805 started 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) ^69 

northwest, under the guidance of the Indian " Bird Woman," 
who carried her child on her back. In August, 1805, they 
reached a point on the Missouri River where a man could 
bestride it ; and then they struck across the mountains on 
horseback and found a westward-flowing river ; following 
down, they reached the mouth of the Columbia River (Novem- 
ber 15, 1805), 4000 miles from St. Louis. 

This expedition through a country absolutely unknown to 
white men opened up half a continent ; and it was the second 
link (next to Gray's discovery) in the chain which bound 
Oregon to the United States. Eventually it gave the United 
States a Pacific sea front, and opened a broad window toward 
the Pacific islands and Asia. In 1811 John Jacob Astor forged 
the third link of our possession, by establishing a fur-trading 
post at Astoria, on the south side of the Columbia. 

Meanwhile, in 1806, Lieutenant Zebulon Pike, with a com- 
mand of United States troops, reached the northern boundary 
of Louisiana in an exploration up the Mississippi River to find 
its source. He then made his way overland, discovered Pikes 
Peak, and came out beyond our boundaries in New Mexico. 

The annexation of Louisiana soon led to serious boundary 

controversies with Spain. The treaty of 1803 contained no 

description of Louisiana except the phrase of the treaty 223. West 

of San Udefonso : " with the same extent that it now has „„ °+;^* 

question 

in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France pos- (1803-1813) 
sessed it " ; but " in the hands of Spain " Louisiana did not 
include West Florida; while "as France possessed it" Louisi- 
ana extended to the Perdido. The Spanish government in- 
sisted that their cession of Louisiana in 1800 was not intended 
to include West Florida, and Talleyrand supported that conten- 
tion. Yet Livingston, who had started out to purchase West 
Florida, could not give up the idea that he had secured it as 
part of Louisiana, and Jefferson soon took up that belief. 
Spain was in possession of the disputed strip, and refused to 



270 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

give it up. In 1810 the United States annexed part of the 
region, and in 1811 Congress passed a secret act authorizing 
the President to take East Florida also, but it was not till 
1814 that the whole even of West Florida was occupied. In 
the latest official map of the United States, West Florida does 
not appear as part of Louisiana. 

Our relations with Spain in 1806 were further disturbed 
by difficulties along the southwest boundary of Louisiana. 
224. Burr Aaron Burr's willingness to accept the presidency in 
msurrec- igQl was never forgiven by Jefferson, and in the presiden- 
(1804-1807) tial election of 1804 George Clinton of New York was 
put in his place for Vice President. Jelferson and Clinton 
swept the country ; the Federalist candidates got only 14 elec- 
toral votes. Meanwhile Burr was defeated as independent 
candidate for governor of New York, and laid this defeat to 
Alexander Hamilton, who had warned his friends that Burr 
was dangerous and untrustworthy. Burr therefore forced a 
duel on Hamilton and killed him (July 11, 1804). 

When his term as Vice President expired in 1805, Burr was 
a desperate man. Being indicted for the murder of Hamilton, 
he thought it prudent to go west for a time, and returned 
with vague schemes for settling or conquering a region in the 
Southwest on, or niore probably beyond, the Spanish boundary. 
In 1806 he raised a few score men, who in his absence were 
drawn up in a kind of warlike array on Blennerhasset Island, 
in the Ohio River. He joined this force and floated down the 
river (December, 1806), and turned into the Mississippi. His 
friend, and, as he hoped, his partner, James Wilkinson, general 
of the United States army, played him false. Hastily making 
an agreement that the Sabine River should be the temporary 
boundary of Louisiana, Wilkinson hurried to New Orleans, 
arrested some of Burr's followers, and forwarded to Jefferson 
a letter in which Burr proposed to seize New Orleans, where 
" there would be some confiscation." Jefferson had been wait- 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) 271 

iiig to see how far Burr would go; he now issued a proclama- 
tion against him, and had him arrested and sent east to stand 
trial for treason. Chief-Justice Marshall ruled that there was 
no evidence of treason, and, to the wrath of the President, 
Burr went free ; but he never had the public confidence again. 
After a renewal of the European war in 1803, interference 
with neutral trade began again. The British justified harsh 
measures on the ground that the Americans indulged 225. Im- 
in three forms of sharp practice: (1) Deserters from and cap- 
British ships of war were welcomed to employment on tures 

(1803-1807) 
Yankee merchantmen. (2) American ships frequently 

carried two or three different sets of ship's papers, to make 
themselves out something different from what they were, so 
as to avoid capture. (3) The Americans carried on, through 
American ports, trade from French colonial ports to France. 

To meet these real or fancied difficulties, the British began 
to capture or search American vessels, often for reasons not 
urged earlier : (1) By the new doctrine of " continuous voy- 
ages," their courts held that the profitable trade in West India 
sugar brought to the United States, unloaded, and then re- 
shipped to Spain or France, was subject to capture. (2) Ves- 
sels which had carried a doubtful cargo out, were captured on 
their way home with innocent cargoes. In order to enforce 
these new principles, British men-of-war cruised up and down 
the American coast, and captured American vessels outside the 
ports to which they belonged. Impressments began again on 
a large scale, for the hard, underpaid, and often cruel naval 
service of Great Britain caused hundreds of sailors to desert. 

Against all these outrages the United States government 
remonstrated ; but Jefferson wanted to keep the peace, and 
instead of building war ships he induced Congress to 226. Inter- 
spend $1,600,000 in building and maintaining, for coast crisis 
defense, a flotilla of small gunboats. In 1804 our rela- (1806-1807) 
tions with Great Britain became worse : the commercial clauses 



2(2 OHGAMZATIUN AND EXPANSION 

of the Jay treaty of 1704 by agreement were allowed to expire, 
and Great Britain would not grant as good terms again ; there- 
fore, we had no commercial treaty at all. To compel Great 
Britain to come to terms, Congress enacted a nonimportation 
act, — practically the old Association of 1774 over again, — 
which never took effect. 

By combining the fleets of France and Spain, Napoleon still 
hoped to check the British sea power ; but in 1805 the splendid 
genius of Admiral Nelson at the battle of Trafalgar destroyed 
the allied fleet, and left Great Britain supreme at sea. The re- 
sourceful emperor of the French then set up what was called 
the "Continental System," by which all the numerous allies 
of France agreed not to purchase any British goods. Great 
Britain retaliated in 1806 and 1807 with Orders in Council, 
setting up "paper blockades" on the French coast. Napoleon 
replied by the Berlin and Milan Decrees (November, 1800, 
December, 1807), forbidding all trade to the British islands 
or in British goods. The real sufferers from this furious war 
of documents were the American shipowners, yet they were 
the people who least wanted war. Although, between 1803 
and 1811, the British took 917 American vessels, and the 
French took 558, the profits of the neutral trade were so great 
that the American tonnage engaged in foreign trade almost 
doubled. 

The difficulty reached its crisis in June, 1807, when the 
United States ship Chesapeake was stopped on the high seas 
off Cape Henry by the British frigate Leopard, so that some 
deserters from the British navy who had enlisted on board the 
American ship might be taken off. The Chesapeake, though in 
international usage a part of the territory of the United States, 
was fired upon and disabled, and two or three American-born 
sailors were then seized, besides one Knglish deserter. 

The accuniulati(»n of injuries called for action of some kind. 
Negotiation had failed: (Jreat Britain would neither make a 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) 273 

treaty nor give any satisfaction for the Leopard outrage. The 
United States might fight, but war would cut off American 
trade almost altogether. To yield and say nothing meant 227 Th€ 
to give up abjectly the rights of an independent nation. embargo 
Jefferson's ingenious mind found a way out of this ap- 
parently impassable bog, by the Embargo Act (December 22, 
1807), prohibiting the sailing of ships from the United States 
to foreign ports. Jefferson was sure that, both France and 
Great Britain would have to come to terms if the American 
food products and other exports were cut off. On the contrary, 
Napoleon simply confiscated American vessels in French ports, 
because, he argued, they must have violated the American 
embargo; and the British, though they felt the loss of Ameri- 
can exports, held out stubbornly. 

The people who suffered most and who made the most ado 
were the Americans. The New England, middle, and southern 
states were all heavy exporters, and as the year 1808 wore on, 
thousands of people found their livelihood taken away. Ships • 
moldered at the wharves, wheat rotted in the warehouses; 
the peace-loving Jefferson found his temper rising, as the peo- 
ple, especially the New England&rs, slipped out of port or de- 
fiantly carried their goods over the Canadian boundary. At the 
end of fourteen months, the country, especially New England, 
would bear no more ; and against Jefferson's private remon- 
strance, Congress repealed the Embargo Act (March 1, 1809). 

During this storm and stress of international affairs. Con- 
gress was from time to time taking action on slavery. In 
1793 Congress passed an act by which the federal 228. Slav- 
government took the responsibility for the pursuit and slave-trade 
return of fugitive slaves. In the organization of Mis- (1801-1807) 
sissippi Territory in 1798, and of the Territory of Orleans in 
1804, slavery was allowed to remain in those regions. North 
of the Ohio a controversy arose, from 1802 to 1816, because 
many of the people in the new Territory of Indiana, who came 



liTi <)K(JAMZATlUi\ AND EXPANSION 

from Kentucky and otlier southern states, petitioned over and 
over again to be allowed to hold slaves ; but Congress refused. 

On another slavery question the South was itself divided. 
Maryland and Virginia did not import slaves, but had surplus 
slaves to sell to their southern neighbors. They joined with 
the northern states at the earliest possible moment to prohibit 
the foreign slave trade absolutely. By act of Congress (1807) 
it was made a crime to import any slaves after January 1, 
1808, into any port of the United States. . The act was openly 
violated : even had it been enforced, the natural increase of 
the slaves was raising their numbers to the millions. 

Another very important event of the year 1807 was the first 

successful voyage by steam power. Robert Fulton in New 

229. Begin- York set himself to the problem, raised with difficulty 

ning of the few thousand dollars necessary for a trial, ordered an 

steam 

transporta- engine from England, and (August, 1807) set in motion, 

tioii(l807) Qi^ the Hudson River, the clumsy-looking Clermont, 
which could steam against wind and tide, and on her trial 




The C'/./.7,M/".V/'. ( I'imih ;i mcMlrl 111 111.- NalMiKil Mi 



trip reached Albany in less than a day and a half. The 
use of steamers spread rapidly. A regular line to Albany was 
established in 1808 ; within five years a line was running 
on the Delaware, a steamboat was built at Pittsburg, and steam 



EXPANSION OF THE REPUBLIC (1801-1809) 275 

ferryboats were introduced in New York and Philadelphia; 
and in 1816 steamers were introduced on Lonar Island Sound. 



Jefferson came into office in 1801, amidst excitement and 
the hatred of the Federalists, and showed himself a moderate 
and prudent statesman, though he could not quite deny 230. Sum- 
himself the reiuoval of some of the Federalist office- °^*^ 

holders. Everything he touched seemed to prosper; revenues 
increased, expense and debt decreased, the Barbary pirates 
were handsomely punished, Louisiana was annexed to the 
United States, and Jefferson prepared the way for a Pacific 
frontage in Oregon. He controlled his friends and crushed 
his most persistent enemy. Burr. 

Jefferson's second administration (1805-1809) was full of 
humiliations and disappointments, brought about in great part 
by the fierceness of the war between France and Great Britain. 
Each power looked on American neutral trade simply as 
something that helped the other side. Hence the embargo 
was a failure from the first; for it did just what the Orders 
and Decrees were trying to do, by cutting off American trade ; 
while the capture of American vessels affected thousands of 
people at home, and the impressment of American seamen 
caused intense bitterness. The trouble was that Jefferson and 
all the rest of the United States together could not bring to 
reason two such powerful and infuriated enemies as Great 
Britain and France, or prevent such burning indignities as the 
capture of the Chesapeake. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did Jefferson object to the "midnight judges"? Suggestive 

(2) How was the national debt reduced from 1801 to 1811? *°P*" 

(3) Why did Jefferson remove officials ? (4) What naval officers of 
later fame saw service in the Barbary wars ? (5) What did the name 
"Louisiana" mean in 1803 ? (6) Did Jefferson have constitutional 
authority to negotiate a treaty for the purchase of Louisiana ? 



270 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



Searcli 
topics 



(7) Why (lid the Fedfifilists object to the annexation of Louisiana ? 

(8) Why did Jefferson wish to send an expedition to Oregon? 

(9) Was Aaron Burr a traitor? (10) Why did the people of 
Indiana Territory want slaves? (11) Why did France and Great 
Britain refuse to repeal their Decrees and Orders ? (12) Why did 
Hamilton accept Burr's challenge ? 

(13) Jefferson's home at Monticello. (14) " Republican sim- 
plicity " at the Wliite House under Jefferson. (15) The Bisbop- 
Goodrich case of removal from office. (10) Toussaint L'Ouverture's 
relations with Napoleon. (17) Adventures of Lewis and Clark. 
(18) Discovery of Pikes Peak. (19) Duel between Burr and 
Hamilton. (20) Fulton's first voyage by steamer. (21) The 
British cruisers on the American coa-st, 1804-1811. (22) Battle of 
Trafalgar. (2;]) Berlin Decree. (24) Complaints of the embargo. 
(25) Character of Jefferson. 



Greo^raphy 

Secondary- 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Fioturei 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 264, 268; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 93-113. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 94-105 ; Walker, Making of 
the Nation, 168-213; Channing, Jeffersonian System; Stanwood 
Pi-esidency, 74-96 ; Schouler, United States, IL 1-229 ; McMaster 
United States, IL 583-6;}5, III. 1-88, 142-.'338, 516-528, V. 373-380 
418-4.32 ; Adams, United States, 1. 185-440, II.-IV.; Wilson, Amer- 
ican People, III. 153-204 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 54-58 
Jjocke, Antislavery, 131-165; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV 
258-343; Hosmer, Louisiana Purchase, 21-178; Sparks, Expan 
sion, 188-215 ; Cable, Creoles of Louisiana, 1-160 ; Foster, Cen 
tury of Diplomacy, 185-232 ; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 186-307 
Mervvin, Thomas Jefferson, 119-164, — Aaron Burr, 57-147 
Stevens, Albert Gallatin, 170-300; Adams, John Randolph, 1-233 
Brady, Stephen Decatur, 1-61 ; Thurston, Robert Fulton ; Lighton, 
Lewis and Clark. 

Hart, Sotirce Book, §^ 78-Sl,— Contemporaries, IIL §§106- 
122, — Source Headers, III. § 73 ; Ames, State Documents on 
Federal Relations, no. 1, pp. 26-44 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 44, 
104, 105, 128, 131 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 24-27 ; 
Caldwell, Territorial Development, 77-108. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 338-340, — Historical Sources, § 81. 

Scenes at Washington ; G. W. Cable, The Grandissimes, — 
Strange True Stories of Louisiana ; E. E. Hale, Man irithout a 
Country, — Philip Xolan''s Friends ; E. L. Bynner, Zachary Phips 
(Burr) ; M. E. Seawell, Decntur and Somers. 

Wilson, American People, III.; Sparks, Expansion. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1809-1815) 

Jefferson was glad to follow Washington's example in 
retiring from the presidency at the end of his second term, 
and practically transferred the office to his Secretary of 231. Madi- 

State, James Madi- ' p^exities 
son, who was (1809-1811J 
elected President in 1808 
over the Federalist C. C. 
l:*inckney by 122 electo- 
ral votes to 47. Madison 
had lost his earlier ag- 
gressiveness and spirit, 
was not a good party 
leader, and with the ex- 
ception of Gallatin as- 
sembled a weak Cabinet. 
The efforts of Presi- 
dent Madison to adjust 
the troubles with Great 
Britain ^by negotiation 
failed ; a fair treaty was 
signed by the British 
minister Erskinein 1809, 
but Great Britain re- 
fused to ratify his work. His successor, James Jackson, ac- 
cused the President and Secretary of State of lying, and noted 
in his private correspondence that "a more despicable „ „ 
set I never met with before," which was his way of com- Book, 213 

277 




Dolly Madison, about 1810. 

Mrs. James Madison, a famous social 
leader. From the portrait by Stuart. 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



plaining because the United States government absolutely 
refused to have any more dealings with him; but he was 
received and welcomed by New England Federalists. 

Congress had no better success. In 1809 (March 1) it had 
passed a law prohibiting commerce with France and Great 
Britain, but the commerce went 
on indirectly. In 1810, by the 
" ]\racon Bill No. 2," Congress 
attempted to play off one enemy 
against another, and produced 
no real effect on either. Napo- 
leon in August, 1810, publicly 
announced, "His Majesty loves 
the Americans ; their pros- 
perity and their commerce are 
Avithin the scope of his pol- 
icy " ; on the same day he 
showed his affection by a secret 
decree ordering the confiscation 
of all American ships in his 
ports. 

To the troubles on the sea- 
board were added dangers on 
232. Indian the western frontier, where 
two Indian leaders had 

arisen — the twin brothers Tecumthe and the Prophet. 
Tecum the was perhaps the greatest Indian in American his- 
tory, because the only one Avho grasped the idea of throwing 
the whites back by forming a confederation of all the frontier 
tribes from north to south. Though he could not raise the 
southern tribes in 1810, he had under his control 5000 war- 
riors, a force which, if it would only act together, could defeat 
any army that the United States was able on short notice to 
bring into the field. 




wars 
(1811-1814) 



A IMoDKKN Indian. 



WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1809-1815) 279 

In 1811, while Tecumthe was absent, William Henry Harri- 
son, governor of Indiana Territory, forced the iight by march- 
ing against the Indian town of Tippecanoe, on the Wabash 
River, with 1000 men. The Indians boldly came out to attack 
him, and inflicted a loss of about 200, but were seized with 
panic and abandoned the town, which Harrison then entered 
and burned. Both sides considered it a victory for the whites. 
A few months later war broke out on the southern frontier, 
where Fort Mimms, near the Alabama River, was captured by 
the Creeks and about 500 people were killed. General Andrew 
Jackson was put in command of the troops, and in several cam- 
paigns during 1813 and 1814 nearly crushed out the opposing 
Indians. 

Meanwhile the public feeling of wrath and indignation 

steadily rose toward France, and still more toward England. 

In the new Congress, which met in December, 1811, gg, - 

Henry Clay of Kentucky was chosen Speaker of the break of 

House ; he organized it with a view to war, and made Great 

vounsr John C. Calhoun of South Carolina chairman of Britain 

C1811-1812'^ 
the Committee on Military Affairs. The West had no 

patience with the timidity of the shipowners, for to the fron- 
tiersmen nothing seemed easier than to conquer Canada, and, 
as Clay said, " negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec Contempora- 
or Halifax." The country was then prosperous; manu- nes,III.42o 
factures were springing up, and nearly $200,000,000 worth of 
goods were made in the country in a single year. But Con- 
gress did not consider that the national revenues were falling 
off ; that the army numbered only 7000 men ; and that there 
were no good roads to the Canadian frontier. 

Even President Madison could not stand the pressure for 
war, and war was formally declared against Great Britain 
June 18, 1812, though it was pointed out in Congress that 
we ought to fight France also. The official reasons for the war 
were as follows: (1) the insolence of the British cruisers on 



280 



ORfJANIZATloy AND KXI'ANSION 



the coast; (2) tlie capture of ov»-r 900 Ainerieaii vessels since 
180o ; (.'5) blockades and other \mrigliteuus practices inuler the 
British Orders in Council ; (4) the stirring up of Indian hos- 
tilities;, (5) impressment. An apology had been made for the 
Chesapeake affair ; at the hist moment the British partly 
withdrew tlie offensive Orders; and we now know tliat it was 
an error to suppose that the British instigated the Indian wars. 
Nevertheless, two substantial grievances remained : the cap- 
ture of our merchantmen ; and the impressment of about 4000 
seamen, of whom many were still prisoners on British cruisers. 

It was supposed that a single campaign would probably 
decide the war, and as soon as possible troops were sent 
forward under General Hull to seize Canada. But the tables 
were unexpectedly turned when the British captured Detroit 
(August, 1812); and two attempts of tlie Americans to cross 
at the Niagara liiver were total failures, because the men 
had neither discipline 
nor confidence in their 
officers. 

Joy came from an un- 
expected quarter when 

-- . „. the news of naval 
234. Vic- 
tories at victories began to 
3ea(1812) ^^^^^^ -^^ ^^ ^1^^ 

outbreak of the war 

the United States navy 

consisted of eighteen 

vessels, of which the 

largest was a handy 44- 

gim frigate. President 

Madison expected that our little fleet would surely be captured ; 

nevertheless, our frigate Constitutiun fell in with the Guerri^re, 

a ship of about her tonnage, and in thirty minutes the Gtierri^re 

lay a helpless wreck (August 19^ 1812). Two months later the 




TjiK Vos-^rirrrios, ok " Ui.n Ihus^idbs." 

From a model in the Peabody Museum, Salem 

Mass., given by Com. Isaac Hull in 1813. 



WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1800-1815) 281 

little Tra-s/) took the British brig Frolic; and the frigate United 
States captured, and subsequently brought into port, the Brit- 
ish frigate Macedonian. Then the Constitution made another 
splendid capture, the frigate Java. During the year the only 
loss of the Americans was the Wasp, taken by a British three- 
decker battle ship. In all, thirteen British ships of war were 
lost besides those on the lakes. In vain did the British attempt 
to show that the American ships in every case had more ton- 
nage, or more men, or more weight of broadside. The British 
navy had not been accustomed to calculate odds so closely; 
reall}' every capture was due to the superior guns and marks- 
manship of the Americans. 

The tide of naval victory changed in 1813, notwithstanding 
several other gallant captures of British cnusers. The Ameri- 
can frigate Cliesajiealce was taken by the Shannon 035 The 
(May 30) ; and by the end of 1813 most of the American indecisive 
cruisers were driven into port and there blockaded. Then 
the President was captured; but the frigate Essex, Captain 
Porter, got into the Pacific and made havoc of the English 
whalersj till captured in Chilean waters in 1814. 

The boundary lakes, Ontario and Erie, were also scenes of 
naval operations during the years 1812 and 1813. On Lake 
Ontario there was no pitched battle ; but after the defeat of 
a body of Kentuckians at the river Raisin, near Detroit (Jan- 
uary, 1813), Lieutenant Oliver H. Perry was sent to Lake Erie 
to prepare the way for a recapture of Detroit. With wonder- 
ful energy he constructed a fleet of five vessels, trained his 
crews, and on September 10, 1813, accepted from the ^., 

enemy the battle of Lake Erie, off Put-in-Bay. He re- Register, 
ported his victory in the laconic letter, "We have met 
the enemy and they are ours: two ships, two brigs, one 
schooner, and one sloop.'' 

Perry's victory cleared the way for a successful campaign in 
western Canada. His navy carried General Harrison's com- 
hart's amer. hist. — 17 



'zm 



ORGANIZATION AND KXPANSION 




'i-UirrifuD 
^Dearborn 
't-WllklniuD 

KALC OF HILK 



'V /^ 6 25 (fa 76 



The War of 1812. 

mand across the lake ; and Harrison defeated the Canadians and 
their Indian allies at the battle of the Thames in Canadian ter- 
ritory (October 5, 1813), where Tecuinthe was killed. Detroit 
soon after surrendered to Harrison. Renewed attempts to 
invade eastern Canada, under General AVilkinson, were again 
a failure; and the year 1813 left the war a sort of drawn 
game — each side occupying substantially the territory which 
it held at the beginning of the war. 

In 1812 Napoleon made his disastrous retreat from Russia; 
and after two years of steady fighting was overwhelmed and 
236 The compelled to abdicate. Large British forces by land and 
United gea were thus set free for a series of determined inva- 

the defen- sions of theXlnited States in 1814. (1) The British occu- 
sive (1814) pied the coast of Maine as far as the Kennebec River, and 



WAli WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1809-1815) 288 

blockaded most of the American coast. (2) A small British force 
was sent to seize Astoria, Oregon. (3) In August a British 
force of only 5000 troops landed about fifty miles from Wash- 
ington on Chesapeake Bay, marched up into a country inhabited 
by at least 50,000 able-bodied men, beat off (at Bladensburg) an 
ill-commanded force hastily summoned to repel them, and took 
and burned the capital of the United States — as an alleged 
retaliation for destruction in York (now Toronto) by American 
forces. (4) A similar attack on Baltimore in September, which 
suggested Key's patriotic poem. The Star-Spangled Banner^ 
was beaten off by the militia. (5) A British force attempting 
to advance southward up Lake Champlaiu was stopped (Sep- 
tember 11, 1814), partly by a fleet under Commander Mac- 
Donough, partly by the presence of militia intreuched at 
Plattsburg, under Macomb. 

In a last attempt to invade Canada, under General Jacob 
Brown, aided by Lieutenant Winfield Scott, the Americans 
crossed the Niagara River and fought two battles, at Chippawa 
and at Lundys Lane (July 15, 1814) ; but though the Ameri- 
cans claimed the victory, they again retreated to their own 
territory. The closing incident of the war was an attack on 
the Gulf coast by General Pakenham. General Andrew Jack- 
son fortified himself at Chalmette, just below New Orleans, 
where, January 8, 1815, the British column of 5300 troops 
assaulted his works, defended by about 4000 troops, of whom 
only a third were actually engaged. Again the raw American 
militia, properly commanded and intrenched, beat off the Brit- 
ish army, inflicting a loss of 2000. A few days later, however, 
the British took the forts below Mobile, and remained in a 
threatening attitude. 

Though for a time there was not an American commissioned 
ship of war on the ocean, the naval war was continued 037 Th» 
with brilliancy and success by, a swarm of American privateers 
privateers. American shipowners, whose vessels could no 



284 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 

longer with safety carry a cargo, turned them into private 
fighting ships, which often richly paid for themselves out 
of their prizes. In three years about 1700 American mer- 
chant ships were taken by the British ; on the other hand, 
2300 British merchantmen were taken by privateers, besides 
200 by cruisers, though 750 were retaken by the British; and 
the insurance on a voyage from England to Ireland rose to 14 
per cent. Dismay spread through the maritime interest of 
England. As the London 7V//te.s said of the American ships, 
"If they fight, they are sure to conquer; if they fly, they 
are sure to escape." 

One reason for the failure of the Canadian land campaigns 
was the political opposition to the war. In 1811 a New Eng- 
238. Inter- ^^^^ member of Congress, Josiah Quincy, roundly threat- 
nal opposi- ened that New England would secede if Louisiana were 
tion to the . . r .i c< i.t 4 

war made a state, thus increasing the power ot the boutn. As 

(1812-1814) 2i protest against the war, part of the Republicans under 
De Witt Clinton made common cause with the Federalist oppo- 
sition in the election of 1812, and the coalition got 89 electoral 
votes to 128 for Madison. This personal and party opposition 
was carried into official form. When the President of the 
United States called upon all the states for a certain number 
of militia, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut, and New Jersey refused to send them. 

There was some reason for protest and indignation. Con- 
gress neglected to provide either men or money enough to keep 
the war going. No proper tax laws were passed till 1813, 
when the hated Federalist excise and direct taxes were re- 
vived. The government borrowed $98,000,000 during the 
war, but the bonds had to be sold at a depreciation of from 
5 per cent to 30 per cent ; large amounts of " treasury notes '' 
— promises to pay in the future — had to be issued for sup- 
plies; and legal tender paper money was openly suggested. 
The worst weakness of the war was the dependence on militia 



WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1809-1815) 285 

regiments, for Congress was never willing to authorize a large 
federal army. When volunteering fell off, plans were laid for 
a draft, which happily was not necessary. 

The critical time came in 1814, when "New England began 
to feel the blockade and the war taxes. In December, 1814, a 
convention of official delegates from several New England 
states met at Hartford. We know little of the secret debates 
of the convention, but its official report proposed that Con- 
gress should give up its power to prohibit foreign commerce, 
and should leave the proceeds of federal taxes to the states in 
which they were paid. Such demands could not be granted 
without giving up the federal Constitution; and they amounted 
to saying that unless the war were speedily stopped, the New 
England states would withdraw from the Union. 

Peace was made before the Hartford convention reported, 
and in fact before the battle of New Orleans, In January, 
1814, the United States sent commissioners to negotiate ggg Favor 
a peace. The year was opportune, for the great Duke of able peace 
Wellington gave his opinion against trying to assault 
American militia in their trenches; the British shipmasters 
were crying for relief from the American privateers ; and the 
European war seemed over. Hence the British were inclined 
to make favorable terms, and the treaty of Ghent, Decem- 
ber 24, 1814, was a diplomatic triumph for the United States. 

The only subject on which satisfaction could not be had was 
impressments — the main cause of the war ; but as soon as the 
European war was over, impressments dropped away of them- 
selves ; and, as a matter of fact, never began again. On all 
other points the treaty was highly favorable to the United 
States : (1) although at the end of the war the British were 
in possession of eastern Maine, Oregon, and the coast near 
Mobile, they agreed to surrender all territorial conquests ; 
(2) the British again promised not to take away slaves or 
other private property ; (3) since war puts an end to all 



iiSb 



URGANIZA'lION AND EXPANSION 



preexisting treaties, the questions of the fisheries and of com- 
mercial relations were for a short time left at loose ends; but 
after a few months they were settled by separate treaties. 



From one point of view the War of 1812 is a painful sub- 
ject. The United States went into it hastily, without prepara- 
240. Sum- tion either of men or of money. The land war against 
^^^ Canada was badly bungled ; troops did not come forward, 

supplies could not be hauled, whole armies were stuck in the 
mud for weeks because of bad roads. The only creditable op- 
erations on the northern frontier were 
the battles of Lake Erie, the Thames, 
Lundys Lane, and Plattsburg. The sea- 
board was blockaded and harassed ; our 
merchant marine almost exterminated ; 
our vessels of war sunk, taken, or cooped 
up in port; the national capital cap- 
tured ingloriously and bm-ned. 

This is less than half the story. The 

war developed three good generals, — 

William H. Harrison, Jacob Brown, and 

Andrew Jackson, — men who knew how 

to fight, even with untrained volunteers, 

and who showed that on the defensive 

the militiamen were, man for man, 

stronger than the best British regulars. 

And the laurels of the War of 1812 were 

won on the sea, where in thirteen duels 

between ships of about equal strength the Americans won 

eleven. The Englishman admires the man who can beat him 

at his own game, and respect for American seamanship and for 

American pluck has been a tradition in England ever since. 

For this new standing among nations the war perhaps deserves 

the name of " second war for independence." 




SOLDIKK.S OF 1812. 

From official publica- 
tions. 



WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1809-1816) 



287 



Still, the capture of a few British warships did not weaken 
the British navy. The two influences which led Great Britain 
to make a favorable peace were the courage of the militia, 
which made invasion a difficult task, and the courage of the 
privateersmen, which devastated the British merchant marine. 
The United States was like a turtle which draws its feet and 
tail beneath a protecting shell, yet reaches out its hooked jaws 
to catch its adversary in the most vulnerable part. 



TOPICS 

(1) Why was Jefferson glad to retire from the presidency ? Suggestive 
(2) Why did the British government refuse to ratify Erslcine's *°Pi''* 
treaty ? (3) Why did Indian wars break out in 1811 ? (4) Why 
did Indian wars break out in the Southwest ? (5) How was De- 
troit captured by the British ? (6) Why did the Americans defeat 
the British in ship duels ? (7) Why was Commodore Perry suc- 
cessful ? (8) Why were the British able to capture Washington ? 
(9) Why did all the American attacks on the Niagara frontier fail ? 
, (10) Why were the British beaten at New Orleans ? (11) Why was 
Josiah Quincy opposed to the admission of Louisiana ? > 

(12) Tecumthe's career. (13) Settlement of the Leopard- 
Chesapeake difficulty. (14) Defefit of the Guerriere. (15) Cap- 
ture of the Java. (16) Capture of the Macedonian. (17) Capture 
of the Chesapeake. (18) Porter's cruise in the Pacific. (19) Cap- 
ture of Astoria. (20) Story of the origin of Key's Star- Spangled 
Banner. (21) Incidents of privateering in the War of 1812. 
(22) Inner history of the Hartford convention. (23) Attempts 
to make peace in 1812-1813. 



Search 
topics 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

See map, p. 282 ; Babcock, Rise of American Nationality ; Geography 
Semple, Geor/rnphic Conditions, 134-149. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§107-117; Stanwood, Presi- 
dency, 97-105 ; Babcock, Bise of American Nationality ; McMaster, 
United States, III. 339-458, 528-560, IV. 1-279; Adams, United 
States, V.-VIII. IX. 1-103 ; Wilson, American People, III. 204- 
234; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 331-348; Gordy, Political 
Parties, II. 9-333 ; Mahan, War of 1812 ; Roosevelt, Naval War 
of 1812; Maclay, United States Navy, 1. 305-658, II. 3-22; HoUis, 



288 



ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION 



Friffati' Constitution', Hosmer, Mississippi Valley, 146-191 •, Cable, 
Creoles of Louisiana, 161-209 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 69- 
64 ; Gay, Schurz, Henry Clay, I. 67-125 ; Brown, Andrew Jack- 
son, 24-86 ; Parton, General Jackson, 2;>-248 ; Brady, Stephen 
Decatur, 62-137 ; Eggleston and Seeley, Tecumseh and the Shaio- 
nee Prophet. 

gources Hart, Source Book, §§ 82-87, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 123-129, 

— Source Beaders, III. §§62-65, 76-81, 85, 89-98; MacDonald, 
Select Documents, nos. 28-32 ; Ames, State Documents on Fed- 
eral Belations, no. 2 ; Caldwell, Studies, I. 204-208 ; Johnston, 
American Orations, 1.164-215. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, 
Syllabus, 340, — Historical Sources, § 82. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 83-107 ; Eggleston, 
American War Ballads, 113-145; Irving Bacheller, D'ri and I; 
G. C. Eggleston, Big Brother, — Captain Sam, — Signal Boys ; 
Edward Eggleston, Boxy (Tippecanoe) ; J. A. Altsheler, Herald 
of the West (Washington and New Orleans) ; M. E. Scannell, 
Midshipman Paulding \ Kirk Munroe, Midshipman Stuart; W. K. 
Post, Smith Brunt ; Howard Pyle, Within the Capes. 

Fictiires Wilson, American People, HI. 



lUuBtrative 
works 



CHAPTER XIX. 

SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 

In 1802 Jefferson predicted that the Mississippi valley 

*'will ere long yiekl more than half of onr whole produce 

and contain more than half of our inhabitants." Two Contempora- 

decades later the West contained one fourth of the in- ^^^^' ■"•^" ^^^ 

habitants of the Union, and had revealed many elements „„„„■„ *'- 
' ••' sources oi 

of its own natural wealth : (1) The soil was deep and the West 
fertile ; the bottom lands of Kentucky and Tennessee, the 
wooded areas of Ohio, and the prairies farther west all bore 
surpi-ising crops. (2) Most of the settled area abounded in 
superb timber — the best trees ran to 150 or even 200 feet in 
height and 30 to 40 feet in girth, furnishing abundant building 
material. (3) The country was well watered and fitted for 
grazing, so that about 1820 the westerners began to drive herds 
of cattle over the mountains to market. (4) The abundant 
waterways and the ease of making roads quickly opened the 
country to settlement. (5) Coal mining began in Pittsburg in 
1784, and the black diamonds cropped out in many places. 
(6) Iron ore was abi;ndant, and charcoal iron furnaces were 
started, while lead was discovered in Illinois and Wisconsin. 

A stream of immigrants sought this promised land, with 
an effect seen in the census returns of some of the statres : 
Tennessee had 36,000 people in 1790 and 262,000 in 342 The 
1810; Ohio rose from 45,000 in 1800 to 581,000 in 1820. westward 
New settlements sprang up. Fort Dearborn, on the 
Chicago River, first built m 1803, was destroyed by Indians 
in 1812, was rebuilt in 1816, and became the nucleus of 

289 



290 



NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 



Chicago. Terre Haute, Fort Wayne, and South Bend were 
settled about 1817. St. Louis had been founded by the French 
in 1764. Although the eastern states were all growing rapidly, 

they were able to 







^^ — i-. 



Settled Are* lnJ700. \ .^ 
Ruling UidlcitM r<>([lon»>' ^\ 
■HI^Mttkd tMtwmn 17M and 1810>. 
F3ri TXAl Indlaite re^nni KXttti \ 
» * I Ixt^een 1<!10 and l*»l. 




Settled Area in 1830. 



send off swarms 
of emigrants, be- 
cause large fami- 
lies were common 
throughout the 
country. Every 
son could make a 
livelihood, and al- 
most every daugh- 
ter was wanted as 
a farmer's wife. 
To accommodate this stream of land-hungry people, the 
United States, in 1800, adopted a new public land system : 
land was divided into small parcels and sold at land offices 
on the frontier at a minimum price of $2 an acre, one 
fourth of the purchase money down and four years' time for 
the balance. Many followed the principle of the old woman 
in Eggleston's novel, who, when her husband was buying, said, 
" git plenty while you're a gittin'." 

To reach the western lands several main highways from east 
to west were marked out by nature. (1) A route led from 
243. Boads Albany through the valley of the Mohawk, and. thence 
to the West vj^ Geneva to Buffalo. (2) In 1812 Rochester was 
founded, the plain to the west of it was quickly occupied, and 
a new main road was laid out directly west to Lake Erie. 
(3) From Philadelphia a good road ran through Bedford in 
southern Pennsylvania to Pittsburg, 350 miles. (4) From 
Alexandria (opposite Washington) a road led about 300 miles 
to Pittsburg, by Braddock's old route up the Potomac to Cum- 
berland, and across the Laurel INIountains to the Monongaliela 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 



291 




Roads and Waterways to the West in 1825. 



Eiver. (5) From Alexandria or Richmond people followed the 
long-traveled easy pass from the upper Roanoke southwest to 
the Holston River, and thence down the Tennessee, or north- 
westward through the Cumberland Gap to Kentucky. (6) From 



292 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Georgia westward there was easy travel to Mississippi Terri- 
tory and New Orleans. 

Most of the wheel roads crossed many swamps and un- 
bridged streams, and were without good inns. In regions 
where there was very little stone, pikes were out of the ques- 
tion. As a substitute, companies built " plank roads" of thick 
boards laid side by side, and charged toll. The greater part 
of the highways west of the mountains were simple rough 
tracks, winding in and out among stumps and trees, pleasant 
« in dry weather, and a slough when it rained. Hence the 
journey from the eastern states to the West was a serious 
business. The ordinary vehicle was the Conestoga wagon of 
wood, with an arched canvas top. The emigrants sold most 
of their furniture and other heavy movables, took food with 
them, and cooked as they went along. Breakdowns were fre- 
quent in the terrible roads, and an average of twenty miles a 
day was quick travel. 

When once the tributaries of the Mississippi were reached, 

movement became easier; even on small rivers like the upper 

244 B.' e Wabash and the Muskingum flatboats were used. The 

and lake simplest craft in the lively river traffic was the birch- 

^^^^ bark canoe, which would hold one or two persons, or the 

dugout, often larger. More elaborate was the raft — sometimes 

as much as a hundred feet long, floating all day on the current, 

and tied up at night; some of the rafts carried houses, open 

fires, and cattle. More comfortable was the flatboat, with its 

crew of unkempt and brawny polemen, the terror bf frontier 

towns; or the flat-bottomed ark, sometimes as much as sixty 

feet long. A step higher was the keel boat, a more carefully 

built and ambitious structure, housed over with a deck, and 

provided with two " broadhorns," or steering oars. 

On some such craft the settler floated lazily down the rivers 
and met the dangers of the voyage — the river pirates, who 
often attacked even armed boats ; and Indians, who poured in 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 



293 









a volley from the shore. Much of the immigration intended 
for central Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee took advantage of 
the water highways by following down the Ohio and then 
poling up a tributary to the place of destination. 

After 1812 steamers multiplied on the western rivers. The 
liulls could be built anywhere out of timber on the spot; the 
fuel was wood from the river banks; engines and boile'rs at 
first had to be brought 
over the mountains.. 
The river life is best 
described in the recol- 
lections of his boyhood 
which Mark Twain has 
preserved for us in his 
books on the West. In 
1820 it took thirty-five 
days to go up from 
New Orleans to Pitts- 
burg by steam, and 
about ten days to go 
down. The Great Lakes were not safe or convenient for sail 
craft or for rowboats ; and were not much used as a highway 
for emigration till steamers were introduced. The first Lake 
Erie steamer was the Walk-in-the-Wate7; built in 1818 ; in 1832 
a steamer reached Chicago from the East; after that time 
hundreds of thousands of emigrants passed through the Lakes. 

Difficulties in traveling westward, and the poverty of the 
frontier communities, suggested that the federal government 
build highways. The first act on the subject (in 1802) 245. Inter- 
was that for the admission of Ohio, which provided that provements 
5 per cent of the proceeds of the public lands sold in that (1802-1820) 
state should be applied to roads to reach those lands. This 
idea took definite form in an act of 1806 for the survey of 
a road from Cumberland, Maryland, to the Ohio P-iver. 



A Mississippi River Steamer. 



294 



NATIONA I. D !•: V ELO I'M E NT 



Constniction of this National Road, or Cumberland Road, 
began speedily ; in 1820 it was opened to Wheeling, and was 
then continued westward to Columbus, thence to Indianapo- 
lis, and south westward toward St. Louis. As soon as it was 

opened, it became the 



great artery of western 
travel, for it was direct, 
had easy grades, and was 
maQadamized. Congress 
in the course of thirty 
II is spent upon it 
^'sS()0,000; but it was at 
last superseded by rail- 
roads, and about 1850 
Congress transferred it 
to the states in which 
it lies. 




Bbidgk on the Cumberland Road. 
Built about 1825, in Ohio. 



The most obvious line of western transit by water was from 

the Hudson up the JMohawk and across to Lake Ontario. The 

246. Erie ^^^* Statesman to take up the building of a canal on this 

Canal route was De Witt Clinton of New York, who saw the 

many advantages to the state and city of New York 

from a waterway which would make New York Harbor the 

commercial mouth of the Great Lakes, thus diverting traffic 

from New Orleans. The W^ar of 1812 gave impetus to this 

idea, because it showed how hard it was to transport men and 

supplies from the coast and the interior to the Lakes. 

In 1817, under the energetic leadership of John C. Calhoun, 
who said that " he was no advocate for refined arguments on 
Contempora- the Constitution," Congress passed the so-called Bonus 
ries,III.439 Bill, appropriating Ji!l,500,000 to be distributed among 
the states for internal improvements. It was exjiected that 
New York would have a big slice to spend on the proposed 
Erie Canal, but President Madison stepped in, and on the last 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 295 

day of his term vetoed tlic bill, for the strict constitutional 
reason that he could find no clause of the Constitution which 
distinctly authorized such expenditure. 

The state of New York at once set to work to build its own 
canal, and in 1823 the Erie Canal was finished from the Hudson 
near Albany to the Genesee River ; in 1825 the direct line was 
completed to Black Rock, near Buffalo, 350 miles from Albany. 
The original canal cost $7,000,000; but over $100,000,000 
more has been spent on extensions and repairs. Yet the whole 
expenditure was more than repaid by tolls. 

The effects of the Erie Canal were marvelous. Lands all 
along the line at once trebled in value, and the freight rate 
from tide water to Lake Erie dropped from $120 a ton to $19. 
New York city increased from 124,000 people in 1820 to 
203,000 in 1830, and has ever since remained the most pop- 
ulous city in the Union. After 1825 a large part of the over- 
land emigration passed through the Erie Canal. The passage 
from Schenectady to Utica (about two hours by rail nowadays) 
was twenty-two hours by canal boat ; the passengers were 
crowded, and half stifled at night, and the frequent cry of 
" low bridge " disturbed the journey by day. 

When the settler reached the golden West, he found sub- 
stantially the old colonial life over again — land to clear, log 
houses to build, towns to found, schools to start. An 247. Fron- 
observer said of the westerners, " They ' are in a low ^^^ ^ * 

state of civilization, about half Indian in their modes of ries, III. 463 
life." Abraham Lincoln, born in Kentucky in 1809, lived as a 
boy in an Indiana hovel called a " half -faced camp." Better 
abodes were built of logs, with log chimneys and puncheon 
(split log) floors, and might cost twenty or twenty-five days' 
labor. 

Yet in the midst of much that was rough, men like Philander 
Chase, Episcopal Bishop of Ohio, struggled on, founding schools, 
building new churches, educating the ministers, and elevating 



296 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

the comninnity. The INretliodist or Baptist frontier minister 
had perhaps half a dozen little churches on his hands, and 
"rode circuit" from hainlet to hamlet, preaching, baptizing, 
burying, organizing churches, and, if necessary, threatening 
rowdies who undertook to disturb the meeting. One of the 
favorite occupations of the time was to go to camp meeting, 
which was a combination of picnic, summer resort, and reli- 
gious exercise, where people took household furniture, children, 
dogs, and psalm books. If the ministers roared and the con- 
verts shrieked, foamed at the mouth, and fell in convulsions, 
we must remember that such exaggerated ex{)erience often 
aroused and turned to better ways rough but powerful natures 
that could not be reached by milder means. 

For education in the Northwest early provision was made. 
Each settlement soon had its common school, and out of land 
reserved by the Northwest Ordinance, and private contribu- 
tions, arose in a few years half a dozen little colleges. In 1830 
two western magazines were started : Hall's Illinois Magazine 
and Flint's Western Monthly Review. 

Next to religion, politics was the most interesting topic in 
the West. Local parties very quickly were merged in the gen- 
248 N w ^^^ national parties; elections were lively, and about 
communi- 1800 was introduced the practice of "stump speaking," 
or open-air addresses to a series of popular meetings. 
The western states led in a movement for the suffrage of all 
adult white men and for elective judges. In politics and in 
social life the most influential man in a village was the store- 
keeper, who was often also distiller, counrtry banker, real estate 
dealer, and justice of the peace, and hence called " Squire." 

Local government in the West was imported from eastern 
communities. The northwestern states set up a system of 
school districts on the New England model. In Ohio, where 
the New England element was strongest, the people adopted a 
kind of modified town meeting. In Indiana and Illinois, where 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 



297 



there were many southern people, and also in the southwestern 
stateSj the county of the southern type became more important. 

No man more distinctly represents the West than Henry 
Clay. Born a poor boy in Virginia, he emigrated to Kentucky, 
and at twenty-nine he sat as Senator from Kentucky in 249. Henry 
Washington (1806). From that time to his death in m^i^^^the 
1852 Clay was most of the time in the service of the Weet 

federal government as senator, representative, or Secretary of 
State. In four terms he showed himself the greatest Speaker 
in the history of Congress, 
managing the House of 
Representatives as a skill- 
ful coachman handles a 
four-horse team. 

What made Clay so dis- 
tinctively a western man 
was his political optimism. 
He believed in all good 
things, in the future of 
his country, the growth 
of the West, the good 
judgment of the average 
voter. He was the in- 
ventor and the strongest 
advocate of what he called 
"the American System," 




Henry Clay, about 18i8. 
From a daguerreotype. 



by which he meant the commercial development of the country 
by protective tariffs and other public aids. Above all, through- 
out his life he worked steadily and wisely for the establishment 
of better means of transit. His personal qualities gave strength 
to his political views ; he was courteous, quick, had a natural 
power of attracting friends to him, and was ingenious in devis- 
ing compromises when party spirit ran high. 

For some time after the Slave Trade Act of 1807, slavery 
hart's amer. hist. — 18 



298 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

speiued hardly to be a sectional question ; antislavery societies 
250. Slav- were active in the border slave states and in the neighbor- 
ticnis"^^ "^S middle states. About once every two years met " The 
U808-1819) American Convention for promoting the Abolition of 
Slavery and improving the Condition of the African Race." 
This convention and the local societies discussed political ques- 
tions affecting slavery, petitioned the state legislatures and 
Congress, and tried to stir people up to form abolition socie- 
ties. One western man, Benjamin Lundy of Kentucky, was 
a kind of antislavery apostle, and in 1821 established an aboli- 
tion paper, the Genius of Universal Emancijmtion. 

These efforts were rather checked than aided by the National 
Colonization Society (founded in 1816), which aimed (1) to 
encourage emancipation by carrying the free negroes to Africa ; 
and (2) to relieve slaveholders by taking away the free negroes 
who made their slave brethren discontented. In 1819 Congress 
appropriated f 100,000 to carry back slaves that might be cap- 
tured on the high seas ; a negro colony was founded in Liberia, 
on the west coast of Africa (1821), and first and last several 
thousand negroes were sent out. 

Gradually the West came into the slavery discussion, at first 
because used as a kind of balance between North and South. 
From the admission of Louisiana (1812) the number of slave 
states was kept equal to that of free states, so that neither 
section might have a majority in the Senate; Indiana in 1816 
was balanced by Mississippi in 1817 ; Illinois in 1818 was fol- 
lowed by Alabama in 1819. The North, including the Nortli- 
west, grew so much faster than the South, that in 1820 (under 
the application of the three-fifths rule) there were 105 free- 
state members in the House to 81 slave-state members. 

In 1818 the people of Missouri petitioned for admission into 

251. Mis- the Union. Though in situation, population, and prod- 
souri Com- ^ ^ ° , '/ ' f 

promise ^^''^ a western rather than a southern community, they 

(1819-1821) had slaves and wanted to keep them. When in February, 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) 299 

1819, a bill for admission came up, an antislavery amend- 
ment introduced by James Tallmadge of New York, passed 
the House by the close vote of 87 to 86 ; but the Senate refused 
to accept it, and the bill went over. 

During 1819 many northern legislatures and public meetings 
declared that Missouri must never be a slave state. When 
Congress reassembled in December, 1819, a bill passed the 
House to admit Maine (at that time a " district " of Massachu- 
setts) as a new state ; and another bill for the admission of 
Missouri. To the latter the House, by a test vote of 94 to 86, 
added an amendment prohibiting slavery in Missouri. The 
Senate united the two measures into one bill, but instead of 
the House prohibition accepted the amendment of Senator 
Thomas of Illinois, forever prohibiting slavery in the Louisiana 
Purchase north of 36° 30' north latitude, except in Missouri. 
After a few days of great excitement, the House accepted the 
Thomas amendment as a compromise ; Maine was admitted at 
once, and the people of Missouri were allowed to form a slave- 
holding constitution. 

The Missouri constitution was found to make it the duty of 
the legislature to prevent the coming in of free negroes. This 
provision produced a second uproar and led to a second compro- 
mise, engineered by Henry Clay in 1821, by which the legisla- 
ture of Missouri agreed to make no law infringing on the rights 
of citizens of other states ; and Missouri was at last admitted to 
the Union. 

The essence of the Missouri Compromise was the drawing of 
a geographical line across the Louisiana Purchase, north of 
which there were to be no slaveholding territories, and no 
slaveholding states except Missouri; that is, the act contin- 
ued as far as the western boundary, the old geographical sep- 
aration of slaveholding and free territory along Mason and 
Dixon's line and the line of the Oliio River. The compromise 
thus excluded slavery from the larger pai-t of the Louisiana 




800 



SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) oOl 

Purchase, and also recognized the right of Congress to deal 
with slavery in the territories. 

The compromise had plenty of enemies on both sides. John 
Randolph of Virginia politely called it "a dirty bargain." 
John Quincy Adams, when his friend Calhoun threatened seces- 
sion, made perhaps the first prophecy of a civil war when john 

he asked whether in such a case "the population of the jidams, 

^ '■ Memoirs, 

North . . . would fall back upon its rocks bound hand IV. 530 

and foot to starve, or whether it would not retain its powers of 

locomotion to move southward by land." 



The West began to come forward about the year 1815 as a 
vital part of the nation and as a great political force in the 
national government. It was settled rapidly and tumul- 252. Sum 
tuously, so that in 1820 there were 2,600,000 people west ™*^3 

of the mountains. They came from the East in four main 
streams of settlement : (1) from New England and the mid- 
dle states to the belt of country between the Lakes and the 
Ohio ; (2) across the mountains from Virginia, North Carolina, 
and western Pennsylvania, to build up Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee ; (3) from the South to southern Ohio, Indiana, and Illi- 
nois; (4) from the Carolinas and Georgia westward to build 
up the communities of Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. 

At first the West was all frontier and had many of the dis- 
advantages of frontier life, — poverty, ignorance, and popular 
excitement, — but there was a sound and strong fiber in the 
people. Congress began to recognize the importance of the 
West by building the National lioad and choosing Henry Clay 
to be Speaker ; and the Erie Canal gave an outlet to the sea. 
As a result of slavery, the western communities began to be 
divided, and took part in the great contest of 1820 over the 
admission of Missouri, by which all the region Avest of the 
Mississippi, like that east of it, was divided into a free and a, 
slaveholding section. 



302 



NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 



TOPICS 



SugrereBtive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



(1) What part of the country east of the Mississippi is prairie ? 
(2) What became of the big trees in the West ? (3) Why was 
there no early road from Thiladelphia direetly west to Pittsburg ? 
(4) Why did the western states soon elect their judges ? (5) Why 
was Henry Clay a great Speaker ? (6) How did slaves come to be 
in Missouri ? 

(7) Chicago up to 1829. (8) St. Louis up to 1829. (9) The 
road from Rochester to Buffalo. (10) Plank roads. (11) Flat- 
boats on the Ohio and Mississippi. (12) Indian attacks on river 
travelers. (13) Traveling on the Cumberland Road. (14) Trav- 
eling on the Erie Canal. (1.')) Early western schools. (16) Camp- 
meeting scenes. (17) Early life of Henry Clay. (18) Arguments 
for the Compromise of 1820. (19) Objections to the Compromise. 
(20) Why did the colonization of negroes in Africa fail ? 



REFERENCES 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



niuatrativv 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 291, 300; Scmple, Geographic Conditions, 150- 
168, 246-277 ; Turner, New West. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 119-127, 136; Turner, New 
West; Schouler, United States, II. 205-278, III. 96-109, 134-173 ; 
McMaster, United States, III. 123-142, 459-495, IV. 381-429, 570- 
601, V. 13-18, 170-175; Adams, United States, IX. 148-174; 
Larued, History for Ready Reference, III. 2341, 2925, V. 3359; 
Higginson, Larger History, 390-393, 404-422 ; Wilson, American 
People, III. 234-255; Hinsdale, Old Northicest, 313-328, 351- 
367, 380-392 ; Hosmer, Mississippi Valley, 153-167 ; Sparks, Ex- 
pansion, 220-274; Schurz, Henry Clay, L 1-47, 137-146, 172- 
202 ; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 1-20, 32-40 ; McLaughlin, Lewis 
Cass, 1-33, 95-132 ; Oilman, James Monroe, 128-143, 147-158, 
191-202. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 90-93, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 135-141, 
— Source Readers, III. §§11, 34-39, 42-53; MacDonald, Select 
Documents, nos. 35-42 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 108 ; Caldwell, 
Survey, 142-144, 23.'}-245 ; Johnston, American Orations, II. 
33-101. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Sijllabus, 342-343, — 
Historical Sources, § 83. 

Bryant, Hunter of the Prairies ; Cooper, The Prairie ; J. E. 
Cooke, Leather Stork-iiKj and Silk ; Edward Eggleston, Circuit 
Rider; A. G. Riddle, AnseVs Cave. _ 

Wilson, American People, III. ; Sparks, Expansion. 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 

After the War of 1812 the population, wealth, and national 
feeling of the United States advanced with leaps and bounds. 
An immense export and import trade sprang up again ; 253. Manu- 
and the war taxes brought in so much revenue that they ^^^ ^^^ 
could safely be given up soon after the peace. A com- merce 

mercial treaty with Great Britain (1815) removed some of the 
impediments to trade with that country. In 1818 the question 
of the northern fisheries was adjusted by a treaty with Great 
Britain (still in force) which allows American fishermen three 
privileges : (1) to take fish inshore (that is, inside a line par- 
allel with the coast and three miles from shore) on parts 
of the coast of Newfoundland and Labrador; (2) to dry and 
cure fish on unsettled parts of those coasts ; (3) to enter har- 
bors of settled coasts for shelter, wood, and water. The treaty 
also provided for a boundary on the 49th parallel, from the 
Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains ; and for the joint 
occupation of Oregon, which then meant the disputed region 
between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific. 

The rush of importations was disturbing to the new American 
manufactures. During the embargo times some of the capital 
which could not be used in shipping, went into little mills for 
weaving coarse cottons and woolens. At the outbreak of war 
in 1812 import duties were doubled, and the home manufacturers 
had almost a monopoly of the market ; if foreign importations 
were to be admitted at the old rate of duty after the war ended, 
It seemed more than the home manufacturers could stand. 

303 



304 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

The result was tlie tariff of April 27, 1810, passed by lest 
votes of 25 to 7 in the Senate, and 88 to 54 in the House — a 

254. Pro- tariff which now seems very low, but at the time was 
tarff of thought highly protective. It was supported by a new 
1816 combination : ^^1) Kew England and middle state manu- 
facturers ; (2) western farmers under the leadership of Henry 
Clay ; (3) South Cai'olina planters under John C. Calhoim, who 
interested his constituents by the hope of building up cotton 
manufactures in South Carolina. The strongest opponent was 
John Randolph of Virginia, who said the only question was, 

Contempora- "Whether you, as a planter, will consent to be taxed, 
ries, HI. 435 ill order to hire another man ... to set up a spinning 

jenny." The average rate of duties on dutiable goods in 1811 

was about 15 per cent; by the tariff of 1816 it was raised to 

20 per cent. 

Another evidence of national feeling was the charter of the 

second United States Bank in 1816. The bank founded by 

255. Second Hamilton had expired in 1811, and its place had been 
nationa taken by numerous state banks. After the capture of 
(1816-1819) Washington all the banks, except those of New England, 

suspended specie payments, so that bank notes were the only 
currency. By an act of April 10, 1816, a second United States 
Bank was chartered by Congress, with what was then thought 
the enormous capital of $35,000,000, of which the United States 
was to own one fifth. The main public services of the bank 
were: (1) to furnish sound paper currency, and to influence the 
state banks to pay their notes in specie ; (2) to act as financial 
agent of the government in receiving and paying money ; (3; to 
hold on deposit the government balance, which ranged from 
$3,000,000 to $10,000,000. After one false start and danger 
of failing, the bank established branches far and wide, and did 
a large and profitable business. 

Another significant evidence of national spirit was the atti- 
tude of the Supreme Court from 1801 to 1825, under the 



THE NEW NATIONAL Sl'lRIT (1815-1829) 



305 



256. John 

Marshall 

and the 

Supreme 

Court 



guidance of Chief- Justice Jolm Marshall of A^irginia. INIar- 
shall was born in 1755, served as a captain in the 
Kevolutionary War, studied law, and sat in the state 
legislature and in the Virginia ratifying convention of 
1788. In 1797 he became a Federalist member of the 
House, then Secretary of State, and. near the end of 

Adams's term was ap- 
pointed Chief Justice, and 
held that high office until 
1835. 

Marshall is one of the 
most interesting of Amer- 
icans. He was a simj)le 
householder, who often 
carried home his own tur- 
key from the market, a 
renowned expert in the 
game of quoits, an upright 
Christian gentleman. His 
colleague. Story, said of 
him: "I love his Stonj,StO' 
laugh, ... it is too ''i/. -f- ^67 
hearty for an intriguer, 
and his good temper and unwearied patience are equally agree- 
able on the bench and in the study." Yet he was the greatest 
of American jurists, and his main service was to take advan- 
tage of cases which happened to come before the Supreme 
Court to set forth clearly, logically, and irresistibly the true 
principles of the federal Constitution; and he so influenced 
live judges appointed by Jefferson and Madison that they 
agreed witii him. 

(1) The court defined its own jurisdiction by compelling 
the state courts to permit appeals, even in cases where states 
were parties (case of Cohens vs. Virginia, 1821). 




John Marshall in 1830. 
From the portrait by Harding. 



30G NATIONAL DKVEL()rMP:NT 

(2) The court asserted the constitutionality of the bank and 
the doctrine of implied powers (case of McCulloeh vs. Mary- 
land, 1819). " Let the end be legitimate," said Marshall, " let 
it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which 
are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which 
are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of 
the Constitution, are constitutional." 

(3) The court kept the states to their orbit. It declared 
certain state statutes void, because contrary to the federal Con- 
stitution (case of Fletcher vs. Peck, 1810); and it reached its 
furthest point by declaring that a charter to a private corpora- 
tion is a "contract" which, under the federal Constitution, can 
not be repealed or altered by the state government (Dartmouth 
College case, 1819). 

Most of the great decisions came during the administration 
of Madison's successor, James Monroe, who was chosen Presi- 
257. Era dent in 1816 over the Federalist Rufus King, by 183 elec- 
Feeiine toral votes to 34. Monroe, notwithstanding long experi- 

(1817-1825) ence as diplomat and cabinet officer, was overshadowed 
by four young Republican statesmen, each of whom had a just 
ambition to be President : Henry Clay, Speaker of the House 
and always a critic of the President's policy ; John Quincy 
Adams, Secretary of State, the strongest spirit in the admin- 
istration ; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, then an ardent 
nationalist or supporter of strong federal government; and 
AVilliani H. Crawford of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury, a 
keen politician. Jefferson's opposition to a standing army and 
navy, and to other forms of vigorous national power, was 
ignored by Monroe, who accepted most of the old Federalist 
doctrines. Monroe was reelected without opposition in 1820, 
and by 1822 the Federalist party had died out. Hence the 
period got the name of the Era of Good Feeling, though in 
reality it was full of jealou.sy, intrigue, and disagreement. 
Munroe'.s chief interest was in uur foreign relations. After 



THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-182'J) 307 

the overthrow of Napoleon in 1815, some of the sovereigns of 
Europe entered into an agreement, commonly called " The 
Holy Alliance." They agreed that they would "on all 258. The 
occasions and in all places lend each other aid and '^"^te^ 

assistance"; and they put the Bourbons back on the (1815-1821) 
tlirone of the Spanish empire. Keally the plan was for a 
kind of mutual resistance against revolutions. 

While Spain was occupied by the French, the American 
Spanish colonies became virtually independent, but all except 
La Plata (Argentina) accepted the restored Bourbon king in 
1815. From the Plata in 1817 the flame of revolution swept 
across the continent to Chile, under the leadership of General 
San Martin ; thence northward to Peru and Colombia, then 
called New Granada, where General Simon Bolivar was the 
patriot leader ; and in 1821 it reached Mexico. Except a few 
fortified seaports and the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, all 
the vast possessions of Spain in the new world were turned 
into a group of Spanish-American republics. 

Indirectly the United States helped in the process of extin- 
guishing the Spanish power in America. Besides seizing the 
disputed territory of West Florida (1810-1814), the gov- 259. New 
ernment tried to negotiate a treaty for the annexation of f'i^^hb'*" 
East Florida. Andrew Jackson nearly upset the proceed- (1809-1825) 
ings in 1818, by pursuing the Seminole Indians across the 
border, and then attacking the Spanish posts of St. Marks 
and Pensacola; nevertheless, under John Quincy Adams's 
skillful management, a treaty was negotiated in 1819, under 
which : (1) Spain for a payment of $5,000,000 ceded both 
East Florida and all claims on West Florida; (2) the south- 
western boundary was settled by running an irregular line 
from the mouth of the Sabine River to the source of the 
Arkansas and thence due north to latitude 42° ; (3) the Span- 
iards surrendered all claims on the Pacific coast north of the 
42d parallel. 



308 NAIlnNAI- DKVKI.ol'.MK.NT 

As soon as the treaty was ratified In- Spain in lSl*l, Monroe 
recognized the independence of six Spanish-American powers 
— La Plata, Chile, Peru, Colombia, Mexico, and a Central 
American group. Brazil, till then a Portuguese colony, in 
182o made itself an independent American empire. 

This change in the conditions of South and Central America 
was very welcome to the United States. Our peoide had a 
natural sympathy with neighboring peoples figliting for their 
liberty, and besides, for the first time in history, American 
shipowners and American merchants were allowed "to trade 
freely with Spanish-American ports. 

The benevolence of the Holy Alliance was tested in 1823, 

when the European powers by force put an end to a revolu- 

260 The tion which had broken out in Si)ain against the arbitrary 

Doctrine Bourbons. The restored Spanish government then 

(1823) requested that the European powers help to recover the 

Spanish colonies in America. At about the same time (1821) 

the Russian government laid claim to the exclusive trade and 

occupation of the northwest coast, including part of Oregon ; 

and both tliese acts of interference in America aroused the 

United States. 

At this opportune^ nuiment George Canning, British foreign 
. minister, made the friendly suggestion (August, 1823) to 
Kichard Rush, our minister in England, to join with him in 
a declaration against the transfer of any Latin-American 
(Spanish or Portuguese) state to another European power. 
Monroe Avas inclined to accept Canning's invitation, but 
John Quincy Adams was determined that the United States 
should }uake a separate and independent announcement. 
Monroe yielded to the stronger mind of his secretary, and 
allowed him to draft that part of the message of December 2, 
1823, which has been commonly called the Monroe Doctrine. 
It contains three main statements on the American question : — 

(1) On colonization : while speaking of the northwest eoafit, 



THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 309 

Moiiroo said that "the American continents, by tlie free and 
independent condition which they have assumed and main- 
tain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European powers." 

(2) On interposition : in discussing the proposed interven- 
cion by European powers against the Latin-American states, 
the message says that " interposition for the purpose of oppress- 
ing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, 
by any European power" would be considered unfriendly to 
the United States. 

(3) On the European political system : the doctrine runs, 
"We should consider any attempt on their part to extend their 
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
peace and safety." 

Monroe meant his doctrine to be peaceful and harmonizing. 
His argument was, in substance : (1) since the United States 
does not interfere in European controversies, we should not 
permit third parties to interfere in the new world in quarrels 
not their own ; (2) we are not hostile to existing colonies of 
European powers, but it is contrary to our interest that Latin- 
American territory be conquered and occupied by foreign pow- 
ers. The Monroe Doctrine accomplished its j^urpose : all 
schemes of European intervention were given up ; and Russia 
forthwith made treaties with the United States and Great 
Britain, accepting as the southern boundary of Russian America 
the parallel of 54° 40' north latitude. 

The next exciting event in the United States was the presi- 
dential election of 1824, in which the alleged "Era of Good 
Feeling" disappeared. Crawford got the coveted nomi- 261. Elec- 
nation by a caucus of Republican members of Congress tio°ofl824 
in 1824 ; but that way of making nominations had grown unpop- 
ular. Other candidates were put forward by the new method 
of nomination by state legislatures — John Quincy Adams in 
New England, Henry Clay in Kentucky and several other 



310 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

"western states, ami Andrew Jackson in Tennessee. Calhovni 
accepted the almost unqpposed nomination for Vice President. 

Of all these nominations the most unexpected was that of 
Andrew Jackson. Jackson was of Scotch-Irish descent, born 
in 1767 among the poor whites of North Carolina. He studied 
law and went out to Tennessee in 1788, and was successively 
public prosecutor, member of Congress (179C), and federal 
senator (1797), then judge of the supreme court of Tennessee. 
Always a testy man, he lived in a part of the country where 
private warfare was thought a fine thing; he fought several 
duels and killed one man. He commanded at New Orleans 
in 1815, and in Indian campaigns in 1817 to 1819. 

It was a hot and bitter campaign, full of personalities. The 
electoral votes turned out to be 99 for Jackson, 84 for Adams, 
41 for Crawford, and 37 for Henry Clay. There being no 
majority of electoral votes, the choice went to the House of 
Representatives, where Adams Avas elected by the vote of 13 
states to 7 for Jackson and 4 for Crawford (February 9, 1825). 
The Jackson men insisted that inasmuch as their candidate 
had more electoral votes than Adams the " will of the people " 
was defeated ; and a friend of Jackson also brought forward 
the totally unfounded charge that Adams had bought his elec- 
tion by promising to make Clay Secretary of State. Jackson 
seems never to have doubted the truth of this slander. 

No man of his time was better qualified than John Quincy 

Adams, by character and training, for his great office. As 

262 Presi- Federalist senator from Massachusetts in 1807, he voted 

dent John for Jefferson's embargo, and was thereupon dropped by his 

Quincy 

Adams own party. He became a Republican, minister to Russia, 

(1825-1829) Qj^g Qf i]^Q peace commissioners at Ghent, minister to Eng- 
land, and from 1817 to 1825 Secretary of State. Adams was 
by nature an expansionist. He would have liked to annex 
Canada; he was especially interested in Cuba; he wanted to 
buy Texas ; he got rid of both Spanish and Russian claims 



THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 



311 




to the Oregon region ; and he went farther than Monroe in his 
interest in our Spanish-American neighbors. 

A methodical, able, and hard-working President, just and 
honorable in all his public and private relations, Adams was 
still cold in manner, and 
had few close and warm 
friends till he retired from 
the presidency. He was 
then elected to the House 
(1830) and spent seven- 
teen years there, in which 
he revealed magnificent 
power as a debater and 
became the champion of 
the North. 

Hardly had Adams be- 
come President when the 
United States was invited 
to send delegates to a 
congress at Panama, in 1826, to consult on the common affairs 
of America. The Senate hung back, and the President and 
his Secretary of State, Clay, were obliged to cut down the 
powers of the commissioners. The congress was a failure, 
and our delegates arrived too late for the meeting. During 
much of his term as President, Adams found hiiiKelf checked 
and humiliated at every turn by partisan opposition in Con- 
gress, and could carry through none of his plans. ■ 

The tariff of 1816 did not bring prosperity to the country. 
Overtrading and speculation continued; the duties did not 
shut out foreign goods, and hence did not suit the manu- 263. The 
facturers. In 1819 there was a commercial panic. A 1^34 ^nd 
new tariff, drawn up in 1820, was defeated in the Senate 1828 

by one vote. In 1824 a tariff was passed by narrow majorities 
in both Houses (May 22), which raised duties somewhat, 



John Quincy Adams, about 1825. 
From the portrait by Stuart. 



yi2 NATIONAL DEVKLOl'MKNT 

and for the first time taxed certain raw materials of New 
England manufactures, including raw wool. The strongest 
northern opponent of the tariff m 1824 was Daniel Webster, 
member from a shipowning district, who declared that "the 
Wpbsi r ga^inval sense of this age sets, with a strong current, in 
n'orks, favor of freedom of commercial intercourse, and unre- 

strained individual action." The great champion of the 
tariff was Henry Clay, who argued for his " American System." 
A strong and persistent objection to protective tariffs, 
whether high or low, made itself felt in the South, where the 
hopes of establishing manufactures with slave labor had come 
to nothing. In 1828 a new tariff bill was introduced into Con- 
gress, and was now supported by Webster on the ground that 
his constituents had in good faith changed their investments 
over to manufactures. Opponents of the bill introduced 
amendments raising the duties on raw materials, in the ex- 
pectation that the friends of the bill would vote against it 
in its amended form, and it therefore became known as " The 
Tariff of Abominations." Nevertheless, it became a law (May 
19, 1828). The average rate of duty paid on dutiable goods 
rose from 36 per cent in 1826 to 49 per cent in 1830 — the 
highest tariff in the United States up to the Civil War. 

Protests rained upon Congress. The Boston moneyed men 
protested ; four southern legislatures protested ; most impor- 
264. Dis- tant of all. South (^arolina and John C. Calhoun pro- 
content tested. At first a strong advocate of a national bank, 
over the "^ ' 

tariff a tariff, and internal improvements, in the confidence 

that the federal government would help develop his own state 
of South Carolina, Calhoun gradually came to see tiiat Con- 
gress could do little for a state which hud no manufactures, 
and which depended on slave labor. 

In 1828 Calhoun wrote a long argument, called The Expo- 
sition (published without his name), in which he argued not 
only that a protective tariff was unconstitutional, but that any 



THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 313 

state had a right to nullify a federal law which it thought 
unconstitutional, by forbidding it to be executed within the 
state limits : if other states disagreed, they might call a con- 
vention, and unless three fourths of the states in that conven- 
tion approved the law, it would have to be abandoned (see 
§ 273). 

People began to tire of personal rivalries in politics, and 
to look for questions which really divided the nation. After 
the disappearance and supposed murder of one Morgan, 265. Elec- 
who had revealed secrets of the fraternity of Free ^^o^otli2B 
Masons, an attempt was made to found an Anti-masonic Party , 
in 1827 ; but opposition to free masonry was not a national or 
a permanent issue. 

In the election of 1828 the only candidates for the presidency 
were Adams and Jackson; and the only vital issue was the 
personal one, whether Adams was a good man who deserved 
reelection, or Jackson was a representative of the people who 
ought to supplant him. Adams was the subject of scurrilous 
campaign literature ; it was charged " that he was rich ; that 
he was in debt ; that he had long enjoyed public office." On 
the other side an Adams man printed a "coffin handbill," 
charging Jackson with the illegal execution of six men thir- 
teen years before on a technical charge of desertion. 

Jackson's election was almost assured in advance by a com- 
bination of the West and South with Pennsylvania and New 
York, a majority of the electoral votes of which was turned 
over to Jackson by Martin Van Buren, head of the so-called 
Albany Regency. Jackson got 178 electoral votes to 83 ; and 
his popular vote was about 650,000 to 500,000 for Adams. As 
an enthusiastic friend and admirer of Jackson says, " General 
Jackson was therefore triumphantly elected President of the 
United States in the name of reform and as the standard 
bearer of the people." 



814 MATloNAL l)i;VKL(tl'MKNT 

During the fifteen yours from the close of the Wai of 1812 to 
the end of John Quincy Achuns's administration, all sections 
266. Sum- called upon the federal government to make a new finan- 
^^^7 eial and economic system. Congress responded by creat- 

ing the second United States Bank (liilOj, which became a 
sound and useful institution, affording a good currency and ex- 
ercising a healthful influence on the state banks. Except the 
Cumberland Road, national internal improvements failed for 
the time because of ^Madison s and Monroe's vetoes of 1817 
and 1822. The protective tariff of 1816 satisfied nobody, and 
every four years thereafter new bills were introduced, two of 
which were passed in 1824 and 1828. Each raised the rate 
of duties over the previous ones ; duties on raw materials were 
added, and the ''Tariff" of Abominations" caused widespread 
protect, and in South Carolina led to threats of "nullification." 

The revolt of the Spanish-American colonies gave new 
neighbors and new anxieties to the United States, which 
soon recognized the independence of the new states. When 
a European alliance attempted to interfere in the new world, 
the United States gave a warning in the Monroe Doctrine. 

In politics the Federalist party died out, partly because of 
its un})Opular course during the War of 1812, in spite of the 
fact that its chief principles had been accepted by the other 
party, and were api)lied by the Supreme Court. When the 
Kepublicans had no other enemies, they fell into personal fac- 
tions; and the elections of 1824 and 1828 turned not on na- 
tional issues, but on personal preferences. 

TOPICS 

SuggeBtive (1) Why did Great Britain give a privilege of fishing inside the 

topics three-mile limit ? (2) Why was a joint occupation agreed on for 

Oregon? (3) Why did Calhoun favor a tariff in 1816 ? (4) Why 
did John Randolph oppose a tariff ? (5) Why did the Republicans 
take over tiie Federalist principles ? ((>) On what ground did 
Jackson invade Florida ? (7) Un what grounds did Russia claim 



THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 



315 



the northwest coast? (8) Why was the caucus system of nomi- 
nation unpopular in 1824 ? (i)) Wliy was Jackson's nomination 
unexpected in 1824 ? 

(10) Disputes on the tariff'of 1816 ; of 1820 ; of 1824 ; of 1828. Search 
(11) John Marshall's character and private life. (12) William °P^°^ 
H. Crawford's public life. (13) Revolutions in Spanish America 
from 1800 to 1820. (14) Debates in the Cabinet in 1823 on the 
Monroe Doctrine. (15) Andrew Jackson as a judge. (16) Charge 
of a corrupt bargain between Clay and Adams. (17) Protests 
against the tariff of 1824. (18) John C. Calhoun as a nationalist. 
(19) Calhoun's doctrine of nullification as set forth in the Exposi- 
tion of 1828. 

REFERENCES 



Secondary 
authorities 



See map, p. 300 ; Turner, New West. 

Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 120-125, 128-140 ; Wilson, 
Division and Beunion, §§ 8-10, 25-27 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 106- 
150 ; Turner, New West ; Schouler, United States, II. 446-463, III. 
1-96, 109-133, 173-178, 189-450; McMaster, United States, III. 
496-514, IV. 280-380, 430-521, V. ; Adams, United States, IX. 106- 
148, 187-197 ; Gay, Bryant's History, IV, 244-259, 276-296 ; Gordy, 
Political Parties, II. 333-389, 445-581 ; Peck, Jacksonian Epoch, 
1-122 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 66-80 ; Stanwood, American 
Tariff Controversies, I. 111-348 ; Hart, Foundations of American 
Foreign Policy, 211-218 ; Latan^, United States and Spanish Amer- 
ica, 9-105 ; Sato, Land Question, 53-60 ; Gilman, James Munroe, 
143-147, 159-179 ; Morse, J. Q. Adams, 107-118, 122-219; Schurz, 
Henry Clay, I. 126-171, 203-311 ; Sumner, And'reio Jackson, 60- 
150; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 87-117; Thayer, John Marshall; 
Lodge, Daniel Webster, 60-166 ; Shepard, Martin Van Buren, 
88-176. 

Hart, Source Headers, III. § 10, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 130, Sources 
132-134, 142-150; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 33, 34, 
43-45 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 4, 24 ; Old South Leaflets, 
nos. 56, 129 ; Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations, nos. 3, 
4, pp. 1-31 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, chs. xix. xx. ; Caldwell, Sur- 
vey, 208-214, 227-233, — Territorial Development, 105-126. See 
N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 341, 344, — Historical 
Sources, § 83. 

Gustave Aimard, Queen of the Savannah (Spanish-American illustrative 
independence). works 

Wilson, American People, III. Pictures 

hart's amer. hist. — 19 



CHAPTER XXL 
NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 

When Jackson became President in 1829, the principles of 
American democratic government had in many ways advanced 
267 Amer ^^^^^ farther than in 1789 : (1) many of the states had 
ican democ- rid themselves of the old property and tax qualifications 
°^ for voters ; (2) nearly all the state officers, including 

judges, were elected by popular vote instead of being chosen 
by the legislature or governor, as formerly ; (3) the property 
qualifications for officers were diminished or had disappeared ; 
(4) by the system of " rotation in office " state and local 
officers were chosen for short terms, and rarely reelected more 
than once or twice; (5) minor officers in most states and 
municipalities were likely to be removed when the opposi- 
tion party got into power ; (6) the cities were growing rapidly 
and demanded new forms of government. 

Politics, too, had lost its old simplicity. The party news- 
papers were still unscrupulous and abusive, and there were 
some leaders of the type now called party bosses. The party 
in power in a state tried to keep in power by distributing 
offices as rewards to its followers. Parties often tried to per- 
petuate their power by the " gerrymander " — that is, by so ar- 
ranging the boundaries of electoral districts that their friends 
should carry some districts by small majorities and their op- 
ponents should carry fewer districts by large majorities, so 
that the minority might rule. Violence at the polls was fre- 
quent, and fraud was not unknown. 

The most noted representative of the new democratic prin- 

316 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 



817 



ciples was President Andrew Jackson; and, except Clay, no 
man in all the West was so widely known, so experienced in 
public affairs, and so capable of making quick decisions. 268. An- 
In personal appearance Jackson was tall and spare, with ^«^ J^^^- 
a high forehead and a great mane of hair, which silvered man of re 
while he was President. A lion to his enemies, Jackson sponsibility 
was the soul of courtesy, and to ladies almost a Don Quixote. 

All his life long he was accustomed 
to lead in the community and in the 
army; hence he was over quick to 
make up his mind, and when he had 
once come to a conclusion, could not 
be moved from it. A political hu- 
morist of the time makes him say, 
"It has always bin my way, 

l^CttCVS Of 

when I git a notion, to stick to Jack 

it till it dies a natural death; -»o«"»»S' 
and the more folks talk agin my 
notions, the more I stick to 'em." 

Oji the whole Jackson's instincts 
were right ; he hated monopoly and 
corporate greed and private advan- 
tage from public office. He saw 
much better than most men of his 
time the dangers likely to result 
from the national government's try- 
ing to help the states and the business men. His fault was that 
he looked upon the government as a kind of military organiza- 
tion in which it was treason to the country to interfere with 
the orders of the commanding general. If he had a prejudice 
against a man, he thought that man his enemy, and because 
Jackson's enemy, of course an enemy to his country. Yet it 
is true that Jackson was a living representative of the opin- 
ions of a majority of the voters in the United States. 




Andrew Jackson, 
ABOUT 1830. 

From an old print of Earle's 
portrait. 



318 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Jackson's military principles were carried into his appoint- 
ments. His Cabinet had no eminent member except Martin 
269. Ap- ^^^ Buren, the Secretary of State, " The Little Magician," 

poiiitments renowned for his urbanity and political shrewdness, 
and re- 
movals Alongside his official Cabinet was the coterie of personal 

(1829-1837) fi-iends satirically called the "Kitchen Cabinet," which 
contained the real advisers of the President, including Van 
Buren; Major Eaton, Secretary of War; Amos Kendall, later 
brought into the post office to dismiss the local postmasters ; 
and Duff Green, editor of the Tclefjraj)}!, the Jackson organ. 
It was a mistake to api)oint other men to the Cabinet whom 
he did not care to consult. 

Never befoie tliat time had a President been so beset with 
office seekers; and the principal way in which vacancies could 
be found was by ejecting those who already held office. To the 
day of his death Jackson declared that no man was removed 
without a reason ; but he was easily persuaded that hundreds 
of important officers were lazy, or corrupt, or political parti- 
sans. Hence in his eight years he removed 252 of tlie 610 
officers appointed by the President ; and nobody knows how 
many clerks and subordinates went with their chiefs. The 
vacancies thus made were filled without much discrimination, 
and the Senate threw out many of his nominations. Yet it 
is an injustice to Jackson to hold him responsible for bring- 
ing the system of partisan politics to Washington. He really 
meant to carry out what he called "the task of reform," but 
he demoralized the public service, because he took the advice 
of people intent cliiefly on their own political fortunes. 

Jackson's character was clearly brought out in his quarrel 

with the United States Bank. That bank had powerful 

•on'B war rivals in the western state banks, of which, in 1829, there 

U°\ed were about three hundred. Another set of enemies was 

states Bank created when Biddle, president of the bank, refused to 
(1829-1832) 

remove some branch bank officers and to substitute Jack- 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 319 

son men (1829). Its most dangerous enemy was Jackson, be- 
cause he represented an enormous constituency of farmers and 
small traders who were convinced that the eastern capitalists 
were getting more than their share of the annual products of 
the country. Jackson believed also, and with reason, that the 
bank sooner or later would become a political force. 

Accordingly, beginning in his message of 1829, year after 
year Jackson repeated a warning that the bank was dangerous, 
unsound, and unconstitutional ; till, in 1832, as the presidential 
election was approaching, the friends of the bank, under Clay's 
leadership, made up their minds to force the issue into the 
campaign. They therefore passed a recharter bill in both 
houses, four years before the charter of 1816 was to expire; 
and Jackson, as was expected, vetoed it (July 10, 1832). 

The bank question was for a time pushed aside by the threats 
of South Carolina to nullify the offensive tariff acts. The tem- 
per of the states was shown in a debate in the Senate 271. Nulli- 
in 1830, in which Senator Hayne stood up for the right debates 
of a state to declare a federal statute void (§ 273). (1828-1832) 
Webster of Massachusetts seized the opportunity in his 
" Second Reply to Hayne," to protest, with all his match- 
less eloquence and national spirit, against the doctrines of 
the South Carolina Exposition of 1828, written by Vice- 
President Calhoun (§ 274). Jackson's position on nullifica- 
tion was not clearly made known till April, 1830, when, at 
a dinner on Jefferson's birthday, he was called on for a toast 
and gave " Our Federal Union : it must be preserved." A 
few weeks later Jackson quarreled with Calhoun on private 
grounds, and broke off relations with the Vice President. 

A last effort was made to get Congress to reduce the offen- 
sive tariff, and a new tariff was passed (July 14, 1832) ; but 
Clay saw to it that the protective duties of 1824 were left in, 
and some of them raised ; though the average rate of duty was 
reduced to about 34 per cent. 



320 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

In the presidential campaign of 1832, the direct issue was the 

bank. For the first time delegates gathered in general party 

272. Poll- conventions. The anti-Jackson men met in a " National 

uU'^ f Republican Convention," made the first national party 

(1832-1833) platform, and nominated Henry Clay. Jackson had 

already been nominated by members of several state legislar 

tures, and his nomination was confirmed by a " Democratic 

National Convention," which also adopted the two-thirds rule 

for making nominations, and proposed Van Buren for Vice 

President. The election showed part of New England, with 

Maryland, Delaware, and Kentucky, for Clay, and the rest of 

the South (except South Carolina) and the West, with Pennsylr 

vania and New York, for Jackson, who had 219 electoral votes 

to 49 for Clay, and 690,000 popular votes to 530,000. 

Jackson accepted the election of 1832 as an approval of his 
past course, and also of all the things that he meant to do in 
the future; and something had to be done very soon in 
South Carolina. A convention of that state, elected for the 
purpose, passed an ordinance, November 24, 1832, declaring 
the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 to be " null, void, and no law, 
nor binding upon this State, its officers or citizens." This 
action Jackson treated as a personal affront. He sent General 
Scott to Charleston to arrange for defending the customhouse, 
and he issued a proclamation (December 11), warning the people 
of South Carolina against " the illegal and disorganizing action 
of the convention." At Jackson's request, an act, popularly 
called the "Force Bill" or "Bloody Bill," was passed by Con- 
gress (March 2, 1833), giving the President more power to raise 
forces to meet such a crisis. 

South Carolina began to raise troops, and the country was 
full of excitement. Calhoun resigned the vice presidency and 
came back to the Senate in 1833, in order to defend his doc- 
trines in debates with Webster. In the end South Carolina 
really carried her point, for the majority of Congress believed 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 



321 



that the South was wronged by the tariff, and under Clay's 
leadersKip, by the Compromise Tariff of 1833 (March 2), pro- 
vided that the rates should be reduced at intervals till 1842, 
when they were all to come down to 20 per cent. The object 
of nullification having been accomplished without applying it, 
all plans of resistance were dropped by South Carolina. 

For the ideas and arguments behind the nullification move- 
ment, we look to the addresses and speeches of John C. Calhoun. 
Calhoun came of the vigorous Scotch-Irish race, was born 273. State 

in 1782 in South Carolina, and entered Congress in 1811. ^, rights 

' ° theories of 

As Monroe's Secretary of War (1817-1825) he was very Calhoun 

efficient, and as Vice President (1825-1832) he was long 
looked upon as the probable successor to Jackson. In 1828 
he made a square turn 
against national powers 
and worked out his doc- 
' trine of nullification — 
a claim which was a 
magazine of argument for 
the secessionists at the 
time of the Civil War. 
It may be divided into 
three parts — the griev- 
ance, the nature of the 
federal government, and 
the remedy : — 

(1) Calhoun's griev- 
ance was that without 
any constitutional war- 
rant, by the ''tyranny 
of the majority," the 
tariff took a tax out of 
the pocket of the planters, and brought them no advantage. 

(2) His theory of the government was that " the Union is 




John C. Calhoun, about 1850. 
From a daguerreotype. 



322 



NATIONAL DEVP:L()PMENT 



a union of states and not of individuals " ; that the Constitution 
is a " compact " made by the states, and as in any other con- 
tract, if the states on one side failed to observe tlie limitations 
of the Constitution, the other states were freed from their obliga- 
tion ; that the federal government had no independent existence, 
but was only an "agency." 

(3) Calhoun shrank from the logical remedy, secession ; 
and proposed, instead, the remedy of "nullification," by which 
the people of South Carolina were simply to refuse to obey 
the tariff acts. For the federal government to bring suits to 
enforce the acts, or to use force, seemed to Calhoun's mind an 
act of war, which would dissolve the Union; and he had no 
doubt that other states would 
come to the rescue. 

The spokesman of the national 
theory of the government was 

274 Nation- Daniel Webster, born in 

oJ Dantr 1782, in New Hampshire, a 

Webster graduate of Dartmouth Col- 
lege. In 1813 he was sent to Con- 
gress from New Hampshire; then 
in 1823 from Massachusetts, and 
in 1828 to a senator's seat from 
Massachusetts, which he occupied 
most of his life thenceforth, with 
two intervals of service as Secre- 
tary of State. Webster's theory 
of the government was substan- 
tially as follows : — 

(1) He scouted the idea that the Constitution is a com- 
pact, and called it an "instrument of government " for a nation. 
"It is, Sir, the people's Constitution, . . . made by the people, 
and answerable to the people. . . . We are all agents of the 
same supreme power, the people." 




^ ^ 



DaMKI. W'kHSTKR, ABOl t 1S40. 

From the portrait by llaiding. 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 323 

(2) In language which rang throughout the Union, he denied 
the right of nullification and declared the great principle that 
the states could no more destroy the Union than the Union 
could destroy the states ; for both were founded on the consent 
of the American people, taken as a whole. 

(3) On the question who should decide in disputes as to 
federal powers, he held that the Constitution provided a mode 
" for bringing all questions of constitutional power to the final 
decision of the Supreme Court." 

Webster's speeches were widely read and became the familiar 
doctrine in the North, especially in the crisis of the Civil War. 
One of the phrases just quoted appears in a little different 
form in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address of 1863. 

The rivalry of South and North in part grew out of changes 
in the industrial conditions of the country. There was an im- 
mense development in raw materials, especially coal ; and 275. Changes 
the manufacture of pig iron was much cheapened when tral^° d^ 
it was found that instead of charcoal or coke, anthracite tions 

coal could be used (1838) ; and then that bituminous coal would 
answer (1846). Illuminating gas, first made in America in 
1816, gave another new use for coal. 

In the twenty years from 1820 to 1840 more labor-saving in- 
ventions were brought forward than in the whole history of 
mankind before. The American manufacture of edge tools 
began ; the invention of planing machines revolutionized wood- 
working ; platform scales were introduced ; the Nasmy th steam 
hammer was patented in 1842 ; the iron cook stove was put on 
the market about 1840 ; friction matches (invented in England 
in 1827) slowly began to take the place of the old flint and 
steel ; the first crude Colt's revolver was patented in 1835. To 
furnish power for cotton and woolen mills, paper mills, and 
other industries, dams were built on the falls of the invers in 
the eastern, middle, and southern states ; and presently the 
manufacturing towns of Manchester, Nashua, Lowell, Lawrence, 




324 



326 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Holyoke, Cohoes, Trenton, and others, grew up. The methods 
of farming were changed by farm machinery. In 1834 McCor- 
mick patented the first horse reaper, the basis of the present 
elaborate mowers and reapers. About 1840 iiwproved thrash- 
ing machines began to be used. 

The ocean shipping interest was less affected, although 
steam coasters began to come in ; and in 1819 the ship Savan- 
nah, with auxiliary steam power, voyaged from New York to 
Savannah and thence to Liverpool. The steamers Simis 
and Great Western crossed the ocean from England, in 1838, 
practically under steam alone; and two years later a regular 
steamship line was established from Boston to Liverpool. 
Nevertheless, the bulk of ocean freight was still carried in 
wooden sailing ships, and the American clipper ship was con- 
sidered the best in the world. 

For internal commerce the success of the Erie Canal led to 
great undertakings by other states. Pennsylvania began a 
276. Inter- canal system across the Alleghanies in 1826, and six 
DrovMnents y*'^^^ later had a railroad from Philadelphia to Columbia, 
(1825-1841) a canal thence to the base of the mountains, an inclined 
road for hauling the boats in sections over the mountains, and 
a canal from the other side to Pittsburg. Several side canals 
were also constructed by Pennsylvania, including one from the 
Ohio River to Lake Erie (finished 1844). Ohio in 1825 entered 
upon the construction of canals from several places on the 
Ohio River to Lake Erie. Indiana spent $8,000,000, and the 
476,000 people of Illinois ran into debt $14,000,000, or $30 
a head. In 1837 Congress began to make large gifts of public 
land m aid of state and private canals. A few important 
canals were built by private corporations, especially the Dela- 
ware and Hudson (1820), and the Schuylkill Navigation (1818- 
1825) for carrying coal. Eventually about six thousand miles 
of canals were constructed in tlie United States, of which less 
than one thousand miles are now in use. 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 327 

The growth in the average size of seagoing vessels called 
attention to the need of deepening and otherwise improving 
the harbors. In 1824 Congress began to make small appro- 
priations for such purposes. Jackson was much opposed to 
spending government money for what seemed to him only- 
private or local advantage, and therefore he vetoed a bill for a 
government road from Maysville on the Ohio toward Tennessee 
(1830) ; and he refused to sign several harbor bills. Still, many 
such improvements were made by Congress, among them the 
beginning of the Delaware breakwater in 1829. 

All other forms of internal improvement were soon cast 
into the shade by railroads, which suddenly cheapened trans- 
portation, stimulated travel, and built up new states and 077 p- 
cities. Tramways for carrying heavy loads were built railroads 
in 1807 near Boston, and in 1810 near Philadelphia. <1830-1840) 
Railroads were soon begun westward from Albany, Phila- 
delphia, Baltimore, and Charleston ; but in 1830 only 122 
miles had been built by the various companies, all for cars 
to be drawn by horses. 

Soon after 1830 several great changes came about in rail- 
roads. An imported steam locomotive was introduced in 
1829 for the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company; in 1830 
Peter Cooper built an American locomotive for the Baltimore 
and Ohio, whereby horses were displaced. The inclined 
planes with stationary engines, which were introduced on 
many railroads, were replaced by continuous tracks ; and on 
some roads coal was used as a fuel instead of wood. In 1834 
the first long railroad in the world was completed — 136 
miles from Charleston, South Carolina, to Hamburg, opposite 
Augusta. 

The first railroads had stone sleepers, or were built on piles 
driven along the line of the road. At right angles to the 
sleepers were laid the rails, wooden stringers about six inches 
square ; to these were spiked short lengths of wrought iron 




328 



NKVV POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 329 

strips perhaps half an inch thick, and the curling up of the 
loosely attached irons was a common source of accident. The 
cars were at first modeled on the old stagecoaches, but the 
roads soon began to build the long car with a platform at 
each end and an aisle through the middle. Trains ran about 
fifteen miles an hour, and the early fares were three or four 
cents a mile. As there was no system of train dispatching, 
accidents were frequent. 

At first anybody who could pay the tolls was allowed to run 
his cars on the tracks; but after locomotives came in, it was 
seen that both the roadbed and the motive power must be 
managed together. Several states looked on railroads as only 
a new type of public highway ; and Massachusetts, Pennsyl- ' 
vania, Georgia, North Carolina, Michigan, and other states 
built lines of state railroad; others aided new roads with 
grants of money. Since many roads ran from one state into 
another, state ownership was difficult ; and state management 
was expensive and clumsy ; hence eventually most of the 
states sold or leased their lines to private companies. 

The commercial question that most interested Jackson re 
lated to the United States Bank, which he attacked unre 
lentingly because be thought it secretly bankrupt. In 27b Jack- 
September, 1883, he ordered his Secretary of the Treas- ^""Jjofgress 
ury, Duane, to stop depositing in the bank. When (1832-1836) 
Duane refused, Jackson removed him and appointed Eoger B. 
Taney, who gave the necessary orders. Though it is the right 
of the President to perform even ill-judged actions within 
his constitutional powers, subject only to public opinion, the 
Senate passed a resolution of censure on the President; but the 
country showed its approval in 1834 by electing majorities of 
Jackson men to both House and Senate. The deposits were 
never restored, and when the national charter expired in 1836, ' 
the bank could go on only under a Pennsylvania state charter. 

Jackson's foreign policy was fiery, but on the whole sue- 



330 



NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 



cessful. He got from Great Britain tlie loiig-dcsired privilege 
of carrying on West India trade in American ships (1830). 
And by rather undignified threats, he compelled (1836) a settle- 
ment of the "French Spoliation Claims" for captures of Amer- 
ican merchantmen, claims which had been running thirty years. 
The most serious foreign question of Jackson's time was the 
attitude of the United States toward the new intlppendent 
279. Ee- nation of Texas. The name " Texas" was applied by the 
Texas^ ° Spaniards and Mexicans to the region lying along the 
(1819-1836) Gulf coast, beyond the western boundary of the United 
States. Into northern and central Texas Americans began to go 
in 1819, under the leadership of Moses Austin and Stephen F. 

Austin, who got large 
land grants. The 
Americans accepted 
the government of 
Mexico when that 
power became inde- 
pendent (1821), but 
in 1829, when the 
Mexican government 
abolished slavery, the 
Texans continued to 
hold their slaves, and 
to encourage other 
Americans to come in. 
In the hope of bring- 
ing the wandering 
children again under 
Texas Boundary Controversy. tj^^ home roof, both 

John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson made several vain 
attempts to buy Texas. 

By 1835 the spirit of independence was so strong that the 
Texans resisted a Mexican force under General Santa Anna, 




GULS OF 

MExrco 



NEW rOLraCAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 



331 



the Mexican dictator. In March, 1836, under Sam Houston, 
a friend of Jackson, they declared their independence, drew 
up a national constitution, and made slavery a fundamental 
part of the government. Four days later a fortified convent, 
the Alamo in San Antonio, was taken by a Mexican army after 
a brave defense, and every man within it was killed. This 
massacre sowed undying hatred, and the Texans were too 
well organized and too good fighters ever to be conquered 
by Mexico. They desired to be annexed by the United 
States; and it might have been brought about had not the 
North protested against an annexation which would strengthen 
the slave power. In October, 1836, the Texan congress claimed 
a boundary "to the month of the Rio Grande, thence up the 
principal stream of the said river to its source." 

The Texans fought not only the Mexicans but also the In- 
dians upon their borders. Their neighbors east of the Missis- 
sippi found the In- gg^ j^^.^ 

diau problem less difficulties 

1 •, (1824-1837) 

Simple, as was shown ^ ' 

in a long-standing contro- 
versy between the Chero- 
kees and Georgia. 

Within the boundaries 
of Georgia in 1824 were 
about fifty thousand 
Creeks, Cherokees, and 
Indians of other tribes, 
who occupied reservations 
of eleven million acres, 
not subject to the laws of 
Georgia. A few Creek 
chiefs in 1825 signed a 
treaty for the cession of the Creek lands. The Indians tried to 
nullify the treaty by killing those who signed it ; but the state 



CHEROKEE ,-'<S'),--''/o\ 




20 40 60 80 



Indian Cessions in Georgia. 



832 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

of Georgia insisted on its right to survey the land, and, when 
President Adams interfered, threatened to fight. Thereupon 
the Cherokees, a rich people settled ou farms, made a new tribal 
constitution (1827), which showed that they meant to remain 
indefinitely as a separate community within the boundaries of 
Georgia. That state, without waiting for a treaty or for the 
consent of the federal government, extended her authority over 
the Cherokee territory, shut the Indians out of the state courts, 
and made it a crime for white missionaries, or any other white 
people, to remain within the Cherokee country except on a 
license from the state of Georgia. President Adams was help- 
less, and the controversy went over to the next administration. 
Jackson had never loved the Indians ; and when he became 
President, he quickly solved the difficulty with the Chero- 
kees by ruling that Georgia " possessed a right to extend her 
municipal jurisdiction over them." When the Cherokees 
made up a test case, and the Supreme Court decided that 
Georgia had no jurisdiction over the Indian country (1832), 
Jackson said, " John Marshall has made his decision, now 
let him enforce it." The Cherokees yielded to their fate. 
In 1834 Congress set apart the Indian Territory west of the 
Mississippi River, to which the Cherokees were transferred, 
together with the Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Semi- 
noles. The same policy of removal was applied to the tribes 
of the Northwest, causing in 1832 a brief Indian war — the 
Black Hawk War — in Illinois. Part of the Seminoles came 
back to Florida and for ten years about fifty warriors defied 
the United States army, and cost the federal government 
$20,000,000. These wars practically ended the long friction 
between the two races, east of the Mississippi. 

The purpose of removing the Indians was to open up land for 
281. Immi- white settlers. In 1820 the United States ceased selling 
publiclands ^^^ ^^°^ °^ credit, and made laws under which any pur- 
(1820-1840) chaser could buy any quantity of land at a maximum 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 



3S3 



price of fl.25 an acre, or $200 a quarter section. The 
demand for laborers brought a strong current of immigra- 
tion from abroad. Between 1820 and 1829 about 110,000 
people came; in the next decade, over 500,000 people, many 
of whom went straight out to make homes on the frontier. 
From 1820 to 1840 the population of the West increased 
from 2,600,000 to 7,000,000. Chicago in 1833 had 150 Contempora- 
wooden houses, and a visitor said of it, "Almost every per- ^^*'» ^^^- ^^-' 
son I met regarded Chicago as the germ of an immense city." 





Chicago in 1832. (From an old print.) 

The result of immigration and speculation was an unex- 
ampled demand for public lands ; in the two years 1835 and 
1836 the United States received $40,000,000 from this source 
alone. To prevent the accumulation in the treas>ury of a 
surplus from the lands, various plans were suggested : (1) to 
give the lands to the states ; (2) to reserve the lands in small 
tracts for actual settlers ; (3) to distribute among the states 
the surplus from the sales of land. Clay favored the third 
plan, but Jackson in 1833 prevented it by a veto of a distribu- 
tion bill. 



334 NATIONAL DKVELOI'.MENT 

The election f)f 1886 was {uaitically settled befoiehaiul hy 

Jackson, who selected Van linien, required the Democratic 

282 The convention to nominate him, and by his own popu- 

panic of larity pulled his candidate through. The opposition 

was too discouraged to make a party nomination, and 

Van Buren got 170 electoral votes to 124 scattered votes. 

No sooner liad Van Buren taken office in March, 1837, than 

a financial panic was ready to break upon the country — the 

worst that the United States has ever seen. The principal 

causes of this calamity are the following : — 

(1) Much banking business was carried on imprudently, 
partly because of the accumulation of government balances in 
the "pet banks" which were selected in 1833 to receive the 
public deposits. Depreciated state bank notes crowded specie 
out of use, and an act was passed (June 28, 1834) changing 
the ratio between gold and silver (§ 196) to 16 to 1, so as to 
encourage the use of gold. 

(2) Lively speculation caused prices of cotton and other 
exports to rise, so that everybody seemed to be growing rich. 
The states found that they could borrow abroad, and ran up 
debts amounting to about $170,000,000. 

(3) Lively speculation in western land was backed up by 
the "pet banks" and their neighbors. Jackson became 
alarmed, and suddenly issued the Specie Circular (July 11, 
1836), an order directing that nothing but gold and silver 
should be received for the public lands. 

(4) In 1835 the national debt was extinguished, and a sur- 
plus began to run up. To get rid of it, in June, 183(5, Con- 
gress passed a statute — the so-called "Deposit Act" — for 
depositing with the states (really for giving away) about 
$36,000,000. 

The call on the banks for the government deposits pre- 
cipitated a crash. In May, 1837, all the banks of the country 
suspended specie payments; and nine tenths of the men in 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 335 

])ilsiness in 1S36 were bankrupt in 1837. Many of the states, 
fur the time being, defaulted on the interest on their bonds; 
three states repudiated principal and interest, and the money 
loss to. their creditors was about $20,000,000. 

The " pet banks " eventually turned over to the government 
$28,000,000 of public funds under the Deposit Act, and it was 
duly transferred to the states. Some of the states spent . . _ 
the money on canals, some to pay old debts, some for Buren's 
education, and a few states simply divided it among the mSistra- 

voters. Slowly the country struggled up again : though tion 

(1837-1841) 

in a second and lighter crash (1839) the old United States 

Bank went completely to ruin. Some of the states, especially 
New York, took the lesson to heart, and passed new banking 
laws, under which the state banks were required to protect their 
notes. 

A notable act of Congress during Van Buren's administra- 
tion was a statute of 1840 for an independent treasury, or 
subtreasury, as it was often called, requiring the Treasury De- 
partment to keep its balances in its own vaults. Another 
important measure was the Preemption Act of 1841, by which 
any citizen of the United States was to be allowed once in his 
life to buy 160 acres of arable government land. 



The twelve years of Jackson's influence (for Van Buren's 
administration is only a kind of extension of Jackson's) were 
marked by great activity in public life. President Jack- 284. Sum- 
son sincerely believed that the federal government had mary 
given as much aid to individuals and states as was safe, and that 
it would be better to let the states develop themselves. Hence 
he never showed any enthusiasm over the tariff ; he vetoed 
internal improvement bills right and left; and he attacked the 
United States Bank just as he used to assault an Indian fort; 
he vetoed the Land Distribution Bill, and reluctantly approved 
the Deposit Act. 

hart's amer. hist. — 20 . 



336 



NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 



Tlie most serious discussions of this period were on sec- 
tional questions. The tariff was upheld by eastern, middle, 
and western states, and condemned by the South. Internal 
improvements most interested the western states, because they 
needed highways to reach their market. The bank question 
was at bottom an issue between the eastern believers in incor- 
porated capital and the western advocates of individual action. 
Public land questions usually aroused West against East. The 
South usually held together on sectional questions, although in 
the nullification issue the other southern states refused to back 
up South Carolina. 

The real force and public spirit of Andrew Jackson was 
shown by the final results of his eight years in office. He 
revived Jefferson's principles of strict construction and of as 
little government as possible; he hammered out in conflict 
with Congress a set of new principles, — low tariff, no United 
States Bank, no federal internal improvements, — which served 
the Democratic party for more than fifty years thereafter; 
and he caused his opponents definitely to take up the old 
Federalist principles of loose construction. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Soaroh 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Why were some qualifications of voters and officeholders re- 
moved ? (^2) Why was it difficult to frame good city governments ? 

(3) Was the United States Bank dangerous to the country ? 

(4) How came Webster to attack Hayne in the Senate ? (5) Why 
did Jackson oppose nullification ? (6) Why did Clay favor the 
Compromise of 1833 ? (7) Why did Calhoun change his mind 
on national powers ? (8) Why have most of the canals been 
given up ? (9) Why did Jackson oppose internal improvements ? 
(10) Why did Jackson wish to annex Texas? (II) Did Jackson 
introduce the Spoils system ? (12) Had Georgia a right to the 
Creek and Cherokee lands ? 

(13) Removals of federal officers for political reasons before 
1830. (14) Kemovals for political reasons in New York before 
1830. (15) Major Jack Downing's opinions of Jackson. (16) Jack- 
son's intimate friends. (17) Jackson's enemies. (18) Popular 



NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 



337 



opinion of the Kitchen Cabinet. (19) Some of Jackson's removals 
from office. (20) Calhoun's doctrine of the compact. (21) Web- 
ster's theory of the origin of the Constitution. (22) First anthra- 
cite and bituminous coal furnaces. (23) Ride on an early railroad. 
' (24) Reasons for the Independent Treasury plan. (25) City popu- 
lation in 1790 compared with that in 1840. (26) State railroads 
in Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania, or Georgia, or Michigan. 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 324, 325, 380, 331 ; Semple, Geographic Condi- Gteography 
tions, 168-176 ; MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy. 

Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 7, 12-24, 28-52, 57, 58, 71 ; 
Channing, United States, 212-224 ; Johnston, Politics, 109-139 ; 
Stanwood, Presidency, 151-205 ; MacDonald, Jacksonian Democ- 
racy ; Schouler, United States, III. 451-506, IV. 31-199, 229- 
296, 316-352 ; McMaster, United States, V. 2-13, 121-168, 380- 
394, 519-556 ; Peck, Jacksonian Epoch, 123-472 ; Dewey, Finan- 
cial History, §§ 81-101 ; Houston, Nullijication in Sop.th Carolina ; 
Sato, Land Question, 151-168 ; Sparks, Expansion, 274-289, 310- 
319, — J/en who made the Nation, 273-281, 294-334; Sumner, 
Andrew Jackson, 176-460 ; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 118-156 ; 
Parton, General Jackson, 281-326 ; Shepard, Martin Van Buren, 
176-397, 449-467 ; Schurz, Henry Clay, 1.312-384, II. 1-69, 129-152, 
172-198 ; Lodge, Daniel Webster, 166-234 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 
83-120, 183-220 ; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 63-139, 151-209 ; Bruce, 
General Houston, 1-136 ; Trowbridge, *S^. F. S- Morse ; Raymond, 
Peter Cooper, 1-51. 

Hart, Source Book, § 102, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 158-168, Sources 
185 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 46-68, American History 
Leaflets, nos. 24, 30 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 106, 130 ; Ames, State 
Documents on Federal Relations, no. 4, pp. 32-60 ; Johnston, 
American Orations, I. 233-334, IV. 202-237. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 345-348, — Historical Sources, § 84. 

A. E. Barr, Bemember the Alamo ; Kirk Munroe, With Crockett 
and Boivie ; C. A. Davis, Letters of J. Downing, Major (satire on 
Jackson); Simms, Eichard Hiirdis, — Border Beagles (interior). 

Wilson, American People, IV. ; Sparks, Expansion. Pictures 



Illustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XXII. 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 

Side by side with the growth of democracy went a stronger 
feeling of public responsibility toward the poor, the weak, the 
SSft Hu- friendless, and even the criminal. People began to see 
manitarian that brutality to prisoners begets brutality to free men, 
and that an object of punishment is to reform. The 
first modern prison was the Eastern Penitentiary at Philadel- 
phia (finished just before 1830), where, in order to prevent one 
criminal from contiuninating another, the prisoners were shut 

up in separate cells. The 
poor debtor also enlisted 
the sympathy of the com- 
munity, especially when 
an old Revolutionary sol- 
dier was found who had 
been in jail for seven 
years on a debt of less 
than five dollars. In the 
course of the twenties 
and thirties all the states 
and the federal govern- 
ment passed laws releas- 
ing debtors who had noth- 
ing with which to pay. 
Hospitals, clean and 
well-kept poorhouses, orpliau asylums, and institutions for the 
deaf, dumb, and blind, also began to spring up; and in 1841 
came forward a great woman, Dorothea Dix, who made it the 

338 




DOKOTHKA DiX IN 1850. 

From an engraviiio;. 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (18:31-1841) 339 

object of her life to persuade people that it was the duty of 
the state governments to provide public asylums for the care 
of the insane. Interest sprang up in other neglected classes 
— first in the poor children, for whom the Sunday school had 
originally been founded. In 1807 some Williams College stu- 
dents became interested in the heathen of other lands, and 
stirred up the country to form mission societies. For that 
service each of the great denominations eventually created its 
own boards, and home missionary societies were formed for 
work on the frontier. 

In the thirties and forties came also a new movement for 
public education. Massachusetts, under the guidance of 
Horace Mann, woke up in 1837 to the fact that she osr Ed 
had wretched schoolhouses, dull text-books, untrained cational 
teachers, and ill-disciplined pupils. Public sentiment 
was aroused in the state, the school system was improved, 
the people began to tax themselves more freely, and a state 
Board of Education was formed. The first normal school for 
the training of teachers was established in 1839. These ideas 
spread from state to state ; and New York and Pennsylvania 
for the first time established thoroughgoing systems of rural 
schools. 

The system of state universities was developed in 1825 by 
the founding of the University of Virginia (in which Jefferson 
was specially interested), the first American institution on the 
German model, offering a variety of elective studies. In the 
thirties Michigan established the so-called " Epistemiad," 
which developed into a state university. In 1837 there were 
over seventy-five endowed colleges in the country, besides 
twelve state universities and various kinds of special and 
technical schools. West Point Military Academy was founded 
in 1802, the Naval Academy in 1846, and law and medical 
schools by 1840 were numerous. 

This was also a period of the foundation or enlargement of 



340 SECTIONALISM 

libraries — the Astor in New York, the Mercantile in Philadpl- 
phia, the Athenaeum in Boston, and many others. Museums 
of art and science were opened in many cities, and the lyceum 
system of public lectures brought into towns and villages the 
most eminent men of the time. 

Within the churches new duties were assumed, new socie- 
ties wCi." founded, and several denominations were divided. 
287. The From 1800 to about 1830 the Unitarian movement in 
*^ d'moral ^®^ England separated the Congregational Church into 
reform two ecclesiastical bodies. The Presbyterian Church, in 

1837, split on doctrinal questions into " New School " and " Old 
School." The Methodist Church, in 1844, divided into a 
northern and a southern church, and the Baptist Church also 
showed a disposition to divide. The Catholic Church was 
much increased by steady immigration, especially from 
Ireland and Germany, 

Up to about 1840 spirituous liquor was used freely by all 
classes : harvest hands received it ; it was a part of the regular 
ration at sea ; and it was freely served even at funerals. The 
Washingtonian societies, founded in 1840, agreed to use liquor 
in moderation, and from that it was a short step to total 
abstinence, and in 1846 to the " Maine Law," the first of the 
state prohibition laws. 

A strong movement began about 1830 for " Woman's Rights," 
in which Frances Wright, and later Lucy Stone, Susan B. 
Anthony, and others were leaders. Their demand for good 
schools for girls was heard ; girls were admitted to the public 
schools, then into high schools ; academies were founded for 
them ; and in 1833 Oberlin College was opened to women. The 
movement soon spread to a demand for woman suffrage, which, 
however, was nowhere granted till more than a generation later. 

"Not a leading man but has a draft of a new community 
in his waistcoat pocket," said Emerson. From 1820 to 1840 
scores of societies undertook to end sin and poverty by some 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 341 

new form of what was really monastic life. For instance, 

Robert Owen, an English enthusiast, came over and ..„ _ 

288. xipoch 

founded " The New Harmony Community of Equality " of com- 

in Indiana (1824), in which the men and women wore a ^unities 
uniform, and the community undertook to bring up the chil- 
dren. The older Shaker societies by 1826 numbered 5000 souls. 




Shaker Dance, about 1830. (From a contemporary print.) 

The most remarkable communal society was the Mormon 
Church, founded by Joseph Smith of Palmyra, New York, in 
1829. In 1830 he published what he called the Booh of Mor- 
mon, which he alleged to be a miraculously preserved account 
of the settlement of America by the lost tribes of Israel. 
He and his followers built a temple at Kirtland, Ohio ; in 1837 
moved to Missouri ; and soon after to Nauvoo, Illinois, where 
they built up a city of ten thousand adherents. The neighbor- 
hood disliked the Mormons, and Smith was killed by a mob in 
1844. Two years later most of the Mormons moved to Utah. 

A memorable example of the new community spirit was a 
little gathering of men and women at Brook Farm in Massa- 
chusetts, from 1841 to 1847. They agreed to perform the work 



342 



SECTIONALISM 



ture 



of the household and the farm, and to spend their leisure hours 
in the training of their minds. Among the members or visitors 
of this group were James Russell Lowell, Ralph Waldo Emer- 
son, Charles A. Dana, and Nathaniel Hawthorne. The commu- 
nity dissolved, for it could not support itself by such labor; 
but its intellectual stimulus was felt in the whole country. 

Until about 1830 most of the American essays, poems, novels, 
and criticisms were simi)ly imitations of English writers. 
ogg". I Even Washington Irving was intellectually an English- 
can litera- man of the school of Addison and Goldsmith, but he 
found American subjects, and his Knickerbocker'' s His- 
tory of New York (published 1809) is one of the most delight- 
ful of American satires. Of novelists the only widely known 
^ .;..^ American at that time was James 

Fenimore Cooper, who began in 
1821 to publish his entrancing 
novels of Indian life and char- 
acter. In 1833 Edgar Allau,.Poe 
began his wonderful tales. Wil- 
liam Cullen Byrant in 1811, when 
seventeen years old, touched the 
height of his genius in his poem 
of Thanatopsis. Other great 
writers, such as Hawthorne and 
Lowell, though they began to 
publish at this time, reached their zenith later. A school of 
American historians arose with the bold undertaking of George 
Bancroft to write the history of America from the beginnings, 
of which the first volumes came out in 1834; and a little later 
(1837) appeared William H. Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Another important book was the first edition of Noah Webster's 
American Dictionary of (he English Language, published in 1828. 
Educated Americans were great readers of the English 
quarterly reviews; and in 1815 was established the North 




N.\^THANIEL HaWTHOKNE, 
ABOUT 18G0. 



SOCIAL AND SPXTIONAL CUNDITIUNS (18;J1-1841) 343 

American Review, for many years an intellectual force. News- 
papers began to improve, and between 1833 and 1841 were 
founded the New York Daily Sun, the first one-cent newspaper ; 
the Mew York Herald, which set a standard of the search for 
news ; and Horace Greeley's New York Tribune, an example of 
breezy personal journalism. They were reenforced in 1849 by 
the Associated Press, which furnished information to a great 
number of papers. 

The era of social reform extended very slowly to the ' 
South, which was not willing to harbor new ideas that might 
upset its rigid class system. The 3,700,009 whites of 290. South- 
the South in 1830 were divided into three social strata. ^^^ society 
(1) At the summit stood from 25,000 to 30,000 members 
of the families of large slaveholders ; in a few cases one mas- 
ter owned as many as a thousand slaves. These people were 
the social and political aristocracy ; they furnished the gov- 
ernors, the judges, the representatives in Congress, and the 
senators. (2) About 630,000 people belonged to families each 
holding from one to four slaves : together with perhaps 500,000 
prosperous nonslaveholding white farmers, they made up the 
ordinary community. (3) The poor whites, numbering about 
2,500,000, had neither slaves nor property, except rough land 
and miserable buildings, and except in some mountain com- 
munities never dreamed of using their votes against the slave- 
holding aristocracy. 

Below all the whites were 180,000 free negroes, a despised 
and unhappy class, without political rights, held responsible 
for most of the petty crimes, and not allowed to move 291. Slave 
about freely. At the bottom of society were 2,000,000 ^^® 

African slaves, the people from whose physical toil came most 
of the wealth and consequence of their masters. 

On the conditions of slave life there is an immense mass of 
conflicting testimony. Fanny Kemble, English wife of a 
Georgia planter, complained of sick slave women in hospital 



344 



SECTIONALISM 



"prostrate on the earth, without bedstead, bed mattress or pil- 
low." She saw her husband's slaves, including sick women, 

Kemble S^^^S *o *^^® ^^^^ "* gangs, each with a slave driver 

Journal, armed with a whip. 

J02, 316 gj^g g^^ ^ perfectly 

faithful slave given over 
to a new master who, in a 
few hours, was to carry 
him away forever from 
his father, mother, and 
wife. At the other ex- 
treme is the picture of 
slavery in Virginia drawn 
by Pollard — the white 
and the black boys grow- 
ing up together, friends 
and playmates; the mas- 
ter listening to the com- 
plaints of his slaves ; and ^anny Kemble, about 1830. 
the white mistress, sweet and stately, counseling the young and 
Pii d protecting the aged. "I love the simple and unadulterated 
Black Dia- slave, with his geniality, his mirth, his swagger, and his 
nonsense; I love to look upon his countenance, shining 
with content and grease; I love to study his affectionate heart." 
These views conflict, but are not contradictory, for there 
were many gradations of slavery. On some plantations the 
slaves were felt to be members of the family ; on other plan- 
tations the life of the slaves was a round of dull misery, 
interspersed with thoughtless gayety. The house slaves were 
well fed, had light tasks, and were often petted by their 
masters; the field slaves were often overworked and abused. 
The right to own a slave included the absolute right to sell 
him, and there was no legal obligation to sell families as a 
whole; hence, heartbreaking scenes of separation at the 




monds 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 345 

auction block; yet the next day the slave, torn from his 
family, might be cheerfully fiddling on his way to the 
dreaded far South. 

About 1800 the value of slave labor was small, but by 1830 
cotton made it profitable. The prices of slaves rose, and bor- 
der states like Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky found 
ready sale for their surplus slaves in the cotton states. ments for 
Hence, from the earlier idea that slavery was an evil to ^ avery 

be got rid of, the southern people came to believe that it was 
an evil which could not be shaken off; then, that it was a 
good thing which ought to be extended ; and gradually a line 
of justification of slavery was worked out, which may be ana- 
lyzed as follows : — 

(1) That the negro was physically and mentally inferior to 
the white man, so that the theory of the equality of mankind 
did not apply ; and that the only way to keep southern society 
together was to hold the negro a slave under such incitements 
as seemed necessary to keep him at work. 

(2) That the slave was happiest and best ofE when somebody 
else fed him, clothed him, and cared for him in old age. 

(3) That the good of the whites required slavery, for it 
would be impossible to clear the land without forced labor; 
and slavery gave to the white race a sense of responsibility 
and mastery. 

(4) That the Scriptures authorized slavery : Noah said, 
"Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be Genesis 
unto his brethren ; " Abraham held slaves bought with i^- ^^ 
money; St. Paul sent a fugitive slave, Onesimus, home to his 
master; Christ "taught many slaves, but never attempted to 

free any slaves." 

(5) That slavery was necessary for democratic government, 
because it set the master free to attend to his political duties. 
As Calhoun put it, " Slavery forms the most solid and dura- 
ble foundation on which to erect free institutions." 



340 SECTIONALISM 

Some of the most frequent objections to slavery were as 

follows : — 

293 Anti- ^^^ That the effect on the whites was to cultivate a 

slavery fierce and passionate temper : no man could be safely 

trusted with such power of life and death, and of torture 

hardly less than death. 

(2) That slavery was a denial to the negro of the oppor- 
tunity to assert the manhood that was in him : southern laws, 
forbidding people to teach negroes to read and write, were a 
standing proof that their minds were so far as possible kept 
debased and ignorant. 

(3) That the oft-reported horrors of the system were proofs 
of its natural tendency to cruelty. For example, the breaking 
up of families by sale was an inseparable part of the system, 
so that true marriage and the care of a family were impos- 
sible. 

(4) That slavery had many economic disadvantages : it was 
expensive; it was wasteful; it used up the land; it could not 
be applied to any kind of machinery ; it was not advanta- 
geous even to the masters, as was shown by the poverty of the 
South. 

(5) That slavery was contrary to humanity, to the princi- 
ples of Christianity and the practice of the church throughout 
the ages, and also to the whole theory of natural rights and 
democratic government. As Lincoln put it, "No man is good 
enough to govern another without the other's consent." 

(G) That the alleged content and well-being of the slave did 
not lessen his inborn desire for freedom, as was shown by the 
runaway negro, who admitted that he had been well fed, 
well clothed, kindly treated, and trusted by his master. When 
he was asked why on earth he ran away, he replied quietly, 
" The situation am vacant ! " It was a fair question why, if 
slavery was such a good thing, no free men, white or black, 
wanted to accept it. 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 347 

Various causes combined to bring the question of slavery to 
public attention about 1830 : — 

(1) The discontent of the slaves, as shown by three 294 The 
risings : the Gabriel insurrection in Virginia in 1800 ; a "se of the 
plan to destroy Charleston, formed in 1820 by Denmark ists 
Vesey, a free negro; a bloody insurrection in South- (1830-1840; 
ampton, Virginia (1831), under Nat Turner, a slave. 

(2) The disposition of the South to expand the boundaries 
and the influence of slavery, and thus to enlarge the profits of 
slave labor; and the consequent appearance of men like John 
Quincy Adams against the extension of slavery. 

(3) The question of the relative strength of the free and 
slaveholding sections of the country in the Senate, as affected 
by the admission of new states. 

(4) The spread of humanitarian reform through societies, 
which at last reached the slavery question. Though the south- 
ern abolition movement suddenly collapsed about the year 
1830, within ten years one thousand northern abolition socie- 
ties were formed with about forty thousand members; and 
they demanded the immediate and absolute emancipation of 
all the slaves. 

Two kinds of people, often not clearly distinguished, took 
ground against slavery : the autislavery men, who wished at 
least to prevent its extension; and the abolitionists, who 
wanted to destroy it where it already existed. Among the 
abolitionists there were three groups : western, middle state, 
and New England : (1) The western abolition societies were 
started chiefly by former slaveholders, who crossed the Ohio 
River to get away from the system. Such were Rev. John 
Rankin and James G. Birney. (2) The middle state abolition- 
ists were strong in Philadelphia, New York city, and central 
New York, and included men like Arthur and Louis Tappan 
and Gerrit Smith, who had money and freely gave it for 
the cause. (3) The New England group included Wendell 



348 SECTIONALISM 

Phillips, the abolition orator ; John Greenleaf Whittier, the 
abolition poet; Theodore Parker, the abolition parson; and 
later James Russell Lowell, the abolition satirist. 

Among the hundreds of northern agitators, William Lloyd 

Garrison, by his intense devotion to the cause, has somehow 

295 Wil- come to be accepted as the typical abolitionist, although 

liam Lloyd he differed with everybody else, and always represented 
Oarrisou, 

the extreme the extremest principles. Garrison was born at New- 
abolitionist buryport, Massachusetts (1805), became a printer, and 
wandered about the country. In 1830 he went to jail in 
Baltimore for too freely criticising a slave trader. In Jan- 
uary, 1831, Garrison founded in Boston a little paper which 
he called the Liberator, and which speedily became one of 
the best-known and worst-hated papers in the country. From 
the platform of principles which he published in the first 
number, he never swerved throughout his life. He " deter- 
mined, at every hazard, to lift up the standard of emancipation 
in the eyes of the nation." 

Garrison was a one-sided and prejudiced man, who never 
could see that the slaveholder was anything but a robber and 
murderer ; but he compelled people to listen to him, even when 
he refused to have anything to do with the federal govern- 
ment, because it protected slavery ; and he publicly burned the 
Constitution of the United States, calling it — in scriptural 
language — "a covenant with death and an agreement with 
hell." 

The abolitionists had a very effective method of agitation. 

Local societies were federated in a state society, which held 

296. The an annual meeting ; and into an annual national conven- 

abolition Wqxx. Meetings and local conventions were held from 

11830-1840) time to time to arouse public sentiment, and women and 

negroes sat on the stage and took part in tlie exercises. The 

societies prepared petitions to the state legislatures, and to 

Congress, and did everything they could to interest people 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 349 

and to make tliem abolitionists. Newspapers were founded, 
tracts, books, and almanacs were prepared, and freely illus- 
trated with pictures of tlie horrors of slavery ; and one college, 
Oberlin, admitted negro students and became the western 
center of the abolition sentiment. 

Meetings, societies, and publications all caused an astonish- 
ing uproar. In the South, practically nobody was allowed to 
advocate abolition; in the North the sensitive population 
expressed its horror of the abolitionists by riots. In 1835 an 
antislavery meeting in Boston was broken up by a mob, which 
laid hold of Garrison, tied a rope about his body, dragged him 
through the streets, and tried to kill him. In 1837 another 
persistent agitator and editor, Elijah Lovejoy, was murdered 
by a mob in Alton, Illinois, because he persisted in publishing 
an antislavery paper even in a free state. Colored schools were 
broken up, and in New York and Philadelphia colored settle- 
ments were attacked. Nobody was more hated and despised 
than the abolitionist. 

The abolition societies adopted the practice of sending peti- 
tions asking Congress to prohibit slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and in 1835 William Slade of Vermont made the 297. Slav- 
first abolition speech in Congress. This led to a series of ®^J oefore 
so-called gag resolutions (1836-1844) by which the House (1835-1844) 
forbade any debate on antislavery petitions ; and in the Senate 
Calhoun introduced resolutions fiercely condemning the aboli- 
tionists. This attempt to stop discussion aroused John Quincy 
Adams, who insisted on the right to argue in the public press 
on any subject. In 1837, and again in 1842, attempts were 
made to pass a vote of censure on him in the House; but 
Adams warned Congress that if they attempted to stop petitions 
by censuring the member who presented them, " they would 
have the people coming besieging, not beseeching." The first 
western abolitionist member of Congress, Joshua R. Giddings 
of Ohio, appeared in 1838, and he made it the main purpose 



350 



?;KCTI0NAL1SM 



of his lite to l)i"iiij^ alimit .sliivciy iIcIkiIcs on ull sorts ol' sidu 
questions, in spite ot an attempt (1842i) to close his lips by a 
vote of censure. 




IJitoADw AY, New York, in 18;it). (Fiinii ;i coiiliMupurary iniiil.) 

Side by side with the political development of Jackson's 

administration went a great movement of humanitarian and 

298. Sum- religious reform. People at last had grown sympathetic 

Biary with the poor, the ignorant, the defective, the criminal, 

and the slave; they were trying all kinds of experiments; and 

they invented new sorts of societies and " causes." 

The most important of the humanitarian movements was 
that of the abolitionists ; and it was fiercely sectional, be- 
cause the northern states were just getting rid of the last 
vestiges of slavery, and the South was on the whole well con- 
tented to have slavery. Since the agitators were all north of 
Mason and Dixon's line, and the thing to be reformed was all 
south of it, the Southerners looked on abolition as a wicked 
method of making them trouble. The abolitionists took the 



SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 351 

ground that slavery was a national evil, so long as the federal 
government recognized it and protected it; and therefore that 
it was a concern of the northern people as well as of the 
southern. Then they discovered that the place to preach the 
evils of slavery was in Congress. There was no stopping 
tliem, without giving up the right of free discussion; but from 
the time the abolitionists were fairly at work, the North and 
the South were estranged. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why should not people be imprisoned for debt ? (2) "Why Suggestive 
should libraries be established out of public funds ? (3) Influence of 
Brook Farm. (4) Washington Irving as a literary man. (5) James 
Fenimore Cooper as a literary man. (6) Edgar Allan Poe as a 
literary man. (7) Why did the poor whites vote with the great 
slaveholders? (8) Why did abolitionists cease agitation in the 
South about 1830 ? (9) Why did the attacks on the abolitionists 
■swell their numbers ? 

(10) John Quincy Adams's objections to slavery. (11) Public 
services of Dorothea Dix. (12) Origin of normal schools in 
America. (13) Education at West Point. (14) The lyceum system. 
(15) Split In the Methodist Church in 1844. (16) Movement for 
foreign missions. (17) Washingtonian societies. (18) Joseph 
Smith's character. (19) Life in a wealthy slaveholding house- 
hold. (20) Bright side of slavery. (21) Dark side of slavery. 
(22) Scriptural argument in favor of slavery. (23) Argument that 
slavery was good for the negro. (24) Stories told by fugitive 
slaves. (26) Prosecution for teaching negroes to read. 

REFERENCES 

Hart, Slavery and Abolition. Geography 

Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 53-57, 60-66 ; Hart, Slavery secondary 
and Abolition ; Sparks, Expansion, 290-290, 376-418 ; Rhodes, 
United States, I. 40-75, 303-383 ; Schouler, United States, III. 
507-531, IV. 1-31, 199-229 ; McMaster, United States, IV. 522- 
509, V. 82-108, 184-226, 284-372 ; Adams, United States, IX. 175- 
187, 198-242 ; Earned, History for Beady Reference, IV. 2927, 
2935, 2943, V. 3369, 3373, 3375 ; Page, Old South, 57-92, 143-185 ; 
Brown, Lower South, 16-49 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-soil Parties, 
hart's amer. hist. — 21 



Search 
topics 



authorities 



352 



SECTIONALISM 



1-47 ; Wendell, Litfinrn Hintory of America, 167-4;)5; Morse,/. 
Q. Adams, 'J42-;5(»8 ; Hoist, ,/. C. Calhoun, 121-litfl; Roosevelt, T. 
H. Benton, 140-151 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 28-91 ; Schurz, Henry Clay, 
II. 71-87, 153-171; Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass, 1-74, 107-118; 
Bimey, James G. Birney ; Sanborn, R. W. Emerson ; Burton, 
J. O. Whittier. See also references to chapter xlv. 

Sources Hart, Source Bonk, §§ 94-101, — Contemporaries, III. §§ lul- 

ls?, 169-184, —/So?/rce Readers, III. §§ 12, 13, 20, 28, 105-115, 
IV. §§ 1-11; MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 69; American 
History Leaflets, no. 10 ; Old South Leaflets, no.s. 78, 79, 81, 10!» , 
Caldwell, Survey, 148-156; Johnston, American Orations,lI. 102- 
122; Douglass, Life and Times; May, A)itislavery Conflict; Olm- 
sted, Seaboard Slave States ; Quincy, Figures of the Past ; Smedes, 
Southern Planter, 17-189. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n. 
Syllabiis, 348, — Historical Sources, § 85. 

Longfellow, Poems on Slavery ; Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 
9-94, — Snow Bound ; Lowell, Wendell Phillips, — W. L. Garrison, 
— On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves near Washington ; Morgan 
Bates, Martin Brook (abolition) ; H. P. Belt, Mirage of Promise 
(abolition) ; Holmes, Elsie Venner (N.E.) ; Lucy Larcom, New 
England Girlhood ; E. E. Hale, New England Boyhood ; Haw- 
thorne, Blithedale Romance ; T. B. Aldrich, Story of a Bad Boy 
(N.E.) ; 1). G. Mitchell, Doctor Johns (Conn.); Lily Dougall, 
Mormon Prophet ; A. W. Tourg^e, Button'' s Inn (Mormons) ; 
M. S. Tiernan, Suzette (Va.) ; A. B. Longstreet, Georgia Scenes ; 
R. M. Johnston, Old Times in Middle Georgia ; J. C. Harris, Uncle 
Remus ; H. B. Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin ; Edward Eggleston, 
Hoosier Schoolmaster, — The Graysons (West) ; Joseph Kirkiand, 
Zury, — The McVe.ys (West). 

Pictures Sparks, Bzpansion ; Wilson, American People, IV. 



lUustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 

The abolition controversy did not yet disturb the course of 
party politics. In the campaign of 1840 the Democrats nomi- 
nated Van Buren for a second term. The anti-Jackson 299. The 
men, who had now formally taken the name of the Whig "^^^^Sl^d 
party, nominated William Henry Harrison of Ohio for (1840-1842) 
President, and John Tyler of Virginia, a discontented Demo- 
crat, for Vice President. The Whigs expected to reestablish 
the national bank, appropriate money for internal improve- 
ments, and, if possible, revive a protective tariff. 

It was a boisterous campaign, full of great mass meetings. 
Somebody said that Harrison was fit only to sit in his log 
cabin and drink hard cider ; the Whigs took up the slur ; and ' 
log cabins on wheels, amply provided with barrels of hard 
cider, were used as a popular argument to voters. The Demo- 
crats were really beaten by the panic of 1837, for hard times 
still continued. Harrison was chosen by 234 electoral votes 
to 60 for Van Buren, on a popular majority of about 140,000; 
and the Whigs secured both houses of the next Congress. 

A month after his inauguration Harrison died, and John 
Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Though elected by the 
Whigs he did not accept their principles, and vetoed (August 
and September, 1841) two successive bills intended to restore 
the main features of the old United States Bank ; where- 
upon every member of his Cabinet, except Webster, resigned. 
Tyler also came into collision with the party Whigs over 
the tariff. Though the Compromise of 1833 was to have 
taken full effect in 1842, they were determined to substitute 

353 



354 



SECTIONALISM 



a high protective measure. Tyler vetoed two bills, but finally 
signed the tariff of 1842, which went back substantially to 
the scale of the tariff of 1832, raised the average duties from 
about 24 per cent to 35 per cent, and completely upset the 
Compromise of 1833. Throughout the remainder of his ad- 
ministration Tyler quarreled with Congress. 

About this time the progress of popular government led to 

two serious disturbances in the states. The holders of land 

300. Dia- in the old Dutch patroonates in New York paid to the 

■^^thestates descendants of the patroons an annual ground rent, or 

(1839-1844) "quitrent," of from $7 to $18 a year for each hundred 

acres. In 1839 these tenants began to refuse payment, to 

hold "Anti-Rent" meetings, to parade the country in masks 

and disguises, and to attack and kill sheriffs and rent payers. 

After several years of agitation the landlords agreed to accept 

lump money payments from the former tenants 







:^' 










A Contemporary Cartoon of thk I)t>RR Rebp:llion-, 1842. 

A more alarming popular movement arose in Rhode Island 
because no one could vote there except a " freeman," — that is, 
a man holding real estate worth $134, or renting for $7 a 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847^ 



355 



year, — or the eldest son of such a man. A "People's Party," 
including both freemen and non-voters, held a convention in 
1841 to adopt a more liberal state constitution, took a popular 
vote on it, declared it adopted, and elected Thomas W. Dorr as 
governor. Dorr attempted by force to take possession of the 
state property (1842), but his men would not stand. The 

governor under the old 
charter vainly called on 
President Tyler to send 
United States troops to 
help him; but Dorr was 
tried for treason and sen- 
tenced to imprisonmefit. 
Practically he accom- 
plished his work, for the 
suffrage was at once en- 
larged by the regular gov- 
ernment. 

Other sorts of land ques- 
tions and territorial ques- 
tions made the years 301. North- 
1841 to 1845 mo- ^^^J^^^ 
mentous. One of (1783-1842) 
them was a renewed con- 
troversy with Great 
Northeast Boundary Controversy. Britain over the Maine 
boundary. By the treaty of 1783 the line was to run " from 
the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, viz. that angle which is 
formed by a line drawn due north from the source of Saint 
Croix Kiver to the Highlands ; along the said Highlands 
which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the 
river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic 
Ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut River." 
It was soon found that the two governments did not agree as to 




356 SECTIONALISM 

what stream was the St. Croix, nor where to locate the north- 
west angle, nor where the Highlands were, nor even what was 
meant by " Atlantic Ocean." 

In 1821 the line was run from the Atlantic to a point 
called Mars Hill ; the British insisted that the " Highlands " 
lay there, and the Americans insisted that they were beyond 
the St. John River. After a vain attempt at arbitration 
(1827-1831), the state of Maine in the " Aroostook War " 
(1838) attempted to seize part of the disputed territory. 
Webster remained in Tyler's Cabinet long enough to settle 
this question : in 1842 he negotiated the Webster-Ashburton 
treaty, by which the disputed territory was divided, and each 
party got about half. The settlement was creditable and satis- 
factory to both sides, and ended a controversy which threatened 
to bring on war. 

Until about 1820, the interior of North America was still 
little known ; but in that year Major Long explored part of 
the Rocky Mountain chain, and from that time trade developed 
on what was called the Santa Fe trail, a road leading south- 
westward from the Missouri River to the Rio Grande (p. 324). 
In 1832 Bonneville's party went as far west as Great Salt 
Lake, crossing the Rockies with a wagon train, and some of 
them reached the Pacific. 

Farther north the American Fur Trading Company in the 

twenties opened up a route to Oregon ; and in 1834 Nathaniel 

302 Ex- *^- Wyeth of Massachusetts guided a party of settlers to 

plorationB Fort Hall, north of Great Salt Lake, and thence to 

of the inte- , . 

rior Oregon. In 1836 Dr. Marcus Whitman and other mis- 

(1820-1846) sionaries to the northern Indians went out along this 
route. In the winter of 1842-1843 Dr. Whitman came east 
from Oregon by a dangerous, roundabout route, partly on busi- 
ness of the mission, partly because he supposed that Webster 
was willing to give up all claims to Oregon. There was no 
such danger; the country was awake to the importance of a 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 357 

Pacific outlet ; and there is no contemporary evidence to show 
that Whitman saw Webster or influenced the President. In 
1843 he joined an expedition formed by other people and with 
it returned to Oregon. 

A young army ofi&cer named John C. Fremont, aided by good 
guides, in the forties made three long explorations westward. 
In the first (1842) he went up the Platte Eiver to its head 
waters, and crossed over the Rocky Mountain divide by the 
South Pass to the head waters of the Colorado. In 1843 he 
went through the mountains via Great Salt Lake to Oregon, 
and then across the Sierra Nevada to California. In 1845 
he was sent off with an armed party and again reached 
California. He was a poor explorer, and made no proper 
surveys ; but he was a son-in-law of Senator Benton of Mis- 
souri, young, dashing, and good-looking, and got the name of 
" Pathfinder " for his exploits. 

One of Tyler's lines of policy was to annex Texas ; and he 
made John C. Calhoun Secretary of State for that express 
purpose. Calhoun negotiated a treaty of annexation 303. Ques- 
(April 12, 1844), which was rejected in the Senate by a *ij"^ *** 

vote of 35 to 16 ; arid the scheme went over. The argu- (1844) 

ments in favor of annexation were : (1) that the Texans were 
simply Americans across the border; (2) that Texas was a 
rich and fertile country which would add wealth to the Union ; 
(3) that annexation was a natural form of expansion ; (4) that 
it was simply a " reannexation " of territory rightly a part 
of the Union from 1803 to 1819 ; (5) that it would retain for 
the slaveholders a needed control of the Senate. 

Both the antislavery people and the abolitionists violently 
opposed annexation : (1) because it would bring into the Union 
more territory to be a field of slavery ; (2) because it would 
give to the slaveholding influence perpetual control of the 
national government ; (3) because it would probably bring on 
war with Mexico. 



358 SECTIONALISM 

The question of Texas came up again in the campaign of 

1844. The natural candidates were Clay and Van Buren, both 

304. An- of whom publicly declaimed against annexation. Clay 

nexation of ^^^^ unanimously nominated by the Whigs. In the 

(1844-1845) Democratic convention Van Buren had at first a majority 

of the delegates, but was deprived of his nomination by the 

unexpected readoption of the two-thirds rule ; and James K. 

Polk of Tennessee was nominated because he was known to 

favor annexation. The Democratic platform declared for <' the 

reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the 

^.. ^ earliest practicable period." Clay then felt compelled 

Register, to change his ground by saying that he would be glad 

to see Texas annexed, '' without dishonor, without war, 

with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and 

fair terms." 

The Liberty or Abolition party nominated James G. Birney, 
but in the election of 1844 got only 62,000 popular votes 
against 1,299,000 for Clay and 1,337,000 for Polk; yet it 
decided the national election by deliberately drawing off 
enough Clay votes in New York to throw that close state 
for Polk, whose electoral vote was 170 to 105 for Clay. Tlie 
Liberty men hoped thus to compel the Whigs to take anti- 
slavery ground. 

Congress and President Tyler did not wait for the new 
administration : since annexation seemed to have the approval 
of the majority of the people, a joint resolution passed the 
House by a vote .of 120 to 98, and the Senate by 27 to 25 
(March 1, 1845), permitting the admission of Texas as a state 
on very favorable terms. No territory had ever before been 
annexed by this method ; but Texas accepted and came into 
the Union as a full-fledged state in December, 1845. Under 
the terms of the joint resolution, she retained all her public 
lands, and might later, with her own consent, be subdivided 
into five states, all presumably slave states, except that slavery 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 359 

was to be prohibited in the new state or states north of the line 
of 36° 30'. As to the Mexican boundary, the joint resolution 
took no ground ; but President Polk's theory was that Texas 
included everything that Texas claimed; that is, all the terri- 
tory as far as the Rio Grande. 

Pew Presidents have been so successful in carrying out what 
they undertook as James K. Polk, Tyler's successor. He was 
born in 1795, was a graduate of the University of North 305. James 
Carolina, was fourteen years a member of the House of hispoHcy 
Representatives (four years Speaker), and then for one (1845-1849) 
term governor of Tennessee. He had large public experience, 
and an imperious and far-reaching mind. The defect of Polk's 
character was his lack of moral principle as to the property 
of our neighbor, Mexico. His diary shows clearly that his real 
intentions and purposes were very different from those which 
he put forward in public. From the first he meant not only to 
annex Texas, but to add to the Union the enormous belt 
of territory stretching from the Gulf to the Pacific, to gain the 
port of San Francisco for Pacific trade, and to turn over the 
greater part of the new territories to slavery. 

A strong Democratic majority appeared in both houses of 
Congress in 1845-1846, and speedily repealed the recent Whig 
financial legislation. The Independent Treasury sys- g^g rj,j^j.jfr 
tem, which had been repealed by the Whigs in 1841, was and finance 
restored; and the treasury has ever since remained the 
principal custodian of public funds. Robert J. Walker, Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, drafted and presented to Congress a 
measure which became law as the tariff of July 30, 1846. The 
duties on luxuries were very high, reaching 100 per cent on 
brandy and spirits ; on ordinary manufactures they were only 
about 30 per cent ; the average on dutiable goods was about 25 
per cent ; and the annual proceeds in a few years were twice 
as great as those of the tariff of 1842. 

For Polk's designs on California it was highly desirable to 



■6i5{) 



SECTIONALISM 



settle the long-standing controversy with Great Britain over 

Oregon, a name then applied to the whole Pacific slope from 

307. The California to the Russian possessions. By extinguish- 

bouidSiry ^"^ *^® Spanish claims (1819) and the Russian (1824), 

(1818-1846) the United States and Great Britain were left the sole 

competitors for this fine country. The claims of the United 

States rested on : (1) discovery by Captain Gray (1792) ; (2) first 




Northwest Boundary Controversy. 

exploration by Lewis and Clark (1805) ; (3) first settlement by 
Astor (1811) ; (4) first permanent settlement, in the Willamette 
valley (1832). The British claim was based chiefly on the 
establishment of posts by the Hudson's Bay Company, but that 
company persistently kept out permanent settlers. 

In 1826 Great Britain offered to divide the Oregon country 
on the line of the Columbia and Kootenai rivers; and between 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 361 

1818 and 1846 the United States repeatedly pifered to extend 
to the Pacific the 49th parallel, which was already the boundary 
as far west as the Rocky Mountains ; nevertheless a Democratic 
campaign cry in 1844 was " Fifty -four Forty, or Fight" ; that 
is, a claim to the whole coast as far north as Russian America. 
It was therefore a surprise to the country when (June, 1846) 
Polk made a treaty accepting the compromise line of the 49th 
parallel, from the Rocky Mountains to the coast of Puget 
Sound; and the northwestern controversy was thus settled 
after fifty-four years of dispute. 

The understanding with Great Britain came because Presi- 
dent Polk had no mind to fight two wars at once, and for many 
reasons he expected a war with Mexico : (1) The annexa- 303 q^^ 

tion of Texas in 1845 caused the Mexican government to break of the 

Mexican 
make boisterous threats, on the ground that Texas was ^^ar 

still Mexican territory, threats that could easily have been (1845-18^ 
settled by a little. diplomacy. (2) Mexico had been exaspera- 
tingly slow in settling claims for outrages against the persons 
and property of Americans ; and those claims were now hard 
pressed by Polk. (3) Mexico absolutely rejected the bound- 
ary claimed by the Texan constitution of 1836 ; in fact, this 
included part of the old province of New Mexico and the 
town of Santa Fe, which was no more Texan than St. Louis. 
(4) Polk was determined to annex California, by any means; 
and he secretly instructed our consul at Monterey, near San 
Francisco, to do all in his power to induce the native Califor- 
nians to revolt, just as the Texans had done. 

Polk was willing to get what he wanted without fighting, and 
in 1845 he sent John Slidell to Mexico to buy California if pos- 
sible. The Mexicans would not even receive him, and made 
preparations for war. Without waiting to hear from Slidell, 
Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor, who was stationed at 
Corpus Christi on the Nueces River, to advance with his troops 
to the Rio Grande, where he closed the trade of the river with 



302 



SECTIONALISM 



his guns. The inevitable collision came April 24, 1840, when 
the Mexicans attacked a body of American cavalrymen on the 
northern or eastern side of the Rio Grande. 




1 Col.Kearny'8 route 

2 Gen. Taylor's " 

3 Gen. Scott'8 « 



Mexican War. 

Polk prepared a message to Congress, demanding war, on the 
ground that the claims were not settled, and that Slidell had 
been rejected. Before it was sent in, dispatches from Taylor 
announced the IMexican attack, and in a special message of 
May 11, 1846, Polk did not scruple to declare that "War 
exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 



363 



by the act of Mexico herself." Two days later Congress 
passed an act "for the prosecution of the existing war," 
because "by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of 
war exists." The wrath of the antislavery men over the pur- 
pose of enlarging the slave 
power was expressed by 
James Russell Lowell in 
the fiercest satire of his 
Biglow Papers : — 

" They may talk o' Freedom's 
airy 
Till they're pupple in the 
face, 
It's a grand gret cemetary 
Fer the barthrights of our 
race, 
They jest want this Californy 
So's to lug new slave- 
states in 
To abuse ye, an' to scorn 

ye, 

An' to plunder ye like 
sin ! " James Russell Lowell, about 1880. 

The war was not fairly begun before President Polk tried 
to purchase a peace through General Santa Anna, formerly 
dictator of the Mexican republic; and he asked Con- ggg .^jj_ 
gress for $2,000,000 to be used for "negotiations" mot Proviso 
(August 4, 1846). The absolute determination of the (18*6-1849; 
North not to take in more slave territory was expressed by 
an amendment of David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, which was 
added by the House to the " Two Million Bill." This " Wilmot 
Proviso " declared that, " As an express and fundamental Congres- 
condition to the acquisition of any territory . . . neither ^''^^gj^l^Jii' 
slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any p. 273 

part of the said territory." The bill failed through a tech- 
nicality ; but the South was aroused. Abraham Lincoln, in 




364 SECTIONALISM 

1847-1849, voted in Congress forty-two times for the principle 

of the Wilmot Proviso; but he voted in vain, for the Senate 

always showed an adverse majority. 

Though the Mexican War was begun on false pretexts, and 

for the unrighteous purpose of the conquest of California, it 
310 Proe- '^^ carried on brilliantly by land and sea. General Tay- 
resB of the jor pressed steadily forward ; beat the Mexicans in the 

BfffixicSiii 

War battles of Palo Alto (May 8) and Resaca de la Palma 

(1846-1847) (May 9), on the north side of the Rio Grande; then 
crossed the river, and again defeated the Mexicans at Mon- 
terey (September 21-23). Santa Anna, on returning to Mexico, 
took the patriot side, and organized a new army, with which 
he vainly attacked Taylor at Buena Vista (February 22, 
23, 1847). 

In 1846 the administration began to be nervous about Tay- 
lor's popularity, and ordered General Winfield Scott, com- 
mander in chief of the army, to make a direct attack on the 
heart of Mexico. Scott landed and took Vera Cruz (March, 
1847) ; and then fought his way steadily up into the moun- 
tains, pushed the Mexicans back at Cerro Gordo (April 18), 
and marched down into the valley of Mexico (August). In 
a succession of hard fights Scott beat the enemy back and 
advanced toward the city of Mexico, which he attacked with 
about 6000 disposable troops and finally captured, September 
14, 1847. The Mexican government was broken up, and there- 
after was unable to put in the field anything more than bands 
of guerrillas. 

The belt of territory from Texas to the Pacific Ocean was 

occupied almost without resistance. In June, 1846, General 

311. Annex- Stephen W. Kearny marched by the Santa Fe trail from 

ationof New the Missouri River, with about 1600 men ; and on August 

Mexico and 

California 18 entered Santa Fe without firing a shot. He set up a 

(1846-1848) civil government, and then with a small number of troops 
started on westward to take possession of California. But 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 



365 



California was already conquered. In June, 1846, the three 
hundred American settlers in California revolted and founded 
the Bear Flag Republic ; and Fremont, in defiance of orders to 
let the native Californians set up their own government, brought 
his little force of troops to aid the Americans (July 5). Then 
a naval force under Commodore Sloat reached California (July 
7, 1846). There was a brief war with the native Californians, 
ending with two battles near San Gabriel (January 8, 9, 1847) ; 




Santa Barbara Mission, California, founded in 1786. 

after which time there was no disputing the physical fact that 
the Americans were in possession of the country. 

After the Santa Anna plan failed, Polk commissioned 
N. P. Trist, a clerk in the State Department, to make terms 
with Mexico. Trist proved inexperienced, quarrelsome, gjg pg^pg 
and insubordinate. He renewed the attempt to buy a with Mexico 
peace from Santa Anna, but no body of reputable Mexi- 
cans would take the responsibility of dismembering their 
country; and Trist was recalled (October, 1847). 

It was a dangerous crisis, for the two strongest members of 



3o6 SECTIONALISM 

the President's f^abiiiet wanted liiiii to take the whole of 
Contempora- Mexico. Polk's diary says, "I replied that I was not 
lies, IV. 34 prepared to go to that extent, . . . that I had in my last 
message declared that I did not contemplate the conquest 
of Mexico." The recall of Trist startled the Mexicans, who 
persuaded him to make a treaty, on the basis of agreeing to 
pay to the Mexican leaders (nominally to the Mexican treasury) 
$15,000,000 ; Mexico gave up all claim to Texas as far as the 
Rio Grande, and ceded the whole of New Mexico and Cali- 
fornia. This treaty was accepted by Polk and approved by the 
Senate. Thus the Mexican War resulted in a great increase 
of territory, gained by bullying and fighting a weak neighbor. 
The war cost about 1100,000,000 and the lives of 13,000 of 
the 100,000 soldiers engaged. 

The annexation of California at once brought up the question 

of the control of the routes across Central America (map, p. 

313. Isth- 581). When the war broke out, the overland route to 

macy California took from three to eight months' time ; and the 

1846-1849) voyage around the Horn lasted from three to four months. 

People began to use the various short cuts across the narrow 

lands; and at once revived the idea of an isthmian canal. 

Therefore, in 1846, a treaty proposed by New Granada (now 

the United States of Colombia) was accepted by the United 

States, which guaranteed the Isthmus of Panama against 

seizure or interference, while New Granada guaranteed to the 

United States equality of use of any canal or roadway across 

the isthmus. 

The only other practicable canal route across Central 
America was through the Lake of Nicaragua ; and Great Brit- 
ain claimed a " protectorate " over the neighboring Mosquito 
Indians. This pretension caused a crisis in our relations with 
Great Britain, leading to the Clayton-Bulwer treaty (April 
19, 1850), which was a fair compromise under the conditions 
of the time, and favorable to both parties. It secured common 



RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 367 

use and neutral control of the Nicaragua route, and the British 
agreed not to make any settlements in Central America. The 
principle of neutral and common use of a canal was also to be 
extended to the Isthmus of Panama. 



The principal question during the years 1841-1847 was the 
annexation of territory. The Whig administration was wrecked 
by Tyler's coming to power ; and the Democratic princi- 314. sum- 
ple of strict construction prevailed in domestic matters. mary 

Between 1842 and 1846 the Maine and Oregon boundary 
questions were settled, and Texas was annexed. That state 
with its actual boundaries might have been peacefully incor- 
porated into the Union, but the claim to the Rio Grande 
seemed to the Mexicans robbery. President Polk, a masterful 
man, seized the opportunity to force the issue of war, in order 
to annex New Mexico and California. He got more than he 
bargained for, when he found our army in possession of a 
country too disrupted even to ask for terms of peace; but 
almost by accident, a treaty of peace was reached in 1848. 

Polk's designs on California, and above all the discussion of 
the Wilmot Proviso, aroused the North to the new and fright- 
ful crisis which had arisen over slavery in the new territories. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why was John Tyler nominated for Vice President? Suggestive 
(2) Why did Tyler veto the bank bills in 1841 ? (3) Why did '""'"^ 
Tyler veto the tariff bills in 1842 ? (4) What was the boundary 
line fixed by the treaty of 1842 ? (5) Fremont's third expedition, 
1845. (6) Why was not Van Buren nominated in 1844 ? (7) Why 
did the Liberty men refuse to vote for Clay ? (8) Arguments for 
and against the tariff of 1846. (9) Conflict between Taylor and 
the Mexicans, April 24, 1846. (10) What was the object of the 
Wilmot Proviso ? (11) The battle of Monterey. (12) Capture of 
the city of Mexico. (13) Need of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. 

(14) Campaign meetings in 1840. (15) What were the " High- Search 
lands" mentioned in the treaty of 1783? (16) What was the ^^^* 
hart's amer. hist. — 22 



368 



SECTIONALISM 



" northwest angle of Nova Scotia" ? (17) The Aroostook War, 
1838. (18) Examples of quitrents in the American colonies. 
(19) An account of the Bigloio Papers. (20) Examples of 
protest against the annexation of Texas. (21) Contemporary 
arguments for the annexation of Texas. (22) Travel on the Santa 
F6 trail. (23) Did Marcus Whitman confer with Daniel Web- 
ster? (24) Tom Corwin's argument against the Mexican War. 
(26) U. S. Grant in the Mexican War. (26) The Bear Flag 
Republic. (27) Adventures on the isthmian route to California. 



Greogrraphy 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 324, 355, 360, 362; Semple, Geographic Condi- 
tions, 178-224; Garrison, Westward Extension. 

Wilson, People, IV. 88-128 ; Channing, U?iited States, 224-234 ; 
Stanwood, Presidency, 206-225 ; Garrison, Westward Extension ; 
Schouler, United States, IV. 359-550, V. 1-100 ; Rhodes, United 
States, I. 75-98 ; Earned, History for Ready Reference, I. 318, III. 
2030, IV. 2646, V. 3377 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-Soil Parties, 
48-120 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 102-109 ; Sato, Land Ques- 
tion, 60-69 ; Sparks, Expansion, 296-309, 319-335 ; Foster, Century 
of Diplomacy, 281-325 ; Callahan, Cuba, 195-220 ; Schurz, Henry 
Clay, II. 199-315 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 221-306 ; McLaughlin, 
Lewis Cass, 175-235; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 210-289; Morse, 
Abraham Lincoln, I. 1-86 ; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, I. 1-156 ; 
Elliott, Sam Hottston, 122-133 ; Howard, General Taylor, 76-294 ; 
Wright, General Scott, 149-288; Wilson, General Grant, 1-73; 
Garrison, Texas ; Winn, Mormons ; Royce, California. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 103, 104, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 186- 
189, IV. §§ 8-16, — Source Readers, III. §§ 40, 54-56, IV. §§ 47, 
48 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 70-76 ; Old South Leaflets, 
nos. 45-132; Caldwell, Territorial Government, 131-199; U. S. 
Grant, Memoirs, I. 61-174 ; Dana, Tioo Years before the Mast. 
See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 349, — Historical 
Sources, § 86. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 108-116 ; Whittier, 
Antislavery Poems, 94-146, — Angels of Buena Vista ; Lowell, 
Bigloio Papers (first series), — Present Criitis ; Ruth Hall, Down- 
renter's Son (antirent); Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 255-269 
(telegraph); Dana, Ttco Years before the Mast (Cal.); G. F. 
Atherton, Splendid Idle Forties (Cal.). 

Wilson, American People, IV.; Sparks, Expansion. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 

Polk's astute plans for making California a slaveholding 
region were brought to naught by a few grains of yellow 
metal. On January 24, 1848, about a week before the 315. Gold 
treaty of peace was signed, James W. Marshall of "fornia 
New Jersey picked up some flakes of gold in the race (1848-1853) 
of a new sawmill about sixty miles from Sutter's Fort, now 
called Sacramento. The news spread like the cry of fire ; 
within six months the coast settlements of California were 




Sutter's Mill and Race. 

From a painting in tiie Ferry House, San Francisco. 

369 



370 SECTIONALISM 

almost deserted; the inhabitants hurried to the gold dig- 
gings, which were "placers" (gravel reaches or terraces) 
yielding gold in dust, coarser particles, and nuggets. Soon all 
sorts of merchandise rose in price three times over ; and some 
miners by their individual labor were taking from $3000 to 
$5000 a month at the diggings. 

The next year thousands of " Forty-niners " made their way 

to California, some around Cape Horn, some across the Isthmus 

of Panama or Nicaragua, some in wagon trains straight west 

across the plains (p. 324). Between fifty thousand and one 

hundred thousand people poured into California, and in two 

seasons more than $30,000,000 of gold was taken out. If 

somebody "struck it rich," "in half an hour a motley multi- 

Colton, tude, covered with crowbars, pickaxes, spades, rifles, 

in Califor-' ^^^ wash bowls, went streaming over the hills in the 

nia, 293 direction of the new deposits." The old Spanish mining 

laws were inadequate, and the criminal laws did not apply to 

the circumstances ; and there was no government to pass new 

statutes. The miners therefore organized, made their own 

mining rules, and set up so-called " vigilance committees " for 

offhand punishment of crime. 

Gold mining was not all success. Probably every dollar of 
placer gold ever found in California cost on the average at 
least a dollar and a quarter in human toil, besides the waste 
of human life. After 1853 the yield of exposed placer gold 
declined, and mining in California gradually became a regular 
industry backed up by capital. Large streams were turned 
out of their beds in order to find the placer gold at the bottom 
of their courses ; then the gold was traced back to the quartz 
ledges, and stamp mills were set up. 

One object of the annexation of California was to secure 
816. Trade ports for direct trade with the Pacific islands, China, 
^g^, ® *" and Japan. The halfway station of the Sandwich or 
(.IS44-1864) Hawaiian Islands had for twenty years been under 



RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 371 

the influence of American missionaries, and the native dynasty 
recognized that the interests of the United States were greater 
than those of any other power. Chinese trade, however, was 
very much hampered by restrictions in Chinese ports. In 
1844 Caleb dishing, sent out by the United States, was able 
to secure a very desirable commercial treaty by which five 
Chinese "treaty ports" were designated for American trade; 
American consuls were allowed to hold courts for cases in- 
volving their countrymen ; and American merchants and other 
people got the right to buy pieces of ground for their own 
occupancy, " and also for hospitals, churches, and cemeteries." 




Perry in Japan, 1854. (From Perry's Narrative.) 

Japan refused to admit any traders or foreign merchantmen 
on any terms, till the United States sent Commodore Matthew 
C. Perry to open up relations. He entered ports where no 
European vessel had ever been seen ; he succeeded in breaking 
in the shell of the old empire; and he secured a favorable 
commercial treaty in 1854. 

The principal issue in the presidential election of 1848 was 
the future of New Mexico and California. The Whigs nomi- 
nated General Zachary Taylor. Van Buren's friends soon 



372 SECTIONALISM 

after 1844 formed what was called the " Barnburner " faction 
of Democrats in New York ; and when the Democratic con- 

317. Crisis vention of May, 1848, refused their delegates full recog- 
on territo- nition, and then nominated for President a " dough-face," 
(1846-1849) or northern proslavery man, Lewis Cass of Michigan, 

on a noncommittal platform, the Barnburners bolted. They 
combined with the Free-soilers (who included the former 
Liberty men) in nominating Van Buren for President, on the 
platform of "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free 
Men." This combination polled nearly 300,000 votes and 
threw New York over from the Democratic to the Whig side, 
thus allowing Zachary Taylor, a slaveholder, to be elected by 
163 electoral votes to 127 for Cass. 

From 1846 to 1849 several different propositions were made 
for settling the question whether slavery was to be legal in 
California and New Mexico: (1) the Wilmot Proviso, ex- 
cluding slavery by act of Congress; (2) establishment of 
slavery by act of Congress; (3) continuation of the 36° 30' 
compromise line from Texas to the Pacific; (4) "popular 
sovereignty," which was a suggestion by Cass that the ques- 
tion be left to the people of the respective territories; (5) "ex- 
ecutive regulations," through the Walker Bill, which would 
have given to the President authority to form a government. 
None of the five propositions could get a majority in both 
houses of Congress, and the only aotion bearing on the ques- 
tion was an act organizing the Territory of Oregon (August 14, 
1848) with a prohibition of slavery. 

As soon as Taylor became President (March 4, 1849), he 
used his influence and authority to bring about a state consti- 

318. Slav- tutional convention in California. That convention drew 
tiwis'^^^ up a state constitution (September, 1849) which definitely 
(1849-1850) prevented either a compromise line or local slavery on 

the Pacific coast ; for it declared that California extended all 
the way along the coast from Mexico to Oregon, and it abso- 



RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 373 



lutely forbade slavery. Free miners, working with their own 
hands, would not permit slaveholders to come out with their 
slaves and compete in the 
placers. A state government 
was immediately organized with- 
out waiting for any act of Con- 
gress. 

The air was full of slavery 
questions. Antislavery men felt 
that the time had come for 
some action which would put 
a stop to the domestic slave 
trade almost under the shadow 
of the Capitol; and Abraham 
Lincoln introduced a bill (Jan- 
uary, 1849) for gradual emanci- 
pation of the slaves in the 
District of Columbia. The fugi- 
tive slave act of 1793 had 
never worked well, and a de- 
cision of the Supreme Court (Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, 1842) 
took away much of its force. Besides, there was a regular 
system for aiding fugitives to escape, popularly known as 
the "Underground Railroad," in which more than 3000 peo- 
ple are known to have taken part ; and through which, from 
1830 to 1860, upAvn.rd of 60,000 slaves escaped. Fugitives 
were kept in the houses of abolitionists, forwarded from place 
to place at night, or hidden in out-of-the-way places; and if 
the pursuers came, were finally shipped across the Lakes tc 
free Canada. The South demanded that a more effective fugi- 
tive slave law be provided, and bills for that purpose were 
introduced. 

P)ehind all these questions was the larger issue of the rela- 
tive power of free and slave states. Up to 1849 the principle 




A California Big Tree. 

" Grizzly Giant," in the Mariposa 
Grove. 



374 SECTIONALISM 

of balancing states continued ; Arkansas (slave) was admitted 

in 1836, and Michigan (free) in 1837, Florida and Texas 

(slave) in 1845, and Iowa and Wisconsin (free) in 184H and 

1848. To admit California as a free state meant permanent 

superiority of the North in the Senate, for there was nowhere 

a southern territory ready to enter the Union. 

To settle all these complicated questions once for all, Henry 

Clay, " The Great Pacificator," came forward in January, 1850, 

319 Com ^^^^ ^ compromise measure which he urged with all his 

promise de- energies, and which was carried into effect seven months 

**® ^ ^ later. He declared, ''No earthly power could induce me 

Congres- ^q y(>|-g fQj, g_ specific measure for the introduction of 

sional Globe, 

1849-1850, slavery where it had not before existed " ; but he be- 

P' ^''^ lieved that New Mexico and California were already free 

by Mexican law ; and therefore that the North might safely 

accept his plan. 

The Compromise of 1850 was really made possible by 

Daniel Webster, as leader of the " Cotton," or commercial, 

Whigs of the North. In his famous " Seventh of March 

Speech," he argued that the North had not done its duty to 

the South, and was putting the Union in danger by refusing 

Contemvo- ^ ^^^^ compromise. As for slavery in New Mexico, he 

raries.IV. was sure that it could never be profitable there, and 

he summed up his principles in the striking phrase, " I 

would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of nature nor 

to reenact the will of God." 

Perhaps there was some danger to the Union : the Virginia 

legislature voted for " determined resistance at all hazards " ; 

and a convention was called to meet at Nashville to dis- 

Congres- CUSS, the question of separation. Robert Toombs of 

7W9^S^^' CJeorgia declared in open Congress, " I do not hesitate 

p. 28 to avow ... in the presence of the living God, that if 

. . . you seek to drive us from . . . California ... I am for 

disunion." In milder terms John C. Calhoun, in the last 



RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 875 

speech of his life, argued against a compromise, because the 
only thing that could pacify the South was for the North to 
stop the agitation of the slavery question, and to promise that 
nothing should be done by Congress contrary to the in- johyiston, 
terests of slavery : as he said, " If you, who represent the ^orZlona 
stronger portion, can not agree to settle ... on the broad //. 159 

principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the states we 
both represent agree to separate." 

Northern senators like Salmon P. Chase of Ohio scouted the 
idea that the Union was in danger, and denounced any com- 
promise. They looked on Webster as a man who had always 
been opposed to slavery but was now betraying his own section, 
in hope of getting southern support for the presidency. 

President Taylor, who was under the influence of Senator 
William H. Seward of New York, leader of the " Conscience 
Whigs," refused to favor Clay's compromise ; but he 320. The 
died suddenly in July, 1850, and Vice-President Fillmore °°™JJ°™4" 
became President, and signed in succession the five bills (1850) 

into which the Clay Compromise had been divided. They 
refer to territory not included in the Compromise of 1820. 

(1) By the first bill New Mexico was organized as a ter- 
ritory comprising lands on both sides of the Rio Grande, 
but Texas received $10,000,000 as indemnity for accepting 
her present limits ; the real issue of slavery was carefully 
avoided by providing (a) that " the Constitution and all laws 
which are not locally inapplicable " should apply to New 
Mexico; (h) that no citizen of the United States should be 
deprived of his "life, liberty, or property except by the judg- 
ment of his peers and the law of the land " ; (c) that when 
admitted as a state " the said Territory . . . shall be admitted 
into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution 
may prescribe at the time of admission." This was a tacit 
permission to hold slaves while it remained a territory. 

(2) The next bill admitted California as a free state. (3) The 




a 71) 



RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 377 

Utah Bill, with provisions like those of the New Mexico Bill, 
organized a territory north of New Mexico, apparently in- 
tended to be free. (4) A new fugitive slave act provided for 
a system of United States Commissioners to try cases in a 
" summary manner." (5) Another act prohibited the slave 
trade in the District of Columbia. 

Among the new senators in 1849 was William H. Seward of 
New York, who at once came forward as a leading antislavery 
man in Congress. Born in 1801, Seward went to Union 
College and was for a short time tutor in a slaveholding ^^j.^ g^^^ ^j^^ 

family in the South. He went into politics in New York higher law 

(1840-1850) 
state and was twice Whig governor of New York (1839- 

1843). His intimate friend and political manager was Thur- 
low Weed, one of the most adroit, long-headed, and unscru- 
pulous politicians in the history of the country. 

In the debate of 1850 Seward was the recognized spokesman 
of the antislavery opponents of the compromise. His argu- 
ment was "that compromises settled nothing, and that it was 
useless to try to provide for questions before they came up. 
In his speech Seward let fall a phrase which stamped him in 
the minds of the South as an implacable enemy : " The Con- 
stitution devotes the domain to vmion, to justice, to de- Contemnora- 
fense, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher ries,IV.58 
law than the Constitution, which regulates our authority 
over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purpose." 
What he meant to say was that the law of God agreed with 
the Constitution; what he was understood to say was that 
the higher law nullified the Constitution, which undoubtedly 
recognized slavery as existing in some states and territories. 

Balked of the expected slaveholding state in California, the 
extreme southerners now turned to Cuba, so rich, so 322. At- 
near to the United States, so abounding in slaves. Polk tempts on 
had even offered a hundred million dollars for the is- (1849-1851) 
land in 1848. Several expeditions of "filibusters," that is, 



378 SECTIONALISM 

of volunteer adventurers, were fitted out in New Orleans; and 
one of them, under one Lopez, landed in Cuba (August, 1851) 
with nearly 500 men. The expedition was captured by the Span- 
iards, and Lopez with about fifty of his followers was executed. 
On hearing the news, the populace of New Orleans attacked 
the Spanish consulate. President Fillmore, while strongly cen- 
suring the expedition, did what he could to save the remaining 
prisoners, and a proper apology was made to Spain for the 
New Orleans incident. 

The radical autislavery people showed their discontent with 
the compromise by violent resistance to the fugitive slave law, 

««o T, • of which several instances should be mentioned. In 
323. Fugi- 
tive slave February, 1851, an undoubted fugitive named Shadrach 

(Tsli-isss) ^^^ arrested in Boston and brought before the United 
„ States Commissioner. An eyewitness said, " We heard a 

Source shout from the courthouse continued into a yell of tri- 

' uinph, and in an instant after down the steps came two 

huge negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his 
clothes half torn off, . . . and they went off toward Cambridge, 
like a black squall, the crowd driving along with them and 
^ cheering as they went." In September, 1851, a man named 
Gorsuch, who had pursued runaways to Christiana, Pennsyl- 
vania, was killed by his own slaves. An attempt was made 
to frighten the abolitionists by trying for treason a Quaker 
named Castner Han way, who was present and refused to aid 
Gorsuch. The prosecution, however, broke down, and the 
slayers of Gorsuch were not found. In 1854, while a fugitive 
named Burns was confined in the United States courthouse in 
Boston, a mob of abolitionists, in an attempt to rescue him, 
broke in the door and killed one of the deputy marshals. 

The breakdown of prosecutions against the rescuers, in these 
and other like instances, showed that northern public senti- 
ment was so strong against slavery that it was not worth 
while to appeal to the fugitive slave law. The spectacle of a 




KKSULTS OF THis MEXICAN WAR (1848-1858) 379 

hunted fugitive, sent back to lifelong captivity for no crime 
except that of being a black slave, brought home the conditions 

of slavery to thousands of northern 
people. 

The hostility to slavery was 
voiced by the legislatures of most 
of the northern states in the 324. Per- 
"Personal Liberty Bills." '°^^^^^^ 
Under the fugitive slave laws (1840-1861) 
of 1793 and 1850, a free negro who 
was suspected of being a fugitive 
could be arrested and his status 
determined without any oppor- 
^^^^- tunity for the cross-examination 
Runaway Slave. ^^ witnesses; and in several in- 

Cut used in newspaper stances free men were thus kid- 

advertisemeuts. naped and sent into slavery. To 

meet this danger, about 1840 the northern states began to pass 
acts to compel a jury trial for alleged fugitives, and to forbid 
their officials to take any part in the proceedings against such 
persons. So far the states were acting within their rights ; but 
after the Act of 1850, new statutes were passed in all the north- 
ern states except two, interfering in various ways with the opera- 
tion of the national fugitive slave statute and Constitution. All 
these acts showed that the free states, Constitution or no Con- 
stitution, would not recognize any responsibility for slavery. 

In this time of storm and stress, the person who perhaps 
did most to affect the history of the country was Harriet -os tt 
Beecher Stowe, through her story Uncle Tom's Cabin, Tom's Cabin 
published first as a serial in 1851, and afterward in many ^ ' 

editions in book form. The book was not primarily intended 
to be a political weapon; but it expressed a bitter sense of 
injustice at the system of man owning man, and it made the 
whole world see the human side of negro character, the kin- 



380 SECTIONALISM 

ship of men of every race. It was the only antislavery book 
widely read and discussed in the South. 

How far Uncle Tom's Cabin is a truthful picture of slavery 
has been much disputed. Mrs. Stowe had indeed seen some- 
thing of slave life in Kentucky ; and some of the incidents, such 
as Eliza's escape on the ice, were actual events. The purpose 
of the book was to call attention to the inevitable cruelty of 
human bondage and its degrading effect on the master, and 
to that end the author made use of harrowing scenes, all of 
which were possible under slavery, and many of which could 
be paralleled by extracts from the southern newspapers of 
the time. 

Uncle Toni's Cabin recalled men to the real question of 
the day, away from artificial politics. No serious issue existed 
326 P rti between the two political parties: the Whigs no longer 
cal break- wanted a bank, or national internal improvements, or a 
"^ ^ protective tariff ; but there was a strong and fierce divi- 

sion of opinion inside each party on the slavery question. 
Nevertheless, in the political campaign of 1852 both Whigs 
and Democrats insisted that the compromise was a " finality," 
and that the antislavery people were making all the trouble 
because they would keep on discussing it. The Whigs nomi- 
nated Winfield Scott of Virginia, a good soldier, but a weak 
candidate. For the Democratic nomination there was a fierce 
competition between Cass, Douglas of Illinois, Buchanan of 
Pennsylvania, and Marcy of New York ; but the place went to 
an inconspicuous man, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, 
who had been for two terms a member of Congress, and for 
one term a senator, and had served creditably in the Mexican 
War. The former Free-soil party reorganized as the Free 
Democracy. Pierce received 254 electoral votes to 42 for 
Scott. Though the Whigs polled nearly 1,400,000 popular 
votes against 1,600,000 for the Democratic ticket, and 155,000 
for the Free Democrats, they carried only four states. 



RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 381 

The five years from 1848 to 1853 were full of excitement 
and danger. At the beginning of the period Congress had to 
face three hotly disputed questions : (1) the boundaries 327. Sum- 
of Texas; (2) the future of New Mexico; (3) the future ^^^ 

of California. The South insisted that the recently annexed 
territory should be divided by the compromise line of 36° 30' " 
extended to the Pacific; the North insisted that both Cali- 
fornia and New Mexico should remain free. At the same 
time the questions of slavery in the District of Columbia, and 
of fugitive slaves, came in to confuse the issue. 

After four years of exhausting discussion, all these issues 
were apparently adjusted by the Compromise of 1850. The 
people of California secured a free-state government, and Con- 
gress cut down the Texan territorial claim ; a new and more 
severe fugitive slave law was passed; and the slave trade in 
the District of Columbia was prohibited. New Mexico was 
divided into the two territories of Utah and New Mexico, in 
each of which slaveholders were allowed to settle with their 
slaves if they chose, the expectation being that New Mexico 
would become a slave state. 

Yet as soon as the compromise had been passed, four new 
issues arose out of slavery : (1) the annexation of. Cuba ; (2) 
the nullification of the fugitive slave law by violence and by 
" personal liberty laws " ; (3) the revival of the abolition 
spirit under the stimulus of Uncle Tom's Cabin; (4) the 
defeat of the Whigs, which showed that slavery had caused 
fatal internal divisions in that party as a national organization. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did the Free-soilers object to Lewis Cass? (2) Why Suggestive 
did Taylor wish to form a state government in California? ^OP'^^^ 

(3) Why did Clay think that slavery did not exist, in New Mexico ? 

(4) What was the need of a new fugitive slave act in 1850? 
(6) Was Daniel Webster's Seventh of March Speech a bid for 
the presidency ? (6) What did Calhoun think would save the 



382 



SECTIONALISM 



Search 
topics 



Union ? (7) Why did not Taylor favor the Comproraise of 1850 ? 

(8) Why was Franklin Pierce nominated for the presidency ? 

(9) A brief account of the Whig party. 

(10) At the silver mines in California. (11) Hydraulic mining in 
California. (12) The Walker Bill of 184'J. (13) Caleb Cushing 
in China. (14) The Underground Railroad. (15) Robert Toombs's 
opinions on slavery. (10) Discovery of gold in California. 
(17) The Barnburners in New York. (18) The Buffalo Free-soil 
convention. (10) Commodore Perry in Japan. (20) The Cali- 
for^iia constitutional convention, 184U. (21) William II. Seward's 
opinions on slavery. (22) The New Orleans riot of 1851. (23) The 
Shadrach fugitive slave case. (24) The Gorsuch fugitive slave case. 
(25) Examples of personal liberty bills. (26) Contemporary 
opinions of Uncle Tom's Cabin. (27) Return of Anthony Burns. 



REFERENCES 



Geography 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 324, 362, 376 ; Garrison, Westward Extension. 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 83-89 ; Stanwood, Presi- 
dency, 226-257 ; Garrison, M^estward Extension ; Schouler, United 
States, V. 100-260 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 99-302 ; Lamed, 
History for Ready Reference, I. 350, IV. 2929, V. 3382 ; Macy, 
Political Parties, 102-161 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-Soil Parties, 
121-260 ; McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, §§ 19-83 ; Siebert, Under- 
ground Railroad ; Latang, United States and Spanish America, 
105-116, 176-194, — ^mencan Relations in the Pacific, 72-123; 
Schurz, Henry Clay, II. 316-415 ; Lodge, Daniel Webster, 265- 
333 ; Hapgood, Daniel Webster, 102-114 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 
306-350 ; McLaughlin, Lewis Cass, 235-292 ; Bancroft. W. H. 
Seward, I. 156-332 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 95-132 ; Brown, S. A. 
Douglas, 1-81 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 87-93. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 105-107, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 7, 
nS^, — Source Readers, IIL §86, IV. §§12-16; MacDonald, 
Select Documents, nos. 77-82 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 82 ; 
Johnston, American Orations, II. 123-340. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, oGO, — Historical Sotirces, § 8(>. 

Lowell, Bigloio Papers (first series) ; Whitticr, Antislavery 
Poems, 146-155, \Gd-\lS, — Ichabod ; Kirk Munroo, Golden Days 
of '49; Bret Harte, Luck of Roaring Camp, — Tales of the Argo- 
nauts ; J. T. Trowbridge, Neighbor Jackioood (fugitives) ; C. R. 
Sherlock, Red Anvil (fugitives). 

Wilson, American People, IV. passim. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 

Slavery was primarily a matter for state legislation, like 
the question of title to land; but it became a national ques- 
tion because the federal government had to take cog- -oo p v 
nizance of slavery in four ways : — tics and 

(1) Congress had power to legislate for the District of ^ *^"^ 
Columbia in all cases whatsoever. The question of slavery in 

the district, which came up about 1827, was pressed by the 
abolition politicians after 1835, and accented by the discussion 
in 1850, as to the sale of slaves in the district. 

(2) Congress- had complete power over the foreign and inter- 
state slave trade : the foreign slave trade was prohibited by 
acts of 1807 and later amendments, but a movement began in 
the far South in 1859-1860 to reopen the African slave trade ; 
the domestic trade was never restricted, except in the District 
of Columbia. 

(3) Congress had power over the recovery of fugitive slaves, 
and exercised it by the two acts of 1793 and 1850. 

(4 ) Congress had power to regulate the territories, and exer- 
cised it by four successive acts prohibiting slavery in definite 
areas : (a) the Ordinance of 1787, for the Northwest Territory, 
reaffirmed by an act of Congress of 1789 ; (6) the Missouri 
Compromise of 1820, covering the Louisiana cession north 
of 36° 30' ; (c) the Texas resolution of 1845, prohibiting slavery 
in any states which might be created out of any part of Texas 
north of 36° 30' ; (d) the Oregon Act of 1848, prohibiting slavery 
.in that territory. In New Mexico and Utah, by the Com- 
promise of 1850, Congress evaded its responsibility, leaving 

383 



384 SECTIONALISM 

the question to be settled by the people who might be on the 
ground when the time came to organize states. It was clear 
that any future annexation of territory would lead to a tierce 
contest to decide which section should control it. 

Nevertheless, in his inaugural address (March 4, 1853), 

President Pierce hinted that he favored the annexation of 

329. At- Cuba. His Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, and 

ne™Cuba*^" ^^^^ Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, disagreed on that 

(1854) question ; and Pierce vacillated, according as one or the 

other of these two men had influence over him. As minister 

to Spain he appointed Pierre Soule, of Louisiana, an ardent 

"fire eater," as extreme advocates of slavery were called, and 

an annexationist, who bent all his energies to acquire Cuba. 

When the steamer Black Warrior was seized in Havana for 

a technical violation of the customs regulations (March, 1854), 

the President threatened war. 

While this question was pending, Soul^, Buchanan, minister 
to England, and Mason, minister to France, were ordered to 
confer in Belgium, and they drew up the " Ostend Manifesto " 
(October 18, 1854), which is an open and unblushing avowal 
of the doctrine that might makes right, and that Cuba must be 
annexed in order to protect slavery. This remarkable docu- 
ment says that if Spain refuses to sell Cuba for a fair price, 
"then by every law, human and divine, we shall be justi- 
fied in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power " lest 
"we permit Cuba to be Africanized." Marcy's influence at 
last prevailed, and the United States accepted a settlement 
of the Black Warrior difficulty (February, 1855), so that no 
excuse for war remained. 

Perhaps the main reason for holding back from Cuba was 
sao 8t«- ^^® storm that burst on the administration because of its 
phen A. action on the Nebraska question. After 1820 the region 
th<rfar^ west of the Missouri River remained without a territorial 
weaterner government, for it had no white population till the over- 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 385 



rr.yclU:timl«„rj,r„„„ll I , I... • H'' l,.i.,\- Oil 




, MA"- 



UV. 



Cartoon on thk Ostend Manifesto. 
Published as a broadside, 1856. 

land travel to California began in 1849. Senator Stephen 
A. Douglas of Illinois, chairman of the committee on terri- 
tories, introduced a bill for the organization of Nebraska 
Territory (January 4, 1854), accompanied with a long argument 
to show that slavery would be legal there, because the Com- 
promise of 1820, applying to that region, had been set aside 
by the Compromise of 1850. After various twists and turns 
Douglas incorporated into his bill the clear statement that 
the clause of the Missouri Act of 1820, which forbade slavery in 
certain territory, "is hereby declared inoperative and void." 
To support this disturbing principle, Douglas reinvented the 
doctrine of " popular sovereignty," or " squatter sovereignty," 
namely, that the people of a territory had the same right to 
legislate on local affairs, including slavery, as the people of 
the states. 

HART^S AMER. HIST. — 23 



386 



SECTIONALISM 



In this controversy Douglas represented a strong influence 
which eastern men did not understand. Born in Vermont in 
1813, he early went to Illinois, where he held various state 
offices, including that of judge of the supreme court. In 1847 
he was sent from Illinois to the Senate, and there represented 
those crude, boisterous, but determined political forces which 
had earlier made Jackson President. He came from a constitu- 
ency which was accus- 
tomed to care for itself, 
and which therefore 
thought it as reason- 
able that the people of 
a territory should settle 
the question of slavery 
as that they should 
settle the question of 
schools. Later in life 
he made the significant 
admission that he " did 
not care whether slav- 
ery was voted down or 
voted up " ; but he was 
intensely ambitious, 
and there is no doubt 
that he looked forward 
to the next presidential election, and hoped to convince the 
southern Democrats that he was at the same time safe and 
powerful. 

Of all American public men, Douglas was the fiercest debater. 
Though a short man, he had a big voice which poured forth 
anything that came into his mind, esi)ecially a coarse and 
effective personal abuse of those who opposed him. He was 
quick, forcible, and undaunted, and never much concerned 
himself about accuracy or consistency. His main defect was 




Stephen A. Douglas, about 1850. 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 387 

that he could not understand or measure the moral opposition 
to slavery. 

The Nebraska Bill infuriated a great part of the northern 
people, for no public man had suggested in the discussion of 
1850 that the compromise then passed applied anywhere 331. Kan- 
outside of New Mexico and Utah, or that the Act of braskaBill 
1820 ceased to apply to the Louisiana Purchase. The (1864) 

protest was expressed in a paper called the Appeal of the In- 
dependent Democrats (January 16, 1854), drawn up by Salmon 
P. Chase, abolition senator from Ohio, which declared the bill 
to be "part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from 
a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the old world and 
free laborers from our own states." 

In the course of the discussion the new territory was divided 
into two territories, Kansas and Nebraska, showing a plain 
expectation that Kansas, which lay immediately west of Mis- 
souri, would becomes a slaveholding community to balance 
California. In spite of the bitterest opposition, ably led by 
Chase, Douglas got 37 votes in the Senate against 14, and then 
forced the bill through the House by 108 to 100, and arranged 
with Pierce, who signed the bill. May 30, 1854. Perhaps 
Douglas began to see his error when, on the test vote on the 
Nebraska Bill in the House, half the northern Democrats re- 
fused to go with him ; and when in the congressional election 
in the fall of 1854, most of the other half lost their seats. 

The inevitable effect of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was 
quickly revealed when hundreds of Missourians crossed over 
into Kansas and entered up land for farms, which 332. Civil 
most of them did not mean to occupy. The challenge Kansas 

was accepted by several emigrant aid companies, (1864-1856) 
founded in New England, which within about three years sent 
out six thousand free-state men, as permanent settlers, many 
of them armed with a new weapon of precision, the Sharp's 
rifle. The purpose of the Missourian neighbors (commonly 



388 SECTIONALISM 

called " Border Ruffians ") was shown in the election of March, 
1855; for members of the first territorial legislature ; U905 
legal voters somehow were credited with 6307 votes. Hundreds 
of armed Missourians came over into Kansas to set up or drive 
away election officers at their will, and thus elected a large 
majority of the legislature. It met (July, 1855) and passed 
a code of laws which established slavery, and made it a crime 
even to assert that " persons had not the right to hold slaves 
in this territory." 

To protect themselves against this minority rule, the anti- 
slavery people framed a state constitution at Topeka (Novem- 
ber, 1855) and attempted to set up a government. The rival 
settlers and neighbors in the spring of 1856 came to civil 
war in which about two hundred lives were sacrificed and the 
free-state town of Lawrence was sacked. Among the most 
reckless of the free-state people was a man named John Brown, 
who turned out whenever there was a fight ; and in May, 1856, 
he directed his men to seize and kill some proslavery neighbors 
at Osawatomie. President Pierce could not keep order, but 
under his direction the antislavery Topeka legislature was 
dispersed by United States troops, July 4, 1856. 

Both the Whig party and the Democratic were rent in twain 
by the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a great political upheaval 
333. New came in 1854. An attempt was made to form an 
Kepubhcan j^j^erican Party on the principles of dislike of Catho- 
(1854-1856) lies and distrust of foreigners. It was backed by a 
powerful secret society, the " Supreme Order of the Star- 
Spangled Banner " ; the members of which, because they 
always replied to any question about their society, "I know 
nothing about it," were commonly called "Know-nothings." 
The Know-nothings secured the state government of Massa- 
chusetts, and extended even into the southern states, and they 
soon claimed mon; than a million votes, but broke into factions 
over the slavery question in 1856. 



FORESHADOWING OF CTVIL WAP. (18r,r._]8r,0; r.SO 

The abolitionists acting alone never liad more than 150,000 
votes; but they were a lively element in a new and strong 
combination of Free Democrats with "anti-Nebraska" Whigs 
and Democrats. To this new party the name " Republican " 
was given, perhaps for the first time, at Jackson, Michigan, in 
July, 1854. By all sorts of fusions and coalitions of Know- 
nothings, Republicans, Whigs, and Democrats, the Anti-Ne- 
braska people carried fifteen states in 1854, and elected eleven 
senators and a small majority of the House of Representatives. 

In 1856 the Republicans, called by their opponents " Black 
Republicans," girded themselves up for the presidential 
election. Instead of nominating Seward, their ablest man, 
they put up John C. Fremont, who was popularly supposed 
to have conquered California. To the grief of Stephen A. 
Douglas, the Democrats passed him over precisely because he 
had roused such opposition by helping the South in his Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill ; they nominated for the presidency James 
Buchanan of Pennsylvania. 

An incident of the presidential year was a speech made by 
Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, entitled "The 
Crime against Kansas," which in coarse and violent language 
assailed Senator Butler of South Carolina. Preston Brooks, 
representative from South Carolina and a kinsman of Butler, 
assaulted Sumner in the Senate Chamber and beat him insen- 
sible. Brooks was censured by the House, resigned, and was 
triumphantly reelected by his constituents ; but his brutal vio- 
lence seemed to the North an evidence of a purpose to silence 
antislavery men in Congress. 

In the election of 1856 Buchanan got 174 electoral votes to 
114 for Fremont; and the Republicans failed to secure the 
House for 1857-1859. Yet Fremont had 1,300,000 votes 
against 1,800,000 for Buchanan; and carried every northern 
state except New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. 
Ex-President Fillmore, candidate of the Know-nothings and 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 391 

the remnant of the Whigs, had 875,000 votes, but carried only 
one state, Maryland. 

Since neither Congress nor the squatters proved capable of 
settling the question of territorial slavery, the Supreme Court 
of the United States tried its hand, in the case of Dred 334. Dred 
Scott vs. Sandford. Dred Scott, the slave of a Dr. Emer- '^ cision 

son, was taken by his owner in 1834 to Rock Island, Illi- (1857) 

nois (within the bounds of the old Northwest Territory), in 
1836 to Fort Snelling (in the Louisiana Purchase, north of Mis- 
souri), and then brought back to Missouri (a slave state). 
Some years afterward Dred Scott sued for his freedom, on 
the plea that his master had taken him to free regions. 

After four preliminary suits, the case was finally decided by 
the federal Supreme Court in March, 1857, eight judges out of 
nine drawing up separate opinions. Six judges united in the 
decree of the court to the effect that the Missouri Act of 1820 
was unconstitutional from the first, because Congress had no 
power to regulate slavery in the territories. So far the court 
went along with Douglas ; then four judges, and perhaps a 
fifth, turned squarely against Douglas's doctrine of popular 
sovereignty, by holding that nobody could prohibit slavery in a 
territory, because the right of property in a slave was distinctly 
affirmed in the Constitution. That is, the court, so far as it 
could, held slavery to be a national institution, the normal 
thing in every territory, and beyond the reach of any power 
except a state legislature. 

The Chief Justice also laid down the doctrine, with which 
the majority of the court appeared to concur, that free negroes 
could not become citizens of the United States, that they 
had never been included in the political community, and 
that in the minds of the Revolutionary fathers they " had no 
rights which the white man was bound to respect." This 
and all the other proslavery opinions were bitterly contested 
by Justices McLean of Ohio and Curtis of Massachusetts, who 



392 SECTIONALISM 

further insisted that teclniica,lly there was no ground for any 
decision whatever. Dred Scott was left a slave, but was im- 
mediately manumitted by his master; and the decision was 
so forced and so contrary to historical facts that the Kepub- 
lican leaders declared that they were not bound by it. 

Notwithstanding the excitement over the slavery question, 
the questions which seemed at the time most vital were those 
335. Growth of daily business, and the United States had never been 
of com- g^ prosperous as from 1845 to 1857. California gold fur- 

(1845-1857) nished a new export of specie, and breadstuffs were in 
^eat demand abroad. Exports in 1856 were nearly three 
times as great as in 1846. To carry this trade and that of 
other countries, American shipping reached the highest point 
in our history — 3,300,000 tons in 1860. These were the days 
of the magnificent clipper ships, wooden sailing craft of un- 
excelled speed and handiness, making voyages from England 
to New York sometimes in less than fourteen days, and from 
China to New York in about eighty days. 

Screw steamers as yet were mostly ships of war, but the 
ocean paddle steamers grew in size and speed till they could 
cross the ocean in twelve days. In 1847 Congress granted a 
subsidy to two lines of steamers : $850,000 a year to the 
Collins American line. New York to Liverpool ; and $200,000 
a year to a line from New York to Bremen. The Collins 
line was extravagantly managed, lost several ships, and broke 
down in 1858. 

Internal communication advanced with equal strides. The 
railroad mileage in 1840 was under 3000; in 1850, 9000; in 
1860, 30,000. Till 1850 there was hardly such a thing as a 
through railroad line, but in 1851 the New York and Erie 
Railroad was finished from New York to Lake Erie, and in 
1853 a continuous chain of separate lines of railroad reached 
Chicago from the east. In 1859 railroads from the north and 
east reached New Orleans. Railroads now began to be con- 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 393 

solidated into systems by uniting them end to end ; for ex- 
ample, the ten short connecting lines from Albany to Buffalo, 
in 1853, were united under the New York Central. 

Beginning with a grant to the Illinois Central in 1850, the 
United States aided western railroads by immense grants of 
public lands. It was a natural suggestion that a road might 
be built to the Pacific in the same way, and Congress went 
so far as to send out several exploring expeditions, especially 
one of 1853, which surveyed various practicable routes. Though 
a railroad was built by American capital across the Panama 
Isthmus and opened for business in 1858, the plans for an 
isthmian canal still hung fire; the task was too great for pri- 
vate capital ; and there was a violent dispute over the meaning 
of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, till (1860) Great Britain gave 
up all claim to a protectorate over territory near the Nica- 
ragua route. 

The revenues of the government rose so fast that a new 
tariff was passed by a non-partisan vote (March 3, 1857). 
Every member from Massachusetts and every member 336. panic 
from South Carolina voted for the bill, which decreased °^ 1857 
the existing low duties of 184G by about a fifth; and the average 
rate of duties was brought down to about 20 per cent. Before 
the new tariff could have any effect, a commercial panic came 
upon the country, caused principally by the expenditure of 
about $70,000,000 on railroads in ten years. The panic began 
in August, 1857, and in October all the banks in the country 
suspended specie payment ; many railroads failed ; and first 
and last more than five thousand business houses broke, 
with losses of more than $150,000,000. The federal govern- 
ment saw its annual revenue reduced from $76,000,000 to 
$46,000,000 ; and it was obliged to issue treasury notes for its 
expenses. Still there was no such widespread suffering and 
no such check to business as after the panic of 1837, and 
by 1860 business was again normal. 



394 



SFX'TIONALISM 



Till the Pacific railroad was built, much of the traffic over- 
land to California went by wagon roads which passed through 
Utah Territory, near Great Salt Lake. This region had 
mon rising been settled by the Mormons, Avho were forced to aban- 
(18 7- 858) (Jqh j^auvoo in 1846. Under their new prophet, Brigham 
Young, they reached Great Salt Lake the next year, where 
they founded a city, laid out farms, and introduced irrigation. 
Polygamy was announced to be a part of the religious system 
of the community, and to be based on a direct revelation from 
the Almighty. By the Mexican cession of 1848, the Mormons 
found themselves in the United States. They then organized 
the " State of Deseret," and applied for admission to the 
Union ; but Congress instead created Utah Territory, of which 
Brigham Young was made the first governor. 




Mormon Church Buildings, Salt Lakk City. 
Tabernacle, built 1870 ; Temple, built 1893. 

The overland traffic to California disturbed the Mormons, 
who wanted to be let alone, and made trouble for the federal 
officials. In 1857 Buchanan appointed a new territorial gov- 
ernor, and sent with hiui 1500 troops to support his authority 
over the Mormons, who were reported to have bxirned the 
court records, and to be in a state of rebellion. Governor 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 395 

Brigham Young declared there was no rebellion or disorder; 
he forbade the troops to enter the territory, and called out the 
militia, which captured some of their supply trains and tried to 
starve them out. The following year, however, the new governor 
was peacefully installed, Buchanan proclaimed amnesty for 
the Mormons, and the troops entered the territory unmolested. 
The danger point in American politics was still in Kansas, 
where a proslavery convention at Lecompton prepared a con- 
stitution (November, 1857). President Buchanan prom- 338. Le- 

ised that the work of the convention should be submitted f °™?;**!f 

constitu- 

to popular vote; but the convention provided that the tion (1868) 
voters might cast their ballots for "Constitution with Slav- 
ery " (i.e. with a separate article distinctly establishing 
slavery), or for " Constitution with no Slavery," which left in 
bondage slaves then in the territory, and forbade free negroes 
to live in the state. 

At an election under proslavery authority, 6063 votes were 
counted for " Constitution with Slavery " and 576 for " Con- 
stitution with no Slavery." But the free-state men now 
secured control of the legislature, which ordered a second 
election, at which the vote was, for "Constitution with Slav- 
ery," 138; for "Constitution with no Slavery," 24; against 
the Constitution altogether, 10,226. A plan to admit the 
state under the discredited Lecompton constitution, against 
the will of the majority, was warmly supported by Buchanan, 
but was frustrated by Douglas, who could not abjure his own 
doctrine of squatter sovereignty, that the people of a territory 
ought to govern themselves. Under a compromise act called 
the English Bill (May 14, 1858), the Lecompton constitution 
was sent back to the people of Kansas, with a splendid offer 
of public lands if they would vote to accept statehood under it. 
On the final test vote the people of Kansas by a decisive 
majority of 9500 rejected the attempt to make them a slave 
state against their will, and reiuained a territory till 1861. 



>i^J6 sp:ctionalism 

In opposing the Lecompton constitution, Douglas undoubt- 
edly remembered that his term in the Senate was about to 
339. Else of expire, and that the legislature chosen in Illinois in 
Lincoln"^ 1858 would elect to the vacancy. As a rival claimant to 
(1809-1858) the seat, came forward Abraham Lincoln, who wrote up 
his autobiography as follows : — 

" Born, February 12, 1809, iu Hardin County, Kentucky ; 

"Education defective ; 

" Profession a lawyer ; 

"Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk 
War; 

"Postmaster at a very small office; 

"Four times a member of Illinois Legislature ; 

" And was a member of the lower house of Congress." 

Lincoln rose steadily from the squalor of a poor white 
family living in Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. After try- 
ing surveying and storekeeping, in which he made a flat 
failure, he studied law, went to the legislature, was an early 
Whig, and became known throughout the state for his good 
stories, homely sayings, and honest attention to the cases in- 
trusted to him. In 1841 he had his first sight of slaves, and 
he called slavery "a thing which has, and continually exer- 
cises, the power of making me miserable." From 1847 to 
1849 he sat in Congress. 

When the Kansas-Nebraska question arose, Lincoln came out 
firmly for the anti-Nebraska cause. In 1855 he was all but 
elected Republican senator from Illinois ; in 1858 he was des- 
ignated by the Illinois Republican convention as their candi- 
date for the senatorship, and accepted in a magnificent speech, 
of which the text was : " A house divided against itself can 
not stand. I believe this government can not endure perma- 
nently half slave and half free." 

He next took the bold step of challenging Douglas, the most 
effective stump orator in the country, to a series of joint 



FORESHADOWING OF ClVlL WAR (1853-1860) 397 

debates. Before tremendous audiences Ids eloquence and power 
caused people to forget his personal awkwardness. Douglas 
tried to turn the question into a personal controversy, 340. Lin- 
and he accused Lincoln of seeking the social equality of ?° deb^t" 
the negro, to which Lincoln memorably replied: "In the (1858) 

right to eat the bread without the leave of anybody else, which 
his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge 
Douglas, and the equal of every living man." 

The culmination of the debate was reached at Freeport. 
When Lincoln put the question whether the people of a terri- 
tory (i.e. Kansas) in any lawful way could prohibit slavery, 
Douglas's reply, commonly called the "Freeport Doctrine," 
was that the people of a territory could prevent slavery by 
"unfriendly legislation"; that is, Lincoln compelled him to 
stand by his squatter sovereignty, and to ignore the Dred 
Scott decision. The answer so far satisfied Douglas's constit- 
uents that he secured a small majority of the Illinois legisla- 
ture and was reelected to the Senate ; but when he went back 
to Washington, he found that his party colleagues were against 
him. Lincoln had practically obliged Douglas to break with 
the southern Democrats, who controlled the party organization. 

The most striking event of the year 1859 was the attempt 
of John Brown, already known in Kansas, to arouse a slave 
insurrection. His plan was to establish a damp for run- g^j j^. 

away negroes in the southern mountains. He secured Brown raid 

(1859) 

money and counsel from some New England friends, 

recruited twenty-two men, and hired a farm in the Maryland 
mountains near the town of Harpers Ferry. He descended 
upon that place October 16, and seized the United States 
arsenal, which had no guard, sent out parties to capture some 
of the white planters, and tried to rouse the neighboring 
slaves, who were expected to carry off a quantity of the arms. 
The next day the whole countryside was in an uproar; the 
negroes did not rise, and Brown hesitated until too late to 



398 



SECTIONALISM 



escape; the engine house in which he had fortified himself was 
finally taken by United States marines, under Colonel Kobert 
E. Lee; Brown was wounded and captured, and ten of his 
men (including a son) were killed, and five of his assailants. 

It is greatly to the credit of Virginia that this intractable 
man had a fair and open trial. He was duly convicted of 

murder and treason against 
the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia. He met his death like 
a hero, and won the respect 
of his jailers and southern 
visitors ; he never had the 
slightest feeling of remorse 
or guilt. In his last letter 
to his family he solemnly 
said, " John Brown writes to 
his children to abhor, with 
undying hatred also, that 
sum of all villanies, slavery." 
Moderate northern people ex- 
JoHN Brown in 1859. pressed their condemnation 

of Brown's methods, but could not help admiring his heroic 
spirit; and John Brown probably did more than any other 
man to convince the South that slavery was no longer safe 
within the federal Union ; for he showed that there were 
abolitionists who were perfectly willing to sacrifice their 
own lives to free other people's slaves. 




The six years from 1853 to 1859 showed that slavery was 

a disturbing influence which could not be quieted or removed. 

842. Sum- For the sake of slavery, attempts were made to annex 

™"y Cuba, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed, rival parties 

were allowed to wage civil war in Kansas, the Supreme Court 

tried to establish a new principle in the territories, and Bu- 



FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 399 

chanan and his friends attempted to force a proslavery con- 
stitution upon the people of Kansas. 

From 1853 to 1859 the antislavery people took the offensive 
in politics. Their national antislavery ticket almost won the 
election of 1856 ; they attacked Douglas through a new cham- 
pion, Abraham Lincoln, and compelled him in 1858 to break 
with many of his party associates. Then a few of the most 
extreme abolitionists tried to show how vulnerable slavery 
was by encouraging the John Brown raid. 

After six years of struggle nothing was decided : Cuba was 
not annexed ; Kansas was not a slave state ; the Dred Scott 
decision was openly defied by the Eepublicans. The only 
thing clear was that this fierce controversy was driving the 
two sections further and further apart, that they distrusted 
each other more and more; and that neither President nor 
Congress nor Supreme Court could suggest any middle view 
on the subject of slavery which would satisfy both North and 
South. 

TOPICS 

(1) What was the objection to abolishing slavery in the District Suggestive 
of Columbia? (2) Why did President Pierce want to annex *°*'^''' 
Cuba ? (3) Why did the Mormons go out to Utah ? (4) Did the 
Compromise of 1850 set aside the Missouri Act of 1820 ? (5) The 
Know-nothing party. (6) Why was not Seward nominated by 
the Republicans in 1856 ? (7) Why did the Mormons give way in 
1858 ? (8) Evidence that Buchanan promised that the Lecompton 
constitution should be submitted to a popular vote. (9) Why 
did Lincoln compel Douglas to announce his Freeport Doctrine ? 
(10) How did the Freeport Doctrine conflict with the Dred Scott 
decision? (11) Was John Brown justified in inciting a slave 
insurrection ? 

(12) Propositions to reopen the slave trade in the fifties. Search 
(13) The Ostend Manifesto of 1854. (14) Who first put forth the *°Pi°8 
principle of popular sovereignty ? (15) Appeal of the Independent 
Democrats. (16) Why did the Kansas-Nebraska Bill pass the 
Senate ? (17) Origin of the emigrant aid companies. (18) The 
Border Ruffians. (19) Was John Brown justified in killing the 



400 



SECTIONALISM 



Shermans and Doyles ? (20) Origin of the name, " Republican 
Party." (21) Why was Buchanan nominated by the Democrats in 
1856 ? (22) Why was a new tariff act passed in 1857 ? (23) Had 
negroes in 1776 "no rights which the white man was bound to 
respect"? (24) A railroad journey in the fifties. (25) The 
Panama railroad. (26) Was the Lecompton constitution in itself 
a bad constitution ? (27) Lincoln's early life. (28) Lincoln's 
early opinions on slavery. (29) Interesting things in the Lincoln- 
Douglas debate. (30) John Brown's trial. 



Geography 



Secondary- 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 390, 324, 325 ; Smith, Slavery and Political 
Parlies. 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 90-100 ; Johnston, Politics, 
167-189 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 258-278 ; Smith, Slavery and 
Political Parties ; Schouler, United States, V. 270-454 ; Rhodes, 
United States, I. 384-506, II. 1-416 ; Macy, Political Parties, 183- 
282 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-soil Parties, 261-307 ; Curtis, Con- 
stitutional History, II. 259-285, 295-299 ; Spring, Kansas ; Brown, 
Lower So^ith, 50-82, — S. A. Douglas, 82-128 ; Dewey, Financial 
History, §§ 110-115; Taussig, Tariff History, 115-154; Hart, 
Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 108-127 ; Foster, Cen- 
tury of Diplomacy, 335-356 ; Latanfi, United States and Spanish 
America, 116-136, 194-198 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 93-160; 
Bancroft, W. H Seioard, I. 333-519 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 132-177 ; 
Storey, Charles Sumner, 101-164 ; Chamberlin, John Brown. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ \i)^-\\2, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 34- 
48, — Source Headers, IV, §17; Mac Donald, Select Documents, 
nos. 85-92 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 2, 17, 23 ; Old South 
Leaflets, nos. 80, 83-85 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, oh. xxi. ; John- 
ston, American Orations, III. 3-207 ; Sanborn, John Brown ; 
Helper, Impending Crisis. See N. Eng. Hist, Teachers' Ass'n, 
Syllabus, 350-353, — Historical Sources, § 86. 

Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 176-213, — Brown of Ossawat- 
omie ; Stedman, Hdw Old Brown took Harper'' s Ferry ; A. W, 
Tourg^e, Hot Plowshares (antislavery) ; Theodore Winthrop, 
John Brent (Far West, Mormons) ; Arthur Paterson, For Free- 
dom's Sake (Kan.); A. E. Orpen, Jay-Hawkers ; Noah Brooks, 
Boy Settlers (Kmx.) ; (i. 11. Di-rliy ("'John rinonix"), Phoenixi- 
ana (Cal.). 

Wilson, American People, IV.; Sparks, Expansion. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 

The Republicans had a small majority in the House of 

Representatives from 1859 to 1861 ; and would have elected 

John Sherman of Ohio to be Speaker, but that he had 343 iggue 

signed a circular approving a book called The Impending between 

North And 
Crisis, which was written by a poor white named Helper, South 

to show that slavery was contrary to the interests of (1859-1860) 

whites in the South who owned no slaves; hence Sherman 

was thought radical. 

The Senate was strongly proslavery; and Jefferson Davis 
of Mississii)pi, leader of the extremists, introduced a series of 
resolutions (February 2, 1860), which were intended to formu- 
late the position of the South: (1) that Douglas's Freeport 
Doctrine was unsound ; (2) that Congress should interfere, if 
necessary, -to protect slavery, thus going beyond the Dred 
Scott decision ; (3) that the northern states should stop public 
agitation by the abolitionists ; (4) that the states were sov- 
ereign. In effect, these resolutions, which passed the Senate 
by 35 to 21 votes, gave notice that the election of a President 
who opposed those principles might be made an excuse for 
breaking up the Union. 

The whole country watched with anxiety the regular Dem- 
ocratic convention which met at Charleston in April, 1860. 
Douglas had a majority of the delegates, but the south- 344 Elec- 
erners insisted that he should accept a platform which tionof 1860 
was substantially the Davis resolutions. Douglas was willing 
to pledge himself to "abide by the decisions of the Su- 

401 



402 



CIVIL WAR 



preme Court"; but lie could not ^iromise to vote for forcing 
slavery into an unwilling territory. On that small differenc^e 
the convention split; the delegates of most of the southern 
states withdrew, and the convention adjourned after fifty- 
seven ineffectual ballots. It reconvened at Baltimore in June, 
and, after another split, Douglas was there nominated, on the 
platform proposed by his friends at Charleston. The southern 
bolters met separately and nominated John C. Breckinridge, 
then Vice President of the United States. 




Election Cartoon of 1860. 



Many of the old southern Whigs, and the northern Whigs 
who had not become Republicans, united in what they called 
the Constitutional Union party, and nominated John Bell of 
Tennessee, on the brief platform, " The Constitution of the 
country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the 
laws." 

The Republican convention met in Chicago (May 16, 1860), 
in an immense hall, with thousands of spectators. It was gen- 
erally expected that Seward would be nominated, for he had 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 



403 



shown his antislavery spirit by declaring that slavery caused 
an " irrepressible conflict," and he had an enthusiastic dele- 
gation from New York, and scores of other supporters. But 
Seward was thought too radical : what was wanted was a 
moderate western man who could carry the doubtful states of 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Abraham Lincoln 
was the most available among such men ; and on the third 
ballot he was nominated. 




electoral Tot«. ^^^;' 

Lincoln and Hamlin ^y//////// 

Breckinridge and.Lane 
Douglas and Jobusou 
[Hj Bell and Everett 



The Election of 1860. 

The campaign was fierce and exciting. For the first time 
sernimilitary companies were organized to parade and carry 
torches. On election day (November 6), 180 Lincoln electors 
were chosen against 72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell, and 12 
(Missouri and a part of New Jersey) for Donglas. Out of the 
popular vote, Lincoln had about 1,900,000 against 1,400,000 for 
Douglas, 850,000 for Breckinridge, and 600,000 for Bell. Yet 
if his opponents had concentrated on any two, or any one, of 
the other candidates, the result would have been the same ; for 
the Republicans had a majority in every northern state except 
New Jersey, California, and Oregon. 



HART'S AUER. HIST. 



-24 



404 CIVIL WAR 

During the campaign of 18G0 it was fiPfly predicted that 
the election of Lincoln would load to secession. To most 

345. Seces- northern men the threat seemed preposterous, for theelec- 
South Caro ^^°^ °^ Lincoln did not carry with it directly the Supreme 
lina (I860) Court, or the Senate, or even the House which was chosen 

to sit from 1861 to 1863. Nevertheless, on the day after the 
national election, the South Carolina legislature took steps 
toward calling a secession convention ; and within a few days 
the principal federal officers in South Carolina, including the 
two United States senators, resigned their offices. Hardly a 
Union man could be found in the whole state; nob one was 
elected to the convention. 

During the next seven weeks South Carolina was in turmoil ; 
federal buildings and supplies were seized ; companies of men 
were drilled; eager conferences were held with people from 
the neighboring states ; and the excitement culminated when 
the secession convention assembled at Columbia, adjourned 
to Charleston, and on December 20, 1860, by a unanimous vote, 
passed an ordinance declaring that South Carolina was no 
longer a part of the Union. A member of the convention 
said, "We have carried the body -of this Union to its last 
resting place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave." 

In this awful crisis of secession, the country hardly had a 
President. Buchanan had long stood on the same political 

346. Presi- ground as the radical southerners who were seceding, 

dentBu- an(j }^q called in Jefferson Davis to advise him. The 

chanan'a 

policy President's message to Congress, December 8, 1860, 

(1860-1861) ^ag 2i helpless document: he laid all the trouble to 

"the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question 

throughout the North for the last quarter of a century," As 

for secession, Seward neatly summed up the message as 

Nicoiay follows : " The President has conclusively proved two 

'hincoln' II. ^^^'^S^ • (1) ^^^^ ^'^ state has a right to secede unless 

371 it wishes to; and (2) that it is the President's duty to 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 



405 




enforce the laws unless somebody opposes him." A few days 
later Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, resigned because he 
thought the President was not doing his duty. 

After secession, the South Carolina government immediately 
demanded the surrender of the forts within its borders ; and 
while the question was 
pending. Major Anderson, 
in command of the scanty 
force in Charleston harbor, 
moved his troops (Decem- 
ber 26) from the exposed 
Fort Moultrie into the 
strong, isolated Fort Sum- 
ter. Floyd, Secretary of 
War, and Anderson's im- 
mediate superior, insisted 
that he should give up 
Fort Sumter. Jeremiah 
Black, Secretary of State, and Edwin M. Stanton, who had 
just entered the Cabinet, declared that in that case they would 
resign. "You don't give me any time to say my prayers," 
said Buchanan; "I always say my prayers when required Fort Sum^ 
to act upon any great state affairs." In the end he ter.ios 

yielded to his northern advisers, and Anderson was left in Fort 
Sumter. From that time to the end of his administration, 
Buchanan had no longer any will or force of his own. 

As had been planned beforehand, conventions specially cho- 
sen for that purpose by six other states, between January 9 and 
February 1, followed the example set by South Carolina. 347. Seces- 
In most of them, before secession, all the United States ^^jj states 
mints, posts, arsenals, forts, public buildings, and public (1861) 

property were seized, except Fort Pickens, below Pensacola, 
Key West and the Dry Tortugas on detached islands, and 
Fort Sumter in the harbor of Charleston. (1) Mississippi 



Charleston Harbor. 



406 CIVIL WAR 

seceded by a vote of 84 to 15. (2) Florida seceded by a vote 
of 62 to 7. (3) In Alabama the '* submissionists " and "coop- 
erationists " both opposed immediate secession, but it was voted 
by 61 to 39. (4) In Georgia alone Avas there a powerful open 
opposition, but it seceded by a test vote of 165 to 130. (5) Lou- 
isiana was enriched by the down-river trade of the Northwest, 
and long hesitated; but seceded by a vote of 113 to 17. (6) In 
Texas, Governor Sam Houston set himself strongly against 
secession, but a convention was unofficially called, and the 
state seceded by 166 to 7. 

The next step was to combine the seceded states into a 
union. In February, 1861, a convention of delegates from six 
states met at Montgomery, drew up a "provisional constitu- 
tion " for <* The Confederate States of America," and elected 
Jefferson Davis of Mississippi President of the new Confeder- 
acy, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia Vice President. 
A Cabinet was duly appointed by President Davis, and a pro- 
visional Congress was shortly elected and sat for a year. 

Secession was defended by southern conventions and public 

men substantially on the following grounds : — 

348 South- ^^^ That the North was bent on making money for 

ern griev- itself, and was no longer interested in the general welfare 

of the Union. The charge was later made that the tariff 

discriminated against the South ; but in the discussions of 1860 

the South made no complaint of the existing tariff of 1857. 

(2) That the North misinterpreted the Constitution, and 
would not admit the doctrine of state rights and secession ; 
that the Republicans were even opposed to the Dred Scott 
decision, and meant to ovei-turn it; and that by the personal 
liberty laws the northern states defied their constitutional 
obligations. 

(3) That the North hated slavery, insisted on discussing it, 
and allowed abolition meetings and newspapers publicly to 
speak abusively of the slaveholders ; and that the northern 



! 



THE CRISIS (1859-18G1) 40T 

people approved of John Brown's attempt to cause a slave 
insurrection. 

(4) That the growth of slavery was checked, because the 
North was determined not to admit any more slave states, nor 
to annex any more slaveholding territory, and was trying to 
draw a "cordon of free states" around the South, and thus 
slowly to strangle slavery. 

(5) That the election of Lincoln was an act of hostility, a 
sectional victory, which meant an attack on slavery in the 
states. 

In this list the main and the deciding grievance is in essence 
that the North disliked slavery, wanted to check it, and 
allowed people to discuss it. As Robert Toombs of Georgia 
put it, " What is wanted, is that the North shall call slavery 
right." It is also true that by the admission of Minnesota in 
1858, Oregon in 1859, and Kansas in 1861, the number of free 
states was raised to 19, as against 15 slaveholding states. 

A feeling of injury and wrath was also widespread in the 
North, for grievances expressed substantially as follows : — 

(1) That the Southerners had for years been forcing the „ -g „ . 
annexation of territory, in order to strengthen slavery, ances of the 

(2) That the South had arrogantly attempted to sup- " 
press free speech in the northern states ; and even in Congress 
had attempted to intimidate John Quincy Adams, Joshua R. 
Giddings, and Charles Sumner. 

(3) That by the South Carolina negro seamen act of 1820 
and other statutes against the movement of free negroes, the 
southern states violated rights of northern negro citizens 
which were guaranteed by the Constitution. 

(4) That the Kansas episode showed a determination by 
fraud and violence to foist a slavery constitution on the people 
of a practically free territory. 

(5) That the slave power had ever since 1829 practically 
controlled the Supreme Court, the Senate, the presidency, and 



40H CIVIL WAR 

the House (except for two Congresses), and now wanted to 
leave the Union when tlie otlier people began to get control. 

(6) That the South entertained doctrines of secession -which 
were contrary to the Constitution and destructive to the Union, 

The southern theory of secession was that it was not war, 
but a constitutional, expedient, and practical method of set- 

350. The tling the controversy between the sections : — 

for aecea- (■^) "^^^ constitutionality of secession was accepted by 

sion most southern public men, and by some in the North. 

Once admit that the states were sovereign and the Constitu- 
tion only a compact among them, and any state was undoubt- 
edly entitled to leave the Union when it felt disaffected. 

(2) The expediency of secession depended on the ultimate 
purpose of the secessionists. A few of them wanted to go 
out of the Union, so as to put a pressure on the North to 
readmit them on such terms as they might dictate; but Davis 
and other leaders from the first intended to form a permanent 
southern government ; and they confidently expected all the 
slave states to join them. 

(3) Secession as a constitutional or a peaceful remedy was 
"practicable" only if it did not lead to war. Most southern 
leaders thought the North would not fight ; others foresaw a 
long war, but were sure that the South would be successful in 
the end. 

Were there no Union men in the South ? There were thou- 
sands. A few were permanent Union men, such as Sam 

351. South- Houston, or James L. Fetigru, who marched out of St. 
men °^°^ Michael's Church, in Charleston, when prayers were first 
(1860-1861) offered for the President of the Confederacy; but most 

of them, like Alexander H. Stephens, yielded when their 
states seceded. Stephens, born in 1812, educated in North 
Carolina, entered Congress as a AVhig in 1843. Thougli 
little, and boyish in appearance, he was soon recognized as 
one of the strongest men in Congress. AVhen the crisis of 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 409 

1861 came, Stephens headed the opposition to the secession 

of his state, Georgia. He urged that the southern people had 

not been entirely blameless, and that the only real ground for 

secession was the personal liberty laws, which would probably 

be withdrawn if a proper effort were made. When the Georgia 

convention declared for secession, Stephens announced that he 

would go with his state : and later made a famous speech 

. . Hart, 

in which he said of the Confederate constitution: "Its Source 

foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great Book, 297 

truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man; that 

slavery ... is iiis natural and normal condition." 

As soon as the temper of the South was understood, three 

desperate efforts were made to stop secession by a compromise, 

such as had settled the dangerous crises of 1820, 1833, 352. Plans 

and 1850. 0^ <=°°^- 

promise 

(1) In December, 1860, two "grand committees" were (1860 1861) 
appointed, one of thirteen members from the Senate, and one 

of thirty -three from the House. In the Senate committee Sew- 
ard, as spokesman for the Republican party, offered a proposi- 
tion (which was privately drafted by Lincoln) to the effect 
(a) that Congress should not interfere with slavery in the 
states ; (&) that the personal liberty laws be withdrawn ; 
(c) that the federal government should punish such move- 
ments as the John Brown raid ; (d) that fugitives should have 
a jury trial. Jefferson Davis offei-ed as the southern ultima- 
tum that the free states should be compelled to protect slave 
property in transjt or temporary sojourn. Plainly neither side 
was really desirous of compromise. The House committee even- 
tually submitted "the Corwin Amendment," prohibiting inter- 
ference by Congress with slaves in the states, and both houses 
voted it ; but it was clearly insufficient for the crisis. 

(2) The slave states were divided among themselves. 
Neither the live "border states," — Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, — nor the next tier of states, — 



410 CIVIL WAR 

North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, — as yet saw suffi- 
cient reason for secession. Senator Crittenden of Kentucky, 
therefore, prepared a series of constitutional amendments, in- 
tended to keep the border states in the Union, and providing 
that: («) the territories were to be divided between freedom 
and slavery 5 (6) the District of Columbia was to remain slave- 
holding; (c) interstate slave trade was to stop; (d) the per- 
sonal liberty laws were to be withdrawn. Against this plan 
Lincoln, as President-elect, used all his personal influence over 
the Republicans in Congress; for he felt that any compro- 
mise which recognized, extended, and perpetuated territorial 
slavery was an admission that the Kepublican party had no 
reason for existence. 

(3) A third attempt at compromise was a " Peace Congress," 
called by the border states at Washington in February, 1861 ; 
twenty-one states were represented. This body sat for a 
month and made a report, which was substantially the Crit- 
tenden compromise; but neither Senate nor House would 
recommend its adoption. 

If the North would neither consent to secession nor make 
a compromise, Avhat was left but to keep the seceding states 
p. in the Union by force? To this remedy there were 

of coercion many objections. Thousands of people in the North, 
^ ' especially the abolitionists, thought the country would be 

better off without the slaveholding states ; the army and navy 
were small and scattered; and President Buchanan argued 
that there was no way of "coercing a sta4;e" — that is, of 
constitutionally compelling the obedience of people organized 
in what they called a " Sovereign State." Yet some action had 
to be taken, because the sites of the few forts still in possession 
of the United States had been formally ceded by the states to 
the Union ; hence, to give them up would be an acknowledg- 
ment of the right of secession, while to hold them was to 
throttle the southern ports of Pensacola and Charleston. 



THE CRISIS (185!t-1861) 



411 



Fort Sumter, which lay in the chan 
nel of Charleston, became the storm 
center. Black and Stanton advised 
sending two hundred men with 
ammunition ; and on January 
9, 1861, the merchant ship 
Star of the West, carrying the 
stars and stripes, appeared 
for this purpose off the fort, 
but was fired upon by a South 
Carolina battery, and com- 
pelled to turn back. Ander- 
son stationed his men at the 
guns, and was about to re- 
turn the fire; but on reflec- 
tion he wisely referred tht 
whole matter to the govern- 
ment in Washington; and 
the South waited for the new 
administration to declare its 
position. 

For three months President- 
elect Lincoln remained quietly 
at his home in Springfield, ar- 
ranging his Cabinet, receiving 
delegations, listening to office 
seekers, and keeping his eye 
on Congress. He early selected 
Seward to be his Secretary of 
State, and thereby put that im- 
pulsive statesman under bonds 
not to do anything to embar- 
rass his future chief. He also sent word to General Scott 
(December 21, 1860), asking him to be prepared "to either 




354. Lin- 
coln's pur- 
poses 
(1860-1861; 



Inauguration of IfyiNrobN, 1861. 



412 CIVIL WAR 

Lincoln, liold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and 
Works, I. 66 after the inauguration." 

In February, 18G1, Lincoln started eastward, and made a 
series of speeches, in which he foreshadowed his future 
policy. " On what rightful principle," said he at Indian- 
apolis, " may a State, being not more than one fiftieth part 
of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation ? " 
March 4, 1861, Lincoln appeared at the Capitol, took the 
oath of office, and in his inaugural address sounded the keynote 
of his administration. "I hold that in contemplation of univer- 
sal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is 
perpetual . . . and to the extent of my ability I shall take care 
... that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in 
all the States. . . . Physically speaking, we can not separ 
rate. We can not remove our respective sections from each 
other, nor build an impassable wall between them." 

Mr. Lincoln's first official act was to select his Cabinet, 

and he showed his political wisdom by choosing about equally 

355. Period among former Whigs and former Democrats. To Chase 

taintv"' ^^ Ohio, the ablest of the political abolitionists, he as- 

(1861) signed the treasury. Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, 

against Lincoln's first judgment, was made Secretary of War. 

Edward Bates of l\Iissouri, Attorney-General, was a southern 

Republican; Gideon Welles of Connecticut, Secretary of the 

Navy, was a former New England Democrat. Caleb B. Smith 

of Indiana was Secretary of the Interior, and Montgomery 

Blair of Maryland was Postmaster-General. 

For some weeks, the time of the President was absorbed by 
a terrible scramble for minor offices of every kind, in the 
nearest approach to a " clean sweep " of officeholders that the 
country has ever seen. The question of Fort Sumter could 
not be long postponed, however, because couimissioners of the 
Confederate govern incut appeared and deniaiuleil an interview 
on that subject, which the President declined. The President 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 4l3 

next asked for written opinions from the members of his Cabi- 
net, on provisioning Fort Sumter. Seward replied that he 
was for conciliation and would not provoke war, and Mont- 
gomery Blair was the only member of the Cabinet who advised 
using force. Seward unwisely assumed that he was to be the 
real head of the administration, and took it upon himself to 
say through third parties to the southern commissioners that 
he was sure that the fort would be given up. A few days 
later (April 1) Seward sent to the President a remarkable 
letter, in which he proposed to take charge of the government, 
and make war on Spain, France, and England, so as to bring 
back the seceders to defend the United States. Lincoln re- 
plied with dignity but firmness that the President must do 
whatever was done, and after this little contest Seward cheer- 
fully accepted the fact that the President was his chieftain. 

Lincoln was convinced from the outset that even if he gave 
up the forts, it could only postpone war; that the old questions 
of fugitive slaves, of boundaries, of the border states, 356. Fort 
especially the division of the territories and of the Pacific ^/a™*^'^ 

coast, would instantly come up again; and that a sepa- 1861) 

rate confederacy would demand more than was demanded 
by southern states before secession. 

Batteries were by this time constructed around Charleston 
Harbor, commanding Fort Sumter. When on April 8, 1861, 
Lincoln sent a notice that he purposed to forward a supply 
of provisions to Sumter, he threw on Jefferson Davis and his 
Cabinet at Montgomery the responsibility of firing the first 
gun. Even the Confederate Secretary of State, the "fire eater" 
Robert Toombs, objected to armed resistance, and said : stoweii, 
" Mr. President, at this time it is suicide, murder, and Toombs, 226 
will lose us every friend at the North. ... It is unnecessary; 
it puts us in the wrong ; it is fatal." 

He was overruled, and instructions were given to General 
Beauregard, in command of the Charleston district, to reduce 



414 



CIVIL War 



Fort Sum- 
ter, 427 



Fort Sumter. At 4.30 a.m. of April 12, 1861, a shell, fired from 
Crawford -^^^'^ Johnson by Captain George S. James, " rose high 
in air, and curving in its course, burst almost directly 
over the fort." With his sixty men and a few laborers, 
Anderson defended himself against forts manned by seven 
thousand men. After thirty hours of bombardment, Fort 
Sumter was knocked about his ears, while the relief expedition 




1^' 





I li iill 






INTKKIOK Oh Four SUiMlKR AKTKK HoM DAHDM KNT, APKII., 1S<)1. 

lay helpless outside the bar. Anderson therefore surrendered 
the fort, April 14, 1861, marching out with colors flying and 
drums beating, and saluting his flag with fifty guns. 

April 15, 1861, President Lincoln issued a proclamation call- 
357 Seces- ^^S on the state governors to send 75,000 state militia, 
sion of th8 and this action compelled the border states to take sides 
states "^ith either South or North. So far they had been 

(1861) quiet: in Virginia, Arkansas, and Missouri conventions 

had assembled, but refused to secede ; in North Carolina and 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 415 

Tennessee no conventions had been called. The Kentucky leg- 
islature voted that " Kentucky should maintain a strict neu- 
trality during the present contest." Now, to the President's 
request for men, the governor of Missouri replied, "The 
requisition is illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary in 
its object, inhuman and diabolical, and can not be complied 
with " ; and every other border-state government refused. 

Virginia at once seceded ; but Fort Monroe was held by the 
Union ; Arkansas and Tennessee followed ; North. Carolina then 
seceded; and all four states immediately joined the southern 
Confederacy. Delaware remained quiet. Maryland for a time 
seemed likely to secede ; and ori April 19 the Sixth Massachu- 
setts Regiment, while passing through the city of Baltimore, 
was attacked by a mob and several men were killed — the first 
blood of northern troops shed in the Civil War. In Kentucky, 
there was a secession convention and a nominal secession legis- 
lature, but the regular government of the state remained loyal 
throughout the war, and furnished seventy-six thousand troops 
to the Union army. In Missouri a camp of secessionists was 
formed in St. Louis, but the Germans in the city remained 
loyal, were drilled and organized, and under Captain Lyon 
broke up the camp (May 10) ; and there was no formal secession. 

Who shall describe the excitement, wrath, and grief in the 
North while Fort Sumter was under bombardment ? On 
Sunday, the day of surrender, hundreds of northern min- ggg Riaine 
isters called on their congregations to support the govern- of the North 
ment. The members of the militia companies hurried to 
their armories ; the states opened their arsenals for arms and 
military supplies ; banks offered millions of dollars in loans to 
the state governments ; the legislatures appropriated unheard-of 
sums for military supplies ; the women joined with the men in 
fitting out the soldier and bidding him Godspeed. As the 
need grew more urgent, the flower of American youth volun- 
teered, and some colleges were almost broken up by loss of 



416 CIVIL WAR 

students. Even the President's old enemy, Stephen A. Doug- 
las, with characteristic impetuosity came to him, and offered 
any service that he could give for the preservation of the 
Union. 

The first full regiment to report was the Sixth Massa- 
chusetts, raised among the farmers and townspeople around 
Lexington and Concord. Within forty-eight hours from the 
President's call, it was on its way to Washington. As it 
marched through Boston the people rose almost with one 
accord to do it honor, and its reception in New York is typical 
„^ . of the popular feeling all over the Union. " We saw the 
Source heads of armed men, the gleam of their weapons, the 
' regimental colors, all moving on, pageant-like; but 
naught could we hear save that hoarse, heavy surge — one 
general acclaim, one wild shout of joy and hope, one endless 
cheer, rolling up and down, from side to side, above, below, 
to right, to left." 

In the twelve months from April, 1860, to April, 1861, the 
country went through as much history as in the ten years 
359. Sum- previous. In the election of 1860 the country was 
mary divided between the Republicans, strong only in the 

northern states ; and the Douglas or moderate Democrats, the 
Breckenridge or extreme proslavery Democrats, and the Con- 
servatives, mostly old Whigs, all three distributed through the 
Union. Lincoln's election precipitated a crisis which had long 
been approaching, and the secession of South Carolina started 
off the other cotton states like bricks in a row. Three months 
after the election, and a month before Lincoln's inauguration, 
the southern Confederacy was formed. 

President Buchanan was helpless because he had yielded 
so much to his extreme proslavery friends and allies that he 
had lost the right to protest at anything they might do. Lin- 
coln could not accept secession, even of the Gulf states, because 



THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 



417 



convinced it would leave controversies which must speedily 
bring back the necessity of war. Efforts to hold intact the 
border states failed, because Lincoln saw that nothing could 
satisfy them except the further extension of slavery, which 
the Republican party was formed to resist. 

Yet Lincoln could not bear to begin civil war, and in his 
inaugural address he affirmed his solemn purpose to preserve, 
protect, and defend the Union. Though he never intended for 
a moment to give way to secession, and was ready to accept a 
contest for Charleston harbor, he made the other side take the 
responsibility of firing the first gun, and thereby of arousing the 
spirit of the North. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why was John Sherman's approval of The Impending Crisis Suggestive 



so obnoxious to the southern members ? (2) What was there that 
was new in the Davis resolutions of 1860 ? (3) Why did the 
southern delegates oppose the nomination of Douglas in 1860? 
(4) Why was Seward set aside at Chicago in 1860 ? (5) Admis- 
sion of Kansas, 1861. (6) Why did Buchanan consult Jefferson 
Davis on his message ? (7) Why did Anderson move from Fort 
Moultrie to Fort Sumter ? (8) Why was not Fort Pickens seized 
by Florida ? (9) What was the ground of the opposition to seces- 
sion in Georgia ? (10) What men were responsible for the secession 
of the southern states? (11) Why was Alexander H. Stephens 
opposed to secession ? (12) Why did compromise fail in Congress ? 
(13) Why did not Lincoln receive the commissioners of the Con- 
federate government ? (14) Was Lincoln's attempt to provision 
Fort Sumter an act of war ? (15) Why did Toombs object to 
firing on Fort Sumter ? (16) Was the firing on Fort Sumter an 
act of war ? (17) How was Maryland saved to the Union ? 

(18) Contested elections of Speaker of the House. (19) The 
Chicago Republican convention, 1860. (20) The South Carolina 
secession convention, 1860. (21) Northern approval of John 
Brown. (22) Controversy between South Carolina and Massa- 
chusetts over the negro seamen act. (23) Seizure of United 
States public property in the South. (24) Northern advocates of 
secession. (25) James L. Petigru as a Union man. (26) The 
Peace Congress of 1861. (27) Lincoln on his way to Washington. 
(28) Lincoln's choice of a Cabinet. 



topics 



Search 
topics 



418 



CIVIL WAR 



REFERENCES 



Geography 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



niustrative 
works 



flctures 



See maps, pp. 800, 4.'i4, A'lo. 

Wilson, Dwision and Reunion, §§ 101-106, 117; Channing, 
United States, 254-265 ; Johnston, Politics, 189-198 ; Stanwood, 
Presidency, 279-297 ; Dodge, Civil War, 1-8 ; Hart, Causes of 
Civil War; Rhodes, United States, II. 416-502, III. 115-415; 
Schouler, United States, V. 454-512, VI. 1-50 ; Wilson, American 
People, IV. 180-208 ; Camhridye Modern History, VII. 439-450 ; 
Gay, Bryant's History, IV. 432-447 ; Lamed, History for Beady 
Beference, V. 8405 ; Ropes, Civil War, I. 1-97 ; Curtis, Constitu- 
tional History, II. 285-295, 300-338 ; Macy, Political Parties, 283- 
317 ; Nicolay, Outbreak of Bebellion, 1-81 ; Hinsdale, How to 
study and teach History, 297-311 ; Brown, Lower South, 83-152, 
— S. A. DoxKjlas, 129-141 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 161-272 ; 
Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 151-208 ; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, 
I. 520-553, II. 1-45, 91-163; Hart, S. P. Chase, 178-211; Lee, 
General Lee, 52-98 ; Trent, B. E. Lee, 31-48 ; Shaler, Kentucky ; 
Du Bois, William Lowndes Yancey. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 113-115, — Contemporaries, IV. §§49- 
74, 76, 77, 96, dl, — Source Beaders, IV. § 29; MacDonald, Select 
Documents, nos. 93-96, — Select Statutes, no. 1 ; American His- 
tory Leaflets, nos. 12, 18 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 11, 107 ; Cald- 
well, Survey, 108-117 ; Johnston, American Orations, III. 230- 
329, IV. 16-81 ; Century Company, Battles and Leaders, I. 7-98. 
See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 353, — Historical 
Sources, § 87. 

Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 213-215 ; Winston Churchill, The 
Crisis (Lincoln) ; M. I). Conway, Pine and Palm ; John Fox, 
Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come ; W. A. Barton, Pine Knot 
(mountains of Kentucky and Tennessee). 

Wilson, American People, IV. ; Harper''s IVeekly. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 



The result of the Civil War depended on the relative 
strength of the contestants, measured in men, resources, 
business organization, and moral force. In population, 360. Popu- 
the North, which included the West and Northwest, far ^^^'"ectiJns 
surpassed its rival: in 1790 the North and the South (1861) 

had each 2,000,000 people ; in 1830 the numbers were 7,000,000 
and 6,000,000 respectively ; but in 1860 the free states and ter- 
ritories counted 




^ SetUed Area In 1830 

!t>ot8 BhcnrTe^oDS ael 
■between 1830 and 1860 



r7v7:ng t>ot8 ahcnrTe^ons settled ^ if 

tMj3 "between 1830 and 1860. ^j[ 



19,000,000, and 
the slaveholding 
states and terri- 
tories 12,000,000. 
There were 3,500- 
000 foreigners in 
the North, as 
against 300,000 
foreigners in the 
part of the South 
which seceded ; 

for immigrants disliked going where there were few cities 
and few manufactures, and where manual labor was despised. 
When the crisis came, to the nineteen free states were 
added four of the slaveholding states, Maryland, Delaware, 
Kentucky, and Missouri, with a total population of 3,100,000. 
Of those people probably 500,000 adhered to the South ; but 
West Virginia and East Tennessee stood by the Union, and 
hart's amer. hist. — 25 419 



Settled Area in 1860. 



420 



CIVIL WAR 



nearly made good tliat loss. The total population of the icgion 
controlled by secession was therefore about 8,900,000 as against 
22,100,000 for the area supporting the Union. Out of the 
8,900,000, 3,500,000 were slaves, and 140,000 free ne- 
groes, leaving a white population of 5,300,000, 
of whom about 1,400,000 were white men 
between eighteen and sixty years old, 
presumably capable of military serv- ^ ^^i 
ice. The free 
states and four 
loyal slave states 
contained about 
5,000,000 men 
from eighteen to 
sixty years old. 

For the support 
of an army, the 

361. The ^°^^^ ^^^ 
farmer and many ad van- 
the planter ^^ggg Much 

more land was 
under cultivation 
than in the South ; 
and farm machin- 
ery, fertilizers, and improved methods made farming more 
productive, so that, as far west as Wisconsin, much of the 
country was as thickly settled and prosperous as the rural 
parts of New York. It was a period of rising prices — in part 
because of the influx of gold from California. If wages were 
low in the East, it was easy to take up land and make a living 
in the West. The Bureau of Agriculture, established at Wash- 
ington in 1862, was an indication of the importance of the 
farmer. In the South plantations of hundreds or thousands of 
acres were common, but the staple crop was cotton, of which 




A Log House in thk Backwoods. 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 



421 



the South exported a value of $191,000,000 in 1860. It did 
not raise all its own food, and was buying corn and hog prod- 
ucts in large quantities from the Northwest. Most of the 
profits of farming went to the great slaveholding planters. 

The rise of city and factory populations developed in the 
eastern states a democracy very like that of the West. The 
manufacturers and heads of corporations, many of whom 362. De- 
had risen from the ranks of labor, were now leaders in „„j™°°5f57 

' and aristoc- 

American industry. The South supposed that this was a racy 

timid class, which would never permit a war for fear of losing 
its profits, and that workmen and clerks were " mudsills," who 
would not and could not 
fight. Yet from such men 
came a great part of the 
victorious northern ar- 
mies. In the West there 
was a genuine and wide- 
awake democracy, which 
knew no such thing S,s 
family prestige, and was 
not controlled by the 
commercial class. 

In the South slaves 
were almost the only 
form of great wealth, and 
the 300,000 slaveholding 
families were as much 
a governing class as in 
colonial ti^nes. Out of 




A Poor White, spinning. 
From a Keutucky photograph. 



those families came also nearly all the doctors, lawyers, and 
ministers in the South. The most numerous type of the 
southern white was that of the " crackers," or " poor whites," 
illiterate and unprogressive, but born fighting men. Most of 
them believed that the interest of slavery was their interest 



422 CIVIL WAR 

also, and therefore supported the planter at the polls and in 
the trenches. Nevertheless, the mountain whites along the 
west slope of the Appalachians had no slaves, hated the slave- 
holders, and constantly opposed them in the state governments. 
During the period from 1840 to 1860 the state constitu- 
tions, both North and South, grew more and more democratic. 
363 Ideals '^^^^ most striking novelty in government was jealousy 
of state of the legislatures, which were tied down by amendments 

of the state constitutions ; and there was much new 
legislation to provide for new problems of business and social 
life. In the South the states legislated less for social welfare 
than in the North ; partly from long habit, partly because 
there was no class of free mechanics to demand legislation. 

Party management grew more and more elaborate, especially 
in the populous northern states, and in a few states the power 
of tL«,' political boss was highly developed ; yet candidates for 
state offices were nominated in conventions where the result 
was not arranged beforehand, and there was plenty of discus- 
sion in state legislatures. In purity of politics the South was 
better ofE than any other part of the country, for the use of 
money at elections was there uncommon. The one question 
which could not be discussed there, and on which nobody was 
allowed to disagree with his neighbor, was slavery. 

The census of 1860 showed 158 cities of 8000 or more people, 
containing about a sixth of the total population. Of these, 137 
364. Ameri- were in the states which adhered to the Union, and 21 
can cities within the later southern Confederacy. New Orleans, 
with a population of 168,000, lived, largely, from down-river 
western trade, and the largest southern city supported wholly 
by southern commerce was Charleston, with 41,000 people. 

In the North, as the old towns expanded, they turned into 
crude, irregularly built, and ugly cities, and nobody seemed to 
foresee how fast they would increase. Washington was an 
unpaved bog in time of rain, and its scavengers were half-wild 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 423 

hogs. Most of the cities had public water supplies : Philadel- 
phia began a system of city waterworks in 1801, New York 
built its Croton aqueduct in 1835-1842, and Boston got Cochit- 
uate water in 1845. The cities were poorly policed and riots 
were frequent. In 1834 the colored quarter in Philadelphia 
was attacked, and a Boston mob burned a Catholic convent 
in a suburb. In the large cities politics were very unsavory : 
New York and San Francisco were notorious for their corrupt 
and disorderly governments and for fraud apd violence at 
elections. 

About 1860 people began to wake up to the possibilities of 
improving their own cities. In 1857 the city of New York 
organized a "metropolitan police" of uniformed and disci- 
plined men, and laid out Central Park, the first great municipal 
pleasure ground in the country. Horse cars began to be widely 
used about 1845. The western cities were now growing fast : 
Cincinnati, St. Louis, and Chicago were still rude and dirty, 
but had populations of 161,000, 161,000, and 109,000. Next to 
them in importance were Louisville (68,000), Pittsburg (49,000), 
Detroit, Milwaukee, and Cleveland (each about 45,000). 

For public education, the cities developed a system of free 
graded schools, in which pupils of about the same age and 
experience could be gathered into one room ; and about ggg ^mg^j. 
1850 they began to appoint trained superintendents to caneduca- 
direct their schools. The country district schools were ^^^ 

still taught by farmers' sons and daughters, who often had no 
other education than that of the district school itself. Still, 
even the remote prairie farmer had a schoolhouse near by to start 
his boys and girls in education. Some of the northern cities 
had public high schools, for boys and girls ; in a few places there 
were separate girls' high schools ; in the North Avere many 
" female seminaries," and other large boarding schools for girls. 

Colleges were still small ; none of them had over 530 under- 
graduate students in 1860. College athletics made a begin- 



424 



CIVIL WAR 



ning at tliis time, with the rovviiig in some eastern eoUegcs ; 
but the animal spirits of the students still found vent in all 
sorts of boisterous horseplay. True universities were at last 
beginning to develop. The older colleges added departments : 
a theological school here, a law school there, a school of mines 
in another place ; and the new western state universities 
included from their beginning a system of special and techni- 
cal schools. In 1862 Congress made a large gift of laud to 
found agricultural colleges in the states. The University of 
Iowa took the bold step of admitting women to the various 
parts of the luuversity (1856), an example later followed by 
all the western state universities. 

Southern education was on a different footing. Only about 
a fifth as many children were at school as in the North. The 
slaves and free negroes had no form of education, and the 

country poor whites had little 
or none. In the towns the 
public schools had small funds 
and few trained teachers. The 
South had many military acad- 
emies, the best known of which 
were the famous "Citadel" 
in Charleston and the Virginia 
Military Institute at Lexing- 
ton, Virginia. Some of the well- 
to-do families sent their sons 
to southern state or denomi- 
national colleges, or abroad, 
or to northern colleges, and 
the ruling class was highly 
educated and intellectual. 
The year 1860 falls about in the middle of the golden age of 
American literature, in which flourished Whittier, the pathetic 
poet of slavery and suffering; Longfellow, the sunny-minded 




Henry W. Lonoffxlow, 

ABOUT 1870. 

From a photograph lent by the family 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 



425 



and graceful; Oliver WeuJell Holmes, the wit of his time; 
and Ealph Waldo Emerson, whose essays, full of virile ^^^ Ameri- 
thought and masterful English, had been published al- ture 

most twenty years earlier. 
Nathaniel Hawthorne 
(§ 289), perhaps the great- 
est of all American writ- 
ers, died in 1864. 

In addition to the 
North American Review 
and De Bow's Review, an 
excellent southern review 
of economic and political 
questions, two other mag- 
azines were founded in 
lighter vein : Harper^ s 
3[ontlihj, started in 1850, 
and soon after made an 
illustrated magazine ; and 
the Atlantic MontJdy, 
founded in November, 

1857, under the editorship of James Russell Lowell. Lowell 
excelled as a poet, essayist, and critic ; but he will always be 
best remembered for his Biglow Papers, the keenest of satires 
on slavery. 

The new school of American historians was at the height of 
its activity in 1860; to George Bancroft and William H. 
Prescott were added John Lothrop Motley with his Rise of the 
Dutch Republic (1856) ; and Francis Parkman, greatest of all 
American historians, who about 1850 began his life work of 
describing the relations of the Indians, the French, and the 
English in the new world, " the romance of the woods." 

The fierce contest of the Civil War developed many political 
humorists. Among the more genial was Artemus Ward, whose 




Ralph Waldo Emerson in 1856. 



426 CIVIL WAR 

quaint phraseology and ingenious misspelling can not hide the 
vigor and incisiveness of his thought. It was he who was 
willing '* to send all his wife's male relatives to the war." 

In this active intellectual life the South had little part. 
Aside from its able political writers, it had no body of defenders 
of slavery equal to opponents like Mrs. Stowe, Whittier, and 
Lowell ; and no essayists, poets, satirists, or historians who 
were read in the North or affected northern public opinion. 

With the passing of the years, the great national churches 
had grown larger, stronger, and wealthier. Though the Pres- 

367 Reli- byterians, Baptists, and Methodists were split by the 

gion and slavery qiiestion, the segments flourished. The Congre- 
churches , . 

gationalists. Unitarians, Episcopalians, and Catholics 

were not formally divided by slavery. The Catholic Church 
was steadily enlarged by the immigration of Irish and Ger- 
man Catholics, and kept out of the discussion of slavery. 
Theology was in general milder than in 1830, and there was 
less preaching on future punishment, and more on present 
duty. Benevolent organizations were now very active : Bible 
societies, tract societies, foreign missionary societies, educa- 
tion societies, helped to raise the moral standards of the 
people. 

The South, more than the North, made its churches intel- 
lectual and social centers. It had many good church buildings, 
large congregations, and eloquent ministers, perhaps the most 
renowned of whom was Bishop William Meade of Virginia. 
In both city and country the negroes had separate churches, 
usually with a minister of their own color; and there is a 
tradition that one such church bought and owned its minister. 

People were learning what immense resources the country 

368 Natu- possessed in other products than those of the farm. Lum- 
ral re- ber was still very cheap, and a great business was devel- 
Bourc B oped in supplying tlie white pine of Michigan and 

Wisconsin to the treeless prairie states. Oil always floated on 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 



427 



the surface of Oil Creek, a tributary of the Allegheny River, 
and in 1859 it was discovered that, by putting down drill holes 
along this creek, porous rock containing this valuable illumi- 
nant could be tapped ; and new methods of refining oil made 
the product marketable. 

Mining grew to be a great industry, and many states pro- 
vided geological surveys of their territory. Hard coal abounded 
in northeastern Pennsyl- 
vania, soft coal in west- 
ern Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
and western Virginia ; 
lead mines were worked 
near the upper Missis- 
sippi; iron mines in 
New England, Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia, and the 
upper peninsula of Mich- 
igan ; rich copper depos- 
its were found south of 
Lake Superior, and gold 
in California. In 1858 
gold was found near 
Pikes Peak, and the 
city of Denver quickly 
sprang up. In 1859 silver was discovered in great abundance 
at Virginia City, Nevada ; and in 1861 gold in Montana. The 
South was equally rich in stores of timber, in coal, iron, oil, 
and the natural wealth of the soil ; but the profits of industry 
went into buying slaves and raising cotton, and there was no 
labor adapted to manufacturing. Hence, in the whole seceding 
South the only coal mines worked on a large scale were those 
on the upper James in Virginia. 

During the thirty years preceding 1860, great progress was 
made in commercial organization. Corporations of every kind 




Rock Drill in a California Gold Mine. 



428 



CIVIL WAU 



ization of 
industry 



rapidly increased. Banks abounded, and in 1853 a clearing 
house was organized in New York to simplify the banking 
369. Organ- business. Labor also began to organize into trades unions, 
which demanded a shorter day ; in 1840 the United 
States made ten hours the legal day for its employees. 
Manufactures developed rapidly because of cheap fuel, 
brought down from the Pennsylvania mines to the Hudson 
and the Delaware, so that it could be distributed all along 
the seaboard, for use in factories and houses. In the West 
the fuel was bituminous coal, in which there was a great 
trade down the Ohio from Pittsburg to Cincinnati, Louisville, 
St. Louis, and many other places. Soon after 1860 Lake 
Superior iron ore began to come down the Lakes; and be- 
fore long places convenient to both coal and iron, especially 
Cleveland and Pittsburg, became great iron-manufacturing cen- 
ters. In this commercial de- 
velopment also the South had 
but a small share. The only 
considerable iron works in 
the South was the Tredegar 
at Richmond; there was only 
one other large southern rail 
mill ; and the southern water 
powers were not developed. 
A large amount of south- 
ern capital, however, was in- 
vested in banks, which gave 
credit to the small planter 
and the farmer. Of the for- 
eign imports one tenth came 
to the South in 1860, and 
nine tenths to the North. 
From 1840 to 18(>0 was a period of rai)id progress in in- 
ventions. McCormiek's mowing machine, invented in 1834 




Cyrus H. McCormick, about 1875. 
From a photograph lent by the family 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 429 

and put on tlie market in practicable forn^ in 1845, was stead- 
ily improved, and was soon followed by grain reapers on the 
same principle. The manufacture of cloth was im- 370. Great 
proved, all the way from the farm to the wearer's back, inventiona 
in carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing. In 1846 Elias Howe 
made his first practicable sewing machine, clumsy enough, but 
provided with a needle with the eye near the point, a device 
which has revolutionized sewing. In 1844 Goodyear discov- 
ered a means of " vulcanizing " rubber, so as to make it up into 
shoes, garments, and hard articles. 

The French inventor Daguerre in 1839 announced a method 
of taking self-recording sun pictures called daguerreotypes. 
They required an exposure of about twenty minutes, and the 
result was a single picture on a silver plate. An American, 
Dr. Draper, at once discovered that the process could be ap- 
plied to portraits ; a few years later an Englishman named 
Archer found that a negative developed from a collodion film 
could be fixed on a glass plate, from which any number of prints 
could be made : thus photography sprang into being. In 1841 
two men. Dr. Morton and Dr. Jackoon, working separately, dis- 
covered that by inhaling the vapor of ether, a person could be 
made completely insensible to pain, and then could return to 
consciousness without permanent ill effects. 

The greatest new discovery in methods of communication 
of intelligence was the electric telegraph, first discovered in 
1835, and worked out and applied by Samuel F. B. Morse and 
Alfred Vail in 1844. It carried the news of the nomination 
of James K. Polk from Baltimore to Washington. Telegraph 
lines rapidly spread through the country, and in 1851 an elec- 
tric fire-alarm telegraph was set up. Machinery began to be 
applied to man}^ new purposes. The first steam fire engine 
was constructed about 1853. In 1847 Richard Hoe invented 
a rotary printing press, run at great speed and delivering a 
continuous stream of newspapers. 



430 CIVIL WAR 

The South had little use for these inventions ; factories 
and workshops were few; most manufactures were imported. 
Mowers and reapers were of no use, as there was little hay 
or grain. The only widely distributed labor-saving machine 
was the cotton gin, and of the southern cotton not a fortieth 
part was manufactured in the South. 

Railroads as yet gained little from the inventions of the 
period. Nearly the whole of the railroad system was single 
371. Trans- track, the trains slow, the stations (as many are to-day) 
portation small and dirty. From New York to Chicago the fastest 
schedule time in 1860 was thirty-eight hours — nearly twice the 
time now required. The cars were small and comfortless, but 
sleeping cars had been inti-oduced for the long routes. Rail- 
road accidents were frequent and destructive: there was no 
system of running trains by telegraph ; freight rates were so 
high that distant shipments were small. The South fell behind 
the North in transportation ; the railroads were lighter in 
construction, ran less regularly, and charged higher fares. 
The tributaries of the Mississippi were provided with light- 
draft steamers, but the South built very few vessels, and the 
seagoing coasters were mostly northern property. 

The railroad and steamboat quickened the carrying of the 
mails; and other reforms were made in the postal service. 
Official adhesive stamps were introduced (1847) ; the postage 
was reduced to five cents (1845), and then to three cents 
(1851). Unfortunately neither the post office nor the rail- 
road undertook the plain duty of carrying parcels. In 1839 
a young man named Harnden conceived the idea of carrying 
packages back and forth between Boston and New York, and he 
thus began the express business in the United States. The 
Adams Express Company was formed in 1854. In the fifties 
Wells, Fargo and Company organized an express system on 
the Pacific coast; and Butterfield and Company introduced a 
" pony express " for letters and valuables, which covered the 



NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 431 

nineteen hundred miles from St. Joseph on the Missouri to 
Sacramento in ten days (map, p. 516). 



Eich, busy, populous, energetic, and advancing was the 
United States of America in 1861 ; the 27,000,000 white people 
were fairly employed and content ; their government was 372. Sum- 
the most democratic in the world, and, with many defects, °^^^^ 

yet answered their wants. They began to understand the 
natural wealth of their country, in timber, oil, metals, and 
coal ; they had an excellent and constantly improving 
commercial organization ; and their inventive minds were 
pushing forward new labor-saving discoveries and inventions. 
Foreign and interior transportation were developing, so that 
the United States already had more railroads in proportion to 
the population than any other country. A national literature 
expressed the national character and pride. 

The natural advantages of the country were as great in the 
South as in the North; the southerners had great seaports, 
rivers, forests, and mines ; the people came of about the same 
stock : yet in most of the marks of civilization the South was 
far behind -the North; it had fewer and poorer cities, factories, 
railroads, schools, magazines, writers, and readers. For this 
disparity, which told heavily against the South during the 
Civil War, the main cause would seem to be slavery, a system 
under which a great laboring class — nearly one third of the 
southern population — was systematically cut off from knowl- 
edge, education, and the opportunity to rise. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did so few immigrants go to the South ? (2) Why did Suggestive 
West Virginia and East Tennessee stand by the Union ? (3) What '°^''"' 
made northern farmers more prosperous than southern ? (4) Was 
the cultivation of cotton a good thing for the South ? (5) Was 
slavery a good thing for the poor whites ? (6) How far were the 
southern slaves useful to the South in carrying on the Civil War ? 



432 



CIVIL WAll 



Search 
topics 



(7) Why did not the South allow discussion on the slavery ques- 
tion ? (8) Why were the colored people so frequently attacked 
by mobs in the North ? (!l) Why did not the southern educated 
class make the South prosperous-* (10) Why is Kalph Waldo 
Emerson famous,? (11) What makes Nathaniel Hawthorne the 
greatest of all American writers ? 

(12) The city of Washington before the Civil War. (13) The 
building of the Croton waterworks for New York. (14) Anti- 
negro mobs in Philadelphia. (15) Burning of the Catholic con- 
vent in Charlestown, 1838. (16) District schools before the war. 
(17) College life before the war. (18) James Russell Lowell's 
antislavery utterances. (19) Funny things from Artemus Ward. 
(20) A trip from New York to Chicago before 1860. (21) Whit- 
tier's antislavery poems. (22) Longfellow's home life. (23) Jokes 
of Oliver Wendell Holmes. (24) Henry Ward Beecher as a pulpit 
orator. (25) Bishop Meade as a churchman. (26) Discovery of 
oil in Pennsylvania. (27) Discovery of gold in the Rocky Moun- 
tains. (28) McCormick's inventions. 



Geogrraphy 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



REFERENCES 

See map, p. 390. 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, § 119 ; Schouler, United States, 
V. 260-269, VI. 318-341 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 692, 
696, 744-747 ; Rhodes, United States, III. 1-114 ; Chadwick, Causes 
of the Civil War ; Hart, Practical Essays, 258-298 ; Cable, Creoles 
of Louisiana, 232-260 ; Hale, J. R. Lowell ; Carpenter, H. W. 
Longfellow ; Linn, Horace Greeley, 56-109 ; Raymond, Peter 
Cooper, 52-95 ; Gould, Louis Agassiz. See also references to 
chapter xxii. 

Cairnes, Slave Power ; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom ; S. D. Smedes, 
Southern Planter ; Helper, Impending Crisis. See also references 
to chapters xvi. xxvi. xxviii. 

H. W. Beecher, Norwood (N.E.); F. H. Smith, Forlinics of 
Oliver Horn (Md. and N.Y.); A. W. Tourg^e, Royal Gentleman 
(slavery) ; T. N. Page, In Ole Virginia ; L. G. Moore, Rachel 
Stanioood (South) ; G. W. Cable, Dr. /S'evi'er (New Orleans); Epes 
Sargent, Peculiar (slavery, Missouri); Alice Cary, The Great Doc- 
tor (^Middle West); PMward Eggleston, Mystery of Metropolisville 
(Minn.); C. H. Roberts, Doion the 0-hi-o ; Mark Twain, Life on 
the Mississippi, — Ihicklehei-ry Finn; " Kdunind Kirku" (J. R. 
Gilmore), Among the Pines; W. M. Baker, The New Timothy. 
See also references to chapter xxii. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (APRIL, 1861-DECEMBER, 1862) 

The Civil War practically began April 12, 1861, when the 
Confederates fired on Fort Sumter, although the official Con- 
federate point of view was that the attempt to relieve _^ 
Fort Sumter was an act of " war between the states " ; purpose of 
an unrighteous attempt by a "foreign government" to * ewar 
conquer independent and sovereign communities. The north- 
ern point of view was at first that the war was only a big riot 
of individuals; that although the southerners might try to 
excuse themselves because they were following the orders of 
"sovereign states" and a "Confederacy," really ciie states 
were still in the Union; and that every individual still owed 
" paramount allegiance " to the United States, and was liable 
to execution for treason if he made armed resistance to the 
authority of the federal government. 

In practice it was impossible to treat southerners in uni- 
fonn, acting under orders of their superiors, as anything but 
soldiers, and, if captured, as prisoners of war ; and by a proc- 
lamation of April 19, 1861, for the blockade of the southern 
ports, President Lincoln virtually admitted that there was a 
government on the other side, carrying on civilized war. 
White flags were recognized, and. after a year, the exchange of 
prisoners began. 

To emphasize the issue of preserving the Union, and to 
make it clear that the war was not inaugurated to free the 
slaves, the national House of Representatives, with only two 
negative votes, voted, July 22, 1861, "That this war is not 

433 



w 



1/ /s 



Leiintrto 



y^.- 



JefferBon 



> ; 



; L/V^Oi/' 



ri^ 






...^- , r 

r*^ '' «. /■ "" \J\c\ VTT 1 Mill Spr«j, 



>^ j /'* '^ '^aIn I S 

_ , , , ^ ^Little Rock^ 

A". 



Wiui 






!>'aslivilU Ys 
Decatur^ 



I '^|:-ahre|l.eport 1 






435 



436 CIVIL WAR 

waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression, or for 
Kionai Globe, any purpose of conquest or subjection, or purpose of 
' overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established 

institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the 
supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union with 
all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States un- 
impaired." 

The only way to break xip the Confederacy, and to bring 
the states back into the Union, was to invade the South, a 
374. Prob- region naturally very strong. The eastern and southern 
vadin^The boundary was the Atlantic and Gulf coast, most of the 
South harbors of which were quickly fortified. The western 

boundary of the Confederacy was a wilderness. Now an in- 
vading army is like a serpent which can strike only with its 
head, and as it moves forward leaves the length of its body 
exposed. Such an army must follow some kind of highway 
over which supplies and reenforcements may be sent up to 
the front ; hence the rough and impassable Appalachians and 
heavily wooded country east and west of them covered the 
middle of the. Confederate northern boundary, and seemed a 
sure protection. 

The Confederate military frontier early in 1861 left to the 
Union Fort Monroe, the opposite " eastern shore " of Virginia, 
and the country just across the Potomac from Washington; 
the line then followed a little to the south of the Potomac 
River, and through the mountains of West Virginia and Ken- 
tucky ; then ran to the two Confederate forts of Donelson and 
Henry, on the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers ; touched the 
Ohio at Paducah, crossed the Mississippi at Belmont, and then 
passed about midway through Missouri. 

Nevertheless that strong line of defense was weakened by 
four routes into the interior of the Confederacy, and along 
them were fought most of the campaigns of the Civil War: 
(1) the lower Mississippi River, deep enough to admit ships 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18C1-18C2) 437 

from the sea ; (2) the upper Mississippi, a great national high- 
way, abounding iu steamers; (o) the line of railroad from 
Louisville to Nashville, and thence across the mountains to 
Chattanooga and Atlanta; (4) a Strip of territory lying east 
of the mountains in Virginia, which was crossed by three 
railroads leading south from Washington to the Shenandoah 
valley, Lynchburg, and Richmond. 

To fight its battles, the South had a population accustomed 
to outdoor life, to the use of firearms, and to the management 
of horses; and it had also commanders trained in the ^^^ j^^ 
national military school of West Point and in the wars two armies 
of the Union. Since the negroes did the hard work at home, 
nearly all the able-bodied white men could be enlisted. Accord- 
ing to Colonel Livermore, the authority on this question, over 
1,230,000 different men were enlisted in the Confederate army, 
and served long enough to be equivalent to 1,080,000 men under 
arms an average term of three years. 

Though the North was not considered to be a military peo- 
ple, the first call for 75,000 militia for three months brought 
out 92,000 " citizen soldiers " ; and during 1861 660,000 men 
were enlisted for three years. Of each call for troops during 
the war a proportion was assigned to each state. At first 
volunteers poured in, but in 1863 this impulse lost strength 
and a draft was ordered, which, however, produced only 36,000 
men. In the course of the whole war about 2,500,000 adult 
men were in the military service of the Union, of whom about 
400,000 reenlisted at least once. The total service was equiva- 
lent to 1,560,000 serving for three years. To raise, organize, 
and supply such enormous forces required a great man as 
Secretary of War. In January, 1862, Lincoln practically re- 
moved Simon Cameron from that Department, and appointed 
Edwin M. Stanton, chosen for his loyalty to the Union, his 
rugged honesty, and his great ability, although he had the 
worst of tempers, and would occasionally defy the President. 



438 CIVIL WAR 

The regular navy was at first disorganized, because more 
than a third of the officers resigned to join the Confederacy, 

376. The and all the navy yards in the southern states were seized 
the^block- ^^ ^^® Confederacy, with the vessels that happened 
ade to be in port. Of the ninety vessels nominally in the 

Union navy, only seven steamers and five wooden cruisers 
were in home ports and available when the war bfegan. The 
President's proclamation of blockade, April 19, 1861, was a 
notice to foreign ships that he purposed to put squadrons 
outside all the southern ports, to capture vessels going in or 
running out. Thus began the celebrated " anaconda policy " 
of pressing on the Confederacy from all sides at once. To 
form the necessary blockading squadrons, merchant vessels, 
both sail and steam, were hastily bought and equipped, naval 
volunteers were enrolled, and in a few months squadrons were 
actually blockading the coast aud making frequent captures. 

To evade the blockade, small and very swift steam "blockade 
runners" were built abroad, to run from the near-by Bahama 
and Bermuda islands to Confederate ports, carrying in 
military stores and miscellaneous cargoes, and carrying out 
cotton, compressed into small bulk. Many of these vessels 
were captured, but their profits were so great that two suc- 
cessful trips would pay for a vessel. As the war advanced, 
the blockade grew more and more effective ; in all about 1500 
captures were made by the Union fleet, and the trade of the 
South with the rest of the world was nearly throttled. 

Energetic efforts were made by the Confederate authorities to 
build a navy. They did construct several fleets for harbor 

377. Con- defense, but their only seagoing ships were the "com- 
navv and nierce destroyers." The South at once began to issue 
privateers " letters of marque " (commissions to private ships to 

capture Union merchantmen) and also to send out cruisers, or 
public armed ships. At first the United States tried to make 
out that the crews of such vessels were pirates, and several of 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 439 

these men were convicted and sentenced to death ; but Presi- 
dent Davis threatened to execute an equal number of Union 
soldiers lield as prisoners, and the United States finally 
decided to treat them as prisoners of war. 

Several vessels were also fitted out as Confederate ships of 
war in British ports ; of these the principal ones were : (1) the 
Florida (formerly the Oreto), purchased and allowed to go to 
sea from a British port in March, 1862, contrary to the protest 
of our minister; (2) the Alabama, which was built at Liver- 
pool for the Confederacy, and although Minister Adams steadily 
protested, slipped away to sea (July, 1862), her crew and guns 
coming out to her on another ship ; (3) the Shenandoah (for- 
merly the Sea King), which put to sea in October, 1864. These 
three vessels, with a few others, following the American 
precedent of the Revolution and War of 1812, found a rich 
prey in the American merchant ships, of which the total num- 
ber captured was 260, valued at $20,000,000. Such was the 
dread of capture that many American ships were sold to foreign 
firms so as to be safe under neutral flags. Gradually the United 
States navy hunted out and blockaded, took, or sank all these 
vessels except the Shenandoah, which was still at work when 
the war ended. 

The Confederate government moved from Montgomery to 
Richmond after Virginia seceded. The " permanent constitu- 
tion," which went into effect February 18, 1862, was 

oTo. XJ16 

nearly the old federal Constitution over again, with the southern 
significant change that the word "slave" was freely a^yandJef- 
used ; but in practice many parts of this Constitution ferson 

never went into effect; for instance, the Supreme Court 
was never formed, the execvitive overshadowed the rest of the 
government, and state rights were often disregarded. 

The head and type of the Confederacy, President Jefferson 
Davis, born in Kentucky (1808), was educated at West Point 
and served seven years as lieutenant in the army. From 1845 
hart's amer. hist. — 26 



440 



CIVIL WAR 



to 1851 he was in T'ongress, and a solcHor in the Mexican War, 
where he served with distinction. From 1853 to 1857 he was 
Pierce's Secretary of War, and then as senator from Missis- 
sippi came forward as the leader of the nltra proslavery men 
in (yongress. After the election of Lincoln, Davis used his 

])lace and influence, be- 
fore resigning from the 
Senate of the United 
States, to bring about the 
dissolution of the Union. 
During the war he was 
almost a civil dictator, 
acting through his influ- 
ence on the Confederate 
Congress; his veto was 
overridden but once in 
four years. 

In the wpeeches and 
public papers of Davis 
copynyni.]si,7,hy Aud,:,^on. hcslmply acccptcd as a 

JEFt-ERsoN Davis in 1867. matter of course, not sub- 

ject to argument, that negroes were no part of the political com- 
munity ; he also tacitly assumed that the ruling class, of which 
he was a member, were entitled to govern their fellow white 
men. In both respects he satisfied the public sentiment of 
the South, which, on the whole, loyally supported him to the 
end. He was a type of the resolute, masterful, slaveholder 
statesman. 
The United States was slow in sending out a new min- 
379. Bel- ister to Great Britain, and on the day before Charles 
Francis Adams reached London, the British government 
issued (IMay 13, 18G1) a proclamation of neutrality in 
the contest between "The United States of America, 
and certain states styling themselves the Confederate 




ligerency ; 
the Trent 
(1861) 
Am. Ann. 
Cyclopaedia, 
1861, p. 624 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 441 

States of America." Other European governments followed. 
This was a formal recognition that there was a belligerent 
power in the southern states, a government that had armies 
in the field, and war ships on the sea which were entitled to the 
same treatment in foreign ports as the public ships of the Union. 
Although President Lincoln's proclamation of blockade practi- 
cally recognized this " belligerency," the North long cherished 
wrath against Great Britain for thus treating the Civil War as 
a war instead of as a domestic rebellion. 

To the Confederacy the action of England seemed far too 
weak; and in 1861 commissioners were sent to Europe to 
ask for full recognition as an independent nation. The 
commissioners, Mason and Slidell, while on their way from 
Havana to St. Thomas in the British merchant steamer 
Trent, were forcibly taken off by Captain Wilkes in the United 
States ship of war San Jacinto (November 8, 1861). The 
country and Congress were delighted at the capture ; but Lin- 
coln pointed out that the search of neutral ships was just 
what drove the United States to war in 1812. Lord Palmer- 
ston, British prime minister, prepared a dispatch which might 
have led to immediate war ; but Queen Victoria insisted that a 
more peaceful tone should be taken. On the other side, Lin- 
coln and the Cabinet saw that to stand out meant war with 
Great Britain and the success of the Confederacy, and they 
prudently decided that it was very doubtful whether, under 
the principles of international law. Mason and Slidell were 
rightfully taken, and the two men were finally given up. 

Congress met in special session, July 4, 1861, to provide for 
the war. The "Morrill Tariff" had already passed in March 
after many southern members had withdrawn from Con- 380. Na- 
gress ; it restored the rates of the tariff of 1846, but added finances 
some high protective duties. At various times through- (1861-1864) 
out the war the tariff was raised and raised again, and Con- 
gress soon began to lay new taxes of many kinds: the old- 



442 CIVIL WAR 

fashioned excise; duties on incomes (bringing in $347,000,000 
in all) ; duties on manufacturing ; direct taxes on the states ; 
licenses for professions; stamp duties in many ingenious forms ; 
taxes on everything that could be reached. The taxes rose 
from $40,000,000 in 1860 to $490,000,000 in 1865; but 
they did not keep pace with the expenditures, which were 
$66,000,000 in 1860, and $1,290,000,000 in 1864. To meet 
the deficits, heavy loans were secured; and the government 
debt grew from $90,000,000 in 1861 to nearly $3,000,000,000 
in 1866, bearing an interest of $133,000,000 a year. 

Another great change was a complete revolution in currency 
and banking. In 1862 Congress authorized the issue of " legal 
tender notes," that is, paper money which must be accepted 
if offered by debtors to creditors. These "greenbacks " grad- 
ually grew to over $450,000,000. Congress in 1863 chartered 
a system of national banks, and soon after laid a tax of 10 per 
cent on the notes of the state banks, which drove those notes 
out of circulation, and caused many of the banks to accept 
national bank charters. 

It is time to take up the thread of narrative history. For a 

few weeks after the fall of Fort Sumter, Washington was in 

^^"S^^ 5 ^^^ ^^® militia and volunteer regiments pushed 

war in the forward and saved it ; and it was then strongly forti- 

East (1861) ^g^ ^ Confederate force of about 23,000 men under 

Beauregard was lying at Manassas Junction, thirt}'^ miles from 

Washington (map, p. 449) ; and the country loudly called for 

somebody to break up that army. Against the judgment of 

the military men, a force of 30,000 Union troops, under General 

McDowell, attacked at Bull Run (July 21, 1861), not knowing 

that Joseph E. Johnston had brought 6000 more men from the 

Shenandoah. 

When the federal onset was checked by a Virginia brigade 

Pollard, under command of Thomas J. Jackson, a bystander cried, 
Lost Cause, . . 

146 "There are Jackson and his Virginians standing like a 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 443 

stone wall ! " and as " Stonewall Jackson" he has gone down in 
history. Nevertheless the Confederate army was weakening, 
when 3000 fresh troops arrived on the field by railroad, 
and the Union lines broke. Says an eyewitness, " For Source 

three miles hosts of federal troops, all detached from their B<^of^' ^oo 
regiments, all mingled in one disorderly rout, were fleeing 
along the road." The 
Union loss was 2700 
men, killed, wounded, and 
missing, besides twenty- 
eight guns. 

The North profited by 
Bull Run more than the 
South, for it came to 
realize the task before it. 
President Lincoln held 
his courage, and within 
three days was making 
preparation for new cam- 
paigns in both East and 
West. George B. McClel- "Stonewall" Jackson, in 1862. 

Ian, who had shown military genius in West Virginia, was at 
once put in command of the army in front of Washington, 
and in November became commander of all the armies of the 
United States. During the next nine months he devoted 
himself to organizing an " Army of the Potomac." Day after 
day, week after week, the only news from that part of the front 
was the stereotyped telegram, " All quiet on the Potomac." 

Besides the blockading service, the Union navy in 1861 
began a series of brilliant expeditions. Fort Hatteras on the 
coast of North Carolina was captured (August, 1861) ; then 
Hilton Head, near Port Boyal, South Carolina, was taken by 
Admiral Dupont (November, 1861) with a fleet of 17 vessels. 
His success against heavy earthworks gave much encourage- 




444 CIVIL WAR 

ment to the navy ; and a permanent post was established at 
Hilton Head, only sixty miles from Charleston. Several 
islands at the mouth of the Savannah River were occupied a 
few months later. 

In the West armies were quickly formed and began a cam- 
paign. During 1861 Kentucky was prevented from seceding ; 
382. Fight- and the federal troops under Lyon held a part of Missouri. 
West! 1861- ^^ January, 18G2, General George H. Thomas beat the 
April, 1862) Confederate Zollicoffer near Mill Springs on the upper 
Cumberland River. General Ulysses S. Grant, who had shown 
his ability in a little expedition down the Mississippi to Bel- 
mont, now moved forward. Flag-Ofl&cer .Foote with steam gun- 
boats easily took Fort Henry 
(February 6, 18G2). Grant 
then besieged and, after three 
days' fight, captured Fort 
Donelson, with its garrison 
of 14,500 men (February 16 ; 
■'^^S?^'- — map, p. 434). This was the 

A Mississippi Ironclad, liHili. first large SUCCess of the 

From a eoDtemporary print. Union army, and it com- 

pelled the Confederates to abandon Kentucky. Nashville was 
at once occupied without a blow by General Don Carlos Buell ; 
and a provisional state government was set up for Tennessee 
"with Andrew Johnson as governor. 

Farther west the Confederates retreated down the Missis- 
sippi to a strong position called Island No. 10, which, however, 
•was captured by General Pope and Flag-Officer Foote in April. 
In March the Confederate array west of the Mississippi was 
broken up at the battle of Pea Ridge. The result of three 
months' campaigning was therefore the gain by the Federals of 
a strip of territory a hundred miles wide and more than five 
hundred miles long, and it made a military reputation for 
Grant, Buell, Thomas, and Pope, all of whom later commanded 




PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18(31-1802) 445 

large armies, as well as for General Halleck, who had exercised 
general command as head of the Military Department of 
Missouri. 

After the capture of Fort Donelson, Halleck sent Grant's 
army to Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee Kiver. Halleck's 
department having been enlarged (March, 1862), he or- 
dered Buell to march from Nashville and unite his western 
forces with Grant's. Before Buell could get up, how- il^fi-^e. 
ever, Albert Sidney Johnston, with 40,000 Confederates, cember, 
suddenly attacked Grant's army of 43,000, April 6, 1862, 
at Shiloh, near Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee Kiver. 
Surprised, and as yet little experienced in fighting in line, the 
Union troops were driven back almost to the river. General 
W. T. Sherman, one of the division commanders, fought gal- 
lantly ; General Johnston was killed on the field, and Beaure- 
gard succeeded him. Next morning Buell's army of 20,000 
had arrived to reenforce, the tables were turned, and the Con- 
federates were driven from the field. The total Union loss 
was 13,000; the Confederate, 11,000. . 

Halleck, taking immediate command, moved southward, and 
captured the town of Corinth, Mississippi (May 30), which 
commanded the railroads east from Memphis. The river fleet 
pushed down immediately and took Memphis, and the Union 
troops controlled the Mississippi Kiver, south to the strongly 
fortified town of Vicksburg. 

The career of victory was interrupted by a Confederate inva- 
sion of Kentucky. Under General Bragg, successor to Beaure- 
gard, 35,000 men advanced to Chattanooga (July 31) and 
then started straight for Louisville, which they almost reached 
before General Buell could occupy the city. The Union army 
struck Bragg at Perryville (October 8), and after a hot fight 
he withdrew to Chattanooga (p. 434). Buell was removed from 
command, and General Rosecrans was appointed in his place 
(October 24, 1862). Kosecrans attacked Bragg in the bloody 



446 



CIVIL WAR 



battle of Stone River or Murfroesljoro (December 31; Janu- 
ary 2), and compelled him to retire. At the other end of the 
western line, during November and December, Grant and Sher- 
man pushed southward down the Mississippi, alongside a fleet 
of gunboats commanded by Porter; but failed to take Vicksburg. 
Meanwhile, in the spring of 1862, Flag-Officer David G. 
Farragut was sent out with a fleet to force the lower Missis- 
sippi. Farragut was born in Tennessee in 1801, of Scotch 
384. Farra- ^ t- ^ ' 

gut and descent, and entered the navy when ten years old, and 

New Or- served as a midshipman in the War of 1812. Though he 
leans (1862) '- " 

lived in Norfolk, Virginia, he stood by the old flag in 18ri. 

The fleet Avith which he began to operate against New Or- 
leans was made up of six steam frigates and forty-two smaller 

vessels. Some time 
after entering the 
mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, he notified the 
fleet that as flag offi- 
cer lie would speed- 
ily make the signal 
for close action and 
abide the result, — ' 
" conquer or be con- 
quered." April 24, 
1862, he boldly led 
his fleet up the river, 
which was defended 
by Forts Jackson and 
St. Philip, a strong 
boom, and some Confederate vessels ; a fireship came down 
on his flagship Ildrtford, but the men of one battery kept up 
the flglit, while the other lialf })ut out the fire. At the end 
of the fight the liooiu was destroyed, his vessels were beyond 
the forts, and there was nothing to stop the fleet, which shortly 




David G. Farragut. 
Statue by St. Gaudens, in New York. 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 



4-17 



anchored in front of the city of New Orleans ; and the forts 

soon surrendered. A large force of Union troops soon after 

took possession of New Orleans, under command of General 

Butler, who for a year ruled the city like a conquered province. 

By March, 1862, the Army of the Potomac, stationed in the 

forts around Washington^ had grown to 185,000 men, eager to 

show their quality and to move ''on to Richmond." After 

many conferences and disagreements, McClell^n decided 335. Merri- 

to march up the peninsula between the James and York ^^ f:^^ 
^ ^ Monitor 

rivers, where his flank could be protected by the fleet (1862) 

at Hampton Roads. It was known that the Confederates 
at Norfolk were rebuilding the former United States frigate 
Merrimac into a powerful ironclad; and to meet this danger 




Merrimac and Monitor, isiiJ. 



John Ericsson, an inventor in New York, had prepared plans 
for an armored craft of totally different design, a little "cheese- 
box on a raft," with a revolving turret carrying two heavy 
guns, mounted ou a deck almost flush with the water. This 



448 CIVIL WAR 

ship, named the Monitor, was built in one hundred days, and 
sent down from New York. 

The Merrimac, which the Confederates had renamed the Vir- 
ginia, unexpectedly came out March 8, 1862. She steamed 
slowly but steadily to the Union fleet in Hampton Koads, and 
attacked and destroyed the wooden sloop of war Cumberland 
and the frigate Congress. Next morning the Merrimac ap- 
peared again, but found, in front of the rest of her prey, the 
Witle ^ Monitor, arrived during the night; and for five hours 
the two ships pounded each other. Neither could destroy her 
adversary, but the Merrimac finally retired, and one of the 
greatest dangers of the whole war was safely passed, for not 
another vessel in the world could have stopped the Confederate 
ship. She never made another attack, and in May, when 
Norfolk was captured, she was scuttled and burned by her 
own crew. 

In April, 1862, McClellan was at last ready to attack, but, 
to his deep disappointment, the President detached General 
386 The McDowell with 40,000 troops to cover Washington, 
Peninsular McClellan's army slowly made its way up the peninsula, 
(April-July, spent about a month in the scientific siege of Yorktown, 
1862) — a^ weak place, defended in part with "Quaker guns," 

made of painted logs of wood; fought a battle at Williamsburg; 
and then moved steadily forward to the neighborhood of Rich- 
mond. The official returns later showed that McClellan had 
about 115,000 present for duty against about 90,000 in the 
Confederate army, which was commanded by General Joseph 
E. Johnston. 

In front of Richmond was the Chickahominy River, with 
broad, swampy bottoms. Through and around this barrier 
McClellan advanced till May 31, when he was checked at the 
battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks, only seven miles from 
Richmond. Johnston was wounded, and next day Robert E. 
Lee took command of the Confederate Army of Northern Vir- 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 



449 



ginia. Meanwhile, McDowell had been ordered to join McClel- 
lan on the north ; but Stonewall Jackson, in a brilliant campaign 
in the Shenandoah valley, threatened Washington, and Lincoln 
a second time withheld McDowell's corps. Jackson thereupon 
suddenly joined Lee ; so that instead of forcing the fight, 




SCALE OF MILES 
5 To 20 30 40 60 ',->- 

■ ■ UnloD Routes ^T" 

^ — ^ Confederate Routes N O 



Virginia Campaigns of 1861-1862. 

McClellan found himself attacked. Then followed the terrible 
" seven days' fighting," in which McClellan was forced to give 
way and retreat to the James River (June 26 to July 1), end- 
ing at Malvern Hill. This so-called "change of base" was a 
confession of defeat. 

In thirty-one days McClellan had lost over 21,000 men and 
the enemy about 27,000 ; but they had saved their capital and 



450 CIVIL WAR 

the (confederacy for tlie time. In the stiufj of defeat McClel- 

lan telegraphed to Secretary Stanton : '• I have lost this battle 

M Cl II ' because my force was too small. ... If 1 save this army 

Own Stonj, now, I tell you plainly that 1 owe no thanks to you 

or to any other persons in Washington. You have done 

your best to sacrifice this army." McClellan was a brave 

man and a natural leader, always heartily trusted and loyally 

obeyed by his subordinates, and he knew how to handle 

troops ; but he was misled by his secret-service agents, who 

reported that the Confederate army was much larger than 

his own, he was never Avilling to attack unless he was sure 

that he would win, and he was exceedingly unjust to Stanton 

and Lincoln. 

Undismayed by the fearful losses of the Peninsular Cam- 
paign, the President in July, 1862, called for 300,000 more 
387. Bull men; and 420,000 soon responded. McClellan was 

Run to eager to advance again on Richmond, but he had lost 

Fredericks- 
burg (Aug.- the confidence of the administration ; and General Hal- 
Dec, 1862) 2gg]j ^g^g summoned to Washington (July 11) to be con- 
fidential military adviser to the President, under the title of 
general in chief. 

General Pope, a western officer, received command of the 
new Army of Virginia, to which was gradually added most of 
the old Army of the Potomac, now withdrawn from the James. 
He was little known to his subordinates, few of whom liked or 
trusted him. Pope operated in the desolate and swampy coun- 
try about fifty miles southwest of Washington, till outmarched 
and attacked by Stonewall Jackson's "foot cavalry." This 
led to a three days' contest near the old battlefield of Bull 
Run (August 28^0, 18G2), and Pope was so badly defeated 
that the army was Avithdrawn to the neighborhood of Wash- 
ington. 

For the first time there was a chance to carry the war into 
the North. Lee's army crossed the Potomac and took Har- 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 451 

pers Ferry, with a garrison of 12,500 men (September 15). 
McClellan was again put in active command after the second 
Bull Run, and attacked Lee on the Antietam (near Sharps- 
burg) just north of the Potomac (September 17). This was 
the best opportunity in the whole war to end the contest by 
destroying Lee's army ; but after a federal loss of over 12,000, 
and a Confederate loss of 14,000, Lee's army was allowed to 
withdraw across the Potomac intact. 




Field Gun going into Action. 
From a war-time lithograph by Forbes. 

A few weeks later (November 5, 1862) McClellan was re- 
moved, and General Burnside was appointed to succeed him. 
Burnside marched to the Rappahannock River, beyond which 
Lee with 80,000 men intrenched himself. On December 13, 
1862, the federal army of 113,000 men attacked in front near 
Fredericksburg and was defeated in one of the bloodiest bat- 
tles of the war, with a loss of 11,000 killed and wounded, and 
without the slightest military advantage. 



452 CIVIL WAR 

At the end of 1862 the war had practically lasted a year and 
a half. lu the East four successive attacks by large armies 
388. Sum- failed : the first battle of Bull Run under McDowell ; the 
mary Peninsular Campaign ; Pope's campaign ; and the Fred- 

ericksburg fight. In spite of heavy losses and heroic fighting, 
the Army of the Potomac could not cross the 120 miles between 
Richmond and Washington. Ou the other hand, Lee could 
not invade the North beyond a few miles in Maryland, or 
capture Washington; and the Army of the Potomac was still 
intact and impatient for a new trial. 

In the West the army pushed steadily southward, took Fort 
Henry, Fort Donelson, Island No. 10, Nashville, and Corinth, 
and was pushing down the Mississippi River. Bragg's Ken- 
tucky campaign was checked at Perryville. The western army 
was full of confidence, and began to know and appreciate its 
commanders, especially Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Rose- 
crans, who, at the end of the year, began an advance against 
Bragg ; the battle on the Stone River was the first step toward 
seizing the highway through Chattanooga to Atlanta. 

At sea the blockade grew more and more effective, and sev- 
eral points on the Atlantic coast were taken. The capture of 
New Orleans was a great blow to the prestige of the South, 
and took away the control of the Mississippi River. After 
the success of the 3fonitor, other ships of the same type were 
speedily built, so that there was no longer danger from Con- 
federate vessels of war. 

TOPICS 

SuggeBtivo (1) Was the war brought on chiefly over the question of state 

topics rights? (2) How could the South furnish 1,230,000 soldiers out of 

a white population of 5,300,000? (3) Why were civilians ap- 
pointed as generals in the northern army ? (4) Was the British 
proclamation of neutrality unfriendly ? (5) Was Captain Wilkes 
justified in seizing Mason and Slidell ? (6) Why were Mason and 
Slidell given up ? (7) Where did the government borrow such 



PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18G1-1862) 453 

immense sums ? (8) Was it necessary to make the paper notes 
legal tender ? (9) Why was Fort Donelson so quickly taken ? 

(10) Why did McClellan choose the peninsular route to Richmond ? 

(11) Why did the Monitor beat the Merrimac ? (12) How did 
Farragut force the forts on the Mississippi River? (13) How 
did Bragg get so far north in Kentucky ? 

(14) Exchange of prisoners during the Civil War. (15) De- Search 
struction of the navy yard at Norfolk in 1801. (16) The southern ^°^^^^ 
mountains and mountaineers in the war. (17) Methods of raising 
troops in the North. (18) Methods of raising troops in the South. 
(19) Adventures of blockade runners. (20) Life in the blockad- 
ing squadron. (21) The cruise of the Alabama. (22) The cruise 
of the Shenandoah. (23) Jefferson Davis as president of the Con- 
federacy. (24) The income tax during the Civil War, (25) The 
military career of Stonewall Jackson. (26) McClellan as the or- 
ganizer of the Army of the Potomac. (27) Butler's administration 
of New Orleans. (28) The withdrawal of McDowell's corps from 
McClellan's army. (29) Military services of a northern general, 
as, for example, Thomas, Sheridan, Rosecrans, Grant, Sherman, etc. 
(30) Services of a southern general, as Beauregard, A. S. Johnson, 
J. E. Johnston, Bragg, Lee, T. J. Jackson, etc. (31) Military 
services of a naval officer, as David D. Porter, Farragut, etc. 
(32) Controversy about Fitz-John Porter, August, 1862. 

REFERENCES 

See map, pp. 434, 435; special maps in Dodge, Ropes, Rhodes, Geography 
Battles and Leaders ; atlas of the Official Becords of the Eebellion ; 
Semple, Geographic Conditions, 280-308 ; Brigham, Geographic 
Influences, 200-229 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms. 

Dodge, Civil War, 8-94, 102-126 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms ; Secondary 
Ropes, Civil War, I. 98-274, II. ; Schouler, United States, VI. 50- autl^onties 
214, 232-260, 282-287, 290-316 ; Rhodes, United States, III. 415-630, 
IV. 1-57, 95-157, 173-199, 237-239, 427, 428 ; Wilson, American 
People, IV. 208-229, 237-240, 265-312 ; Cambridge Modern History, 
VII. 450-484, 491-501, 549-575, 603-621 ; Dewey, Financial His- 
tory, §§117-140; Taussig, Tariff History, 155-170; Foster, Ceii- 
tury of Diplomacy, 357-380 ; Nicolay, Outbreak of Rebellion, 82-221 ; 
Fiske, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, 1-178 ; Maclay, United 
States Navy, II. 159-364, 508-548 ; Webb, The Peninsula ; Ropes, 
Army under Pope ; Palfrey, Antietam and Fredericksburg ; Force, 
Fort Henry to Corinth; Cist, Army of the Cumberland, 1-135; 
Soley, Blockade and the Cruisers ; Ammen, Atlantic Coast, 1-73, 



454 



CIVIL WAR 



163-190; Mahan, (iulf and Inland Waters, 1-109; Morse, Ahra- 
ham Lincoln, I. 27;5-:587, II. ;Jl-!)4, V.U-l.W, 170. 171 ; Banciofi. 
W. H. Seward, II. 103-253 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, ■J11--J5-2, 274-28!); 
Adauis, C. F. Adams, 147-239 ; Micliie, General McClellan, (59- 
442, 469-475 ; Wilson, General Grant, 74-159, 330-339 ; Lee, Geti- 
eral Lee, 99-239 ; Hughes, General Johnston^ 36-156 ; Hovey, 
Stonewall Jackson, 1-107. 

Sources Hart, Source Book, ^^ IW-\19,— Contemporaries, IV. §§75, 

80, 84-95, 98, 99, 102»-11(J, — Sotirce Headers, IV. §§ 30-42, 49-71, 
74-80, 90-109 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 2-16, 19, 21-27, 
30, 37 ; Americati History Leaflets, nos. 18, 26 ; Riddle, Becol- 
lections, 28-128, 108-198 ; Grant, Personal Memoirs, I. 229-421 ; 
Century Company, Battles and Leaders, I. 99-750, II. III. 1-147 ; 
American Annual Cyclopedia, 1801, 1802; Hosiner, Color Guard, 
— Tliinking Bayonet ; Qioss,, Becollections of a Private ; Higginson, 
Army Life in a Black Begiment ; AV. T. Sherman, Memoirs; South 
and West ; Manassas to Appomattox ; E. Eggleston, BebeVs Becol- 
lections ; Jones, Bebel War Clerk^s Diary. See N. Eng. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 354-356, — Historical Sources, § 88. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 127-214 ; Moore, 
Lyrics of Loyalty, — Bebel Bhymes ; Eggleston, American War 
Ballads, I. 107-220, 11. 3-105 ; Lowell, Bigloio Papers (second 
series), — Washers of the Shroud; C. F. Browne, Artemus Ward . 
His Book, — Artemtis Ward : His Travels; R. II. Newell, Orj^heus 
C. Kerr Papers ; R. G. White, Neio Gospel of Peace ; J. T. Trow- 
bridge, Drummer Boy, — Cudjo^s Cave ; B. K. Benson, Who Goes 
There f Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 270-291. 

Pictures Century Company, Battles and Leaders ; Harper''s Pictorial 

History of the Bebellion ; Edwin Forbes, Artist\'i Story of the 
Great War ; E. R. Johnson, Campfire and Battlefield ; Harper''* 
Weekly ; Frank Leslie's Weekly. 



Illustrative 
•works 



CHAPTER XXIX. 



EMANCIPATION AND MILITARY ADVANCE (1862-1863; 

As the war went on, it became evident that its purpose could 
QCt be limited, as proposed by the resolution of July, 1861, to 
restoring the Union as it was; for slavery could not be 389. The 
kept out of the contest. A recognized measure of war ^^banda 

against a slaveholding country is for the invading com- (1861-1862) 
mander to declare the slaves of his enemy free ; and Congress 
made an indirect use of this power in August, 1861, through a 
confiscation act pro- 
viding that if slaves 
were used in promot- 
ing any insurrection, 
"the owners should 
' forfeit ' claim to 
such labor." 

As soon as the ar- 
mies began to move, 
hundreds of negroes 
took matters into 
their own hands by 
running away and 

coming into the federal camps. General Benjamin F. Butler, 
in command at Fort Monroe, found more than a thousand such 
refugees. When he was asked to surrender some fugitives to 
their masters, who came from within the Confederate lines to 
claim them, he replied, " I shall detain the negroes as contra- 
band of war." The phrase struck the popular fancy, and from 

hart's AMER. HIST. 27 455 




Arrival of Contrabands, 1862. 
From war-time sketches. 



45G CIVIL WAK 

that time to the end of tlie war, "foiilraUaiid " meant a soutli- 
eni slave, usually a refugee. Two Union generals tried to go 
farther. General Frenn^nt (August, 1861) and General Hunter 
(May, 1862) issued proclamations freeing the slaves in their 
military districts, and even beyond ; but President Lincoln 
disavowed both the proclamations, because slavery was too 
large a question to be settled by subordinates. 

On slaverj'- Congress at first outran the President, and in 
1862 passed three sweeping emancipation acts : — 

390. Eman- (1) The 3000 slaves in the District of Columbia were 
CouffresB^^ set free (April 10, 1862), and their masters were given a 
(1862-1864) compensation- of about $300 for each one. 

(2) In flat contradiction to the Bred Scott decision of 1857, 
Congress passed a statute (June 19, 1862) immediately abolish- 
ing slavery in every territory, without compensation. 

(3) A strong feeling of personal wrath against the leaders 
on the other side caused Congress to provide, in a second confis- 
cation act (July 17, 1862), for the seizure of all the property 
of people convicted of treason, or who ** engaged in armed 
rebellion," including such slaves of rebel owners as might in 
any manner come inside the Union lines. Though Lincoln 
thought it "startling to say that Congress can free a slave 
within a State," he signed the bill ; and as fast as the federal 
lines extended, thousands of slaves flocked to the federal 
camps, and thus became free. 

By this time it became necessary to prove to foreign nations 
that the North was making war in behalf of freedom, and not 

391. Danger simply for the sake of ruling the South, for the blockade 

of foreign q^^^ off the raw material for the foreign cotton manu- 

interven- " . 

tion factures, so that thousands of English and French work- 

(1862-1863) j^jgjj -^ei-e thrown out of work. Napoleon III., emperor 

of the French, was trying to conquer Mexico and had no liking 

for the North ; and the ruling aristocracy of England made no 

secret of its hope that the South would succeed. That brilliant 



EMANCIPATION (1862) 457 

young statesman, William E. Gladstone, publicly said, " Jeffer- 
son Davis and other leaders of the South have made an Rhodes, 
army ; they are making, it appears, a navy ; and they have st^t 
made, which is more important than either ... a nation." IV. 339 

Southern agents in Europe strove hard to persuade foreign 
powers to recognize the independence of the South. After 
the defeats of McClellan and Pope in 1862, Lord Palmer- 
ston, the British prime minister, was on the point of offer- 
ing a "mediation," Avhich would have been partial recognition; 
but there was a strong Union sentiment in England, especially 
among the workmen in the cotton mills, who felt that the 
rights of free labor were involved, and they were represented 
in Parliament by the orator John Bright. The defeat of the 
ironclad Merriniac, the battle of Antietam, and still more the 
successes in the West during 1862, took away the pretexts for 
immediate recognition. 

The man for this crisis was Abraham Lincoln, the one indis- 
pensable figure in the Civil W^ar. Two characteristics made 
him the greatest man of his time : his practical common 392. Abra- 
sense went straight home to the essential point in every- , PrcBi' 
thing that he was considering ; and a quick sensitive dent 

heart knew by instinct the beliefs and hopes of his fellow- 
countrymen. Toward the weak and needy, Lincoln had a 
tender feeling. He could not even bear to sign the death war- 
rant of a deserter, for, he said, "I am trying to evade the 
butchering business." The same sympathy and sweetness of 
character were shown in a thousand ways to the people who 
beset the White House with their little personal errands — 
the poor woman whose only son was sick in the hospital, or 
the boy who wanted a commission, or the stranger who came 
in from mere curiosity. 

Although Lincoln always distrusted his own military judg- 
ment, he learned to understand the conditions of war better 
than most of his commanders; and his writings are full of 



458 CIVIL WAR 

quaint telegrams to liis generals ; for example : " Fight him, 

too, when opportunity ofifers. If he stays where he is, 
Lincoln, 
Works, II. fret him and fret him." On another side of his character, 

^^^ Lincoln was the slivewdest })olitician of his time ; he 

was very keen in judging election returns; he knew how 
to keep congressmen good-natured with offices. Yet he had 
unyielding tenacity when necessary. To General Grant he 
once telegraphed : " I have seen your dispatch expressing your 
unwillingness to break your hold where you are. Neither am 
I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke 
as much as possible." 

During the first three years of the war, Lincoln was criti- 
cised or even deserted by many members of his own party, 
who thought him weak and indecisive because he held a tem- 
perate middle course, avoiding extremes. Only by degrees did 
people begin to understand that this plain, homely man in the 
White House had a spirit of sur^mssing wisdom, and an unself- 
ish care for his country's welfare. Patient in defeat, calm in 
victory, Abraham Lincoln came to be recognized as a true 
father of his country. 

Throughout 1862 President Lincoln was brooding over the 
question of his duty to his country, and his power as con- 

393. Pre- stitutional commander in chief to declare free all the 

liminaries slaves in the Confederacy. Lincoln was born in a 
of emanci- 
pation border slave state, understood the southern people, and 

(1802) ^g^g anxious not to take any step which would drive 

Kentucky and Missouri out of the Union. Therefore, he sent 

to Congress a message (March, 1862) urging that the federal 

government cooperate with the states in setting the slaves free, 

with a money payment to the masters. 

Lincoln said of himself: "I am naturally antislavery. If 

Morse, slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong"; and at an- 

Lincoln, 105 other time, " You must not expect me to give up this 

government without playing my last card." lu August, 1862, 



EMANCIPATION (1863) 459 

Horace Greeley came out in the Tribune with what he called the 
" Prayer of Twenty Millions," violently abusing the President 
for his " mistaken deference to rebel slavery." The President 
replied in a public letter, " My paramount object ... is to save 
the Union, it is not either to save or to destroy slavery." 

At last Lincoln made up his mind that the best way to save 
the Union was to free the slaves. Calling his Cabinet together 
September 22, 1862, he read them the draft of a pre- 394. Proc- 
liminary Proclamation of Emancipation, which declared ^^"^4 ^ 
that "On the first day of January, in the year of our tion 

Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons 
held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, 
the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the 
United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free." 
As a military measure the proclamation had no immediate 
effect ; it roused only defiance in the South and was at first 
coldly received in the North. In the elections of congress- 
men a few weeks later, the Republican party barely retained a 
majority of the House of Representatives. Nevertheless, on 
January 1, 1863, the President issued his second and final 
proclamation, which applied to all the seceded states except 
Tennessee and those parts of Louisiana and Virginia occupied 
by federal troops. 

Then Lincoln set himself to the task of persuading the 
border-state members to free their slaves and take a compen- 
sation. They might have had about a hundred million dollars, 
but they refused to admit that slavery was wrong, even by 
giving it up. In all the border states thousands of slaves ran 
away. By act of Congress (in 1862) the troops were forbidden 
to return them; and in 1864 Congress repealed the Fugitive 
Slave Act. After that time the slave who stayed with his 
master in the border states did so only because he liked him. 

The good effects of the proclamation were at once seen 
abroad, where the friends of the Union in England in 1863 



460 CIVIL WAR 

prevented a last effort to have Great Britain and France 
396. Effects "mediate" in the struggle. When two ironclad ships of 

of emanoi- ^.^^^ ^j^^^ « Laird rams," were ordered for the Confederacy 
pation ' *' 

(1863-1865) in England, our minister, Adams, protested, and used 

Diplomatic the grim phrase, "It would be superfluous in me to point 

Correspond- qu^ to your Lordship that this is war." The British 

ence, 1863, , . 

p. 367 government had already decided to hold the vessels, and 

they were never delivered to the Confederacy. 

Three of the loyal border states, which were practically under 
military rule, settled the slavery question for themselves: 
(1) the new state of West Virginia (§ 401) in 1862 adopted an 
antislavery constitution ; (2) a constitutional ordinance in 
Missouri provided for gradual emancipation (July 1, 1863); 
(3) a new Maryland constitution abolished slavery outright 
(October 13, 1864). Lincoln tried to help the process by find- 
ing some place in Central America where the former slaves could 
be colonized ; but that remedy proved to be impracticable. 

Both the confiscation act of 1862 and the final Emancipation 
Proclamation authorized the enlistment of negro troops. The 
first full negro regiment in service was the First South Caro- 
lina Volunteers, commanded by Colonel T. W. Higginson, a 
New England abolitionist. In the summer of 1863 the govern- 
ment ordered a draft, and states began to fill up their quotas by 
recruiting negroes in the federal camps on the coast. One of 
these regiments, the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, took part in a 
bloody assault on Battery Wagner near Charleston (July 18, 
' 1863). Its colonel, Robert G. Shaw, was killed ; and the enemy 
"buried him with his niggers." The 179,000 negro troops 
eventually received the pay and treatment of white troops. 
The year 1863 began with 918,000 men under arms on the 
Union side and 466,000 on the southern. The campaign 
Mississippi opened in the West, where General Grant tried to get 
oaien '^*™" ^^J^^d Vicksburg l)y digging a canal across the narrow 
(1863) neck of a great bend in the Mississippi River. This 



MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 



461 




VicKSBURG Campaign, 1863. 



plan failed; but Grant tried various schemes of opening a 
communication, through shallow bayous, which would avoid 
Vicksburg. Finally he determined to march seventy miles 
through the back country on the west side of the river, and 
then to recross and strike Vicksburg from the east. 

The first heavy fighting in this campaign was the capture of 
Port Gibson by McClernand (May 1, 1863), and the consequent 
fall of Grand Gulf, 
south of Vicksburg. 
Grant's next step was, 
with three days' ra- 
tions, to leave the base 
at Grand Gulf and 
push northeast, living 
mainly on the coun- 
try. He skillfully 
maneuvered against 
Joseph E. Johnston on the east, defeated Pemberton at Cham- 
pion Hill, and drove him back into Vicksburg. He then closed 
in along with Sherman, in command of the right of the army, 
who had accompanied Grant through the campaign, and thus 
by boxing the compass south, east, north, and west again, 
Grant cut Vicksburg off from all help. 

After two attempts to take the place by assault. Grant 
regularly invested the city and bombarded it. As the seven 
weeks of siege progressed, people came down to pea meal 
mixed with corn meal, of which they made a soft of bread. 
The streets were full of debris, wounded men, and houseless 
people. The inhabitants moved to caves in the bluffs, dug out 
bomb-proofs, and lived there day and night. July 4, 1863, 
Vicksburg surrendered unconditionally with 29,000 men, the 
largest number of prisoners taken by either side during the 
entire war. General Banks, who had meanwhile pushed north 
from New Orleans, now took Port Hudson with its garrison 



462 



CIVIL WAR 



of 6000 men (July 9). A week later a freight steamer from 
St. Louis arrived in New Orleans, and President Lincoln said, 
" The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea." 

The Army of the Potomac fought as bravely as the west- 
ern armies, but it was glad to hold its own territory, and 
397. The a second time to drive an invading enemy back from 
campaien^ northern soil. General Joseph Hooker, a gallant officer, 
(1863) was put in command (January 25, 1863), and assembled 

his army at Chancellorsville, where it was confronted by Lee's 
army and suddenly attacked by Stonewall Jackson (May 2), 
and thrown back in confusion with great loss; but Jackson 
was accidentally shot by his own men — a terrible blow to the 
South. After five days' hard fighting, Hooker turned north- 
ward, having lost 17,000 men out of 97,000. 



TJJJ^ 



^~ Union routes "^ Sv 
Lee'B routes lAlexanij 




6 Zr"! iM 
c= Union force* 
— Confederate force? 



Gettysburg Campaign. 



Battle of Gettysbueg. 



The check gave Lee his greatest opportunity during the whole 
war. He moved northward, crossed the Potomac, and reached 
southeastern Pennsylvania. At this critical moment Hooker 
asked to be relieved because of friction with Halleck, and 
was replaced by General Meade. The two armies came 
together near Gettysburg (July 1), and the next day the south- 



MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 463 

ern troops again attacked. July 3, 1863, came the "third 
day at Gettysburg," the greatest battle of the Civil War. 

The Union army was fortified on a' crescent-shaped range 
of hills, ending with the strong position of Round Top, 
and the whole defended by 80 guns. At one o'clock the Con- 
federates opened against the ridge with 115 guns, and at the 
end of two hours of artillery fire, a division of 15,000 men, 
under command of Pickett, burst into the open and came sur- 
ging up the slope into the Union lines on Cemetery Ridge. 

It was the most critical moment of the war. A few of the 
assailants got over the breastworks ; and could they have 
held their ground, the Union army must have broken in 
disorder, and Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Washington might 
have been the prize of Lee's army. But the Union lines held 
steady, the remnants of Pickett's division fell back, and Lee 
■ was defeated. i 

Of the 88,000 Union troops engaged, more than one man in 
four went down, killed or wounded. The Confederate army 
of 75,000 men lost 23,000, or almost a third of its number. 
On the night of the next day Lee slowly retreated, and the 
Union army let him cross the Potomac ; but it was the last 
chance to invade the North in large force. 

Two more terrible battles were fought in the West before 

the year 1863 ended. To Rosecrans, with the Army of the 

Cumberland, was assigned the task of advancing from ags.chicka- 

Murfreesboro and maneuvering against Bragg, who was mauga and 

George H. 
forced back first from Tullahoraa and then into the strong Thomaa 

position of Chattanooga ; while Burnside moved up from (1863) 

Kentucky to Knoxville, to give support to the large popula- 
tion of Union men in East Tennessee. 

After crossing several ranges of mountains, Rosecrans took 
Chattanooga and came out on Chickamauga Creek, not far south 
of the city. Bragg was reenforced by Longstreet with 12,000 
men from Lee's anny, and attacked Rosecrans on the Chicka- 



i()l 



CIVIL WAR 



mauga (September 19, I8G0) witli a heavy force. The next 
day the attack was renewed, and the federal line broken, 
the right wing and part of the center being driven from the 
field ; but General Thomas, in command of the left wing, stood 
his ground, and drew otf the field at night in good order. Two 
days later the whole army returned to Chattanooga. 

No soldier on either side was more passionately admired 
than General George H. Thomas. After graduation at West 

Point in 1840, he served 
in the Mexican "War. 
In his first little fight 
in the Civil War he op- 
posed Stonewall Jack- 
son. He was sent to 
Kentucky, beat Zol- 
licoffer in 18G1, and 
served as an excellent 
subordinate to Buell 
andRosecrans, Thomas 
was a quiet, reserved 
man, shy and proud ; 
but he had a wonder- 
ful gift of inspiring 
his men with confi- 
dence and devotion, 
and he was commonly called "Pap Thomas" by his troops. 
Thomas's great national reputation was gained at Chicka- 
mauga. When Rosecrans hastened to Chattanooga, expecting 
his defeated army to pour in there. General Garfield asked 
leave to return to the fieLi, aiul he said, " 1 shall never forget 
my amazement and admiration when I beheld that grand offi- 
cer holding his own with utter defeat on each side, and such 
wild disorder injiis rear.'' From that unflinching courage 
Thomas got the name which he carried the i-est of his life, 











■r- 


^*i 




^ 


^ ■ 




-^^ 


mf 


f 




iL 






^ 


' r 


"?" K->~*>' " 


■•^T' 



George H. Thomas, in 1864. 



MILTTAEY ADVANCE (18G3) 



466 



" the Rock of Chickamauga." Tlirougliout the rest of the war 
after Chattanooga he accepted the position of lieutenant, confi- 
dant, and friend of General Sherman. 

After Chickamauga, Rosecrans found the tables turned, for 
he was penned up in Chattanooga py Bragg, who occupied the 
neighboring heights of Missionary Ridge and Lookout 399. Fight- 
Mountain. River communication by the Tennessee was ^«f around 

^ Cnattanoo- 

closed by the enemy, though a difficult land route was ga (1863) 
kept open, and soon the army was almost starving. As 
Rosecrans seemed slow in helping himself, he was super- 
seded by Thomas, and Grant was placed in command of the 
combined forces of Sherman and Thomas, and at once began 
to extricate the army. As 
a preliminary the enemy's 
post at Browns Ferry on 
the river was captured 
(October 27), so that 
steamers could come up, 
and the army was fed. 

An additional force un- 
der Sherman was brought 
up, and Grant now turned 
to attack the enemy. In 
three successive days 

(November 23 to 25, 1863) the Confederate army was driven 
out of its strong position on the mountains above Chatta- 
nooga. First, Thomas took the works at the foot of Mission- 
ary Ridge. Next day Sherman attacked the north end of 
Missionary Ridge, and took position on the enemy's flank ; and 
in the dramatic but not critical " Battle above the Clouds," 
Hooker drove Bragg's troops off Lookout Mountain. On the 
third day Thomas's army attacked Missionary Ridge, and with- 
out orders the troops climbed steadily up the hill, and in an hour 
cleared that mountain of enemies. There is no more stirring 




Chattanooga Campaign. 



46C 



CIVIL WAR 



(1863) 



incident in the annals of war than the lines of bluecoats, in sight 

of thousands of their fellows, dashing up the slope, capturing 

batteries, guns, and men, and raising 

the stars and stripes on the sumjnit. 

Bragg retreated in great confusion ; 

and an expedition was fmmediately 

sent up the valley of the Tennessee to 

relieve Burnside, who was besieged in 

Knoxville. 

The superior numbers of the Union 

forces enabled them to attack the South 
400 Minor ^^^ many detached movements, 
operations After the Vicksburg campaign a 
Union anny occupied central Ar- 
kansas. In the Shenandoah valley 

there was little fighting in 1863. A 

fleet of monitors and other ships made 

desperate attempts to take Charleston, 

but though Fort Sumter was reduced 

to a heap of ruins, it could not be cai> 

tured; and the city was bombarded 

only by distant batteries. On the other 

side the cavalry of Stuart and IVfosby 

in Virginia, and Forrest in the AVest, 

excelled in rapid forays, which cut the 

Union communications, destroyed sup- 
plies, and created alarm. Another 

dashing cavalryman was John Mor- 
gan, who crossed the Ohio River in 

July, 1863, and for about a month 

ranged through the rich country of southern Ohio. The Ohio 

militia, the so-called " Squirrel hunters," were called out ; and 

Morgan was eventually cornei-ed and captured. 

Two years and a half of war showed the difficulty of proving 




(illifial, l-0:l. 

Confederate Flaos. 



MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 467 

that the seceding states were still in the Union. The forty 
mountain counties of western Virginia settled the problem for 
themselves by refusing to secede with Virginia. They 
held a constitutional convention, organized as the state nings of re- 
of West Virginia, and (1861) asked to be admitted into tioirof^Oie 
the Union. As the Constitution provides that no state South 

shall be divided "without the consent of the Legislatures 
of the states concerned," Congress accepted the fiction that 
the loyal legislature at Wheeling represented the whole state 
of Virginia; and in June, 1863, West Virginia became a sepa- 
rate state. 

In 1861 to 1863, under the direct and earnest insistence of 
President Lincoln, so-called state governments were formed in 
Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Tennessee ; governors were 
elected by a handful of voters, legislatures were chosen, sena- 
tors and members of the House appeared .in Washington, and 
several were actually admitted to Congress, though at the same 
time these states were represented in the Confederate Congress 
at Richmond. By a formal proclamation (December 8, 1863) 
Lincoln offered to all persons who had " participated in Lincoln 
the existing rebellion," except the leaders, pardon and Works, 

amnesty "with restoration of all rights and property, 
except as to slaves " ; and he promised to recognize new state 
governments in any of the seceded states, if formed by one 
tenth or more of the voters, provided they would take an oath 
of allegiance to the United States. 



The most dramatic episode of this year was the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation, which was preceded by acts of Congress 
prohibiting slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the 402. Sum- 
territories, and freeing refugee slaves belonging to " rebels mary 
in arms." The proclamation did no immediate harm to the 
slaveholders, but the knowledge of it spread among the slaves ; 
and wherever Union armies moved, great numbers of slaves 



468 



CIVIL WAR 



left their plantations and never went back. In the border 
states, too, slavery was disturbed, and thousands of negroes 
ran away. By the end of 18G3 it was plain that if the North 
won, nothing could save slavery, in either the seceding or the 
border states. 

During 1863 military success turned to the side of the 
Union. In the East the Union troops lost the battle of Chan- 
cellorsville, but won at Gettysburg; and showed that the 
North could not be successfully invaded. In the West the line 
of the ]\Iississippi was opened, by the taking of Vicksburg, 
though beyond that river there was some lighting, and till the 
end of the war many southern troops still found their way 
across to the main Confederate army. On the direct line into 
the South from the Ohio Kiver to Atlanta, the Union troops 
got as far as Chattanooga, which they took and finally held, 
after two desperate battles. 



(utr^estive 
iopiCB 



Search 
■opins 



TOPICS 

(1) Fremont's emancipation proclamation, 1861. (2) Hunter's 
emancipation proclamation, 1862. (3) Why did Emperor Napoleon 
III. favor the South ? (4) Wiiy did the English aristocracy favor 
the South ? (5) What did the northern people think of Lincoln ? 
(6) Why did Horace Greeley criticise the President? (7) Why 
did the British government hold the Laird rams in 1863 ? (8) Ob- 
jections to the draft of troops in the North. (9) Surrender of 
Vicksburg, July, 1863. (10) Why did Congress admit West Vir- 
ginia? (11) Why did Lincoln offer amnesty in December, 1863 ? 

(12) John Quincy Adams's suggestions of destroying slavery by 
the war power. (13) Hefugees at Fort Monroe. (14) Debate 
in Congress on emancipation in the District of Columbia, 1862. 

(15) Instances of the confiscation of the property of rebels. 

(16) John Bright as a friend of the North. (17) President Lin- 
coln at the White House. (18) President Lincoln's opinions of 
the generals. (10) Wiiat did the southern people think of Lincoln ? 
(20) Some of Lincoln's good stories. (21) Cabinet discussions of 
the Proclamation of Emancipation. (22) How did the negro troops 
fight? (23) Grant's plans for capturing Vicksburg. (24) Cave 
life in Vicksburg. (25) Thomas at the battle of Chickamauga. 



MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 



409 



(26) ".Teb" Stuart as a cavalry leader. (27) How did Lee get 
across tlie Potomac in 1863 ? (28) The third day at Gettysburg, 
July 3, 1863. (29) The battle of Missionary Ridge. 



Geography 

Secondary- 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

As in chapter xxviii. 

Dodge, Civil War, 94-101, 127-192 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms ; 
Rhodes, United States, III. 630-637, IV. 57-95, 157-172, 199-223, 
256-407 ; Schouler, United States, VI. 214-232, 261-289, 341-400, 
■ 424-460 ; Wilson, American People, IV. 229-253 ; Cambridge Mod- 
ern History, VII. 484-491, 501-513, 553-560, 580-602 ; Larned, His- 
tory for Ready Reference, V. 3430, 3453, 3462, 3476, 3480, 3485, 3498 ; 
McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, §§ 85-105 ; McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan 
of Beconstruction ; Fiske, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, 179- 
316 ; Doubleday, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg ; Humphreys, 
From Gettysburg to the Bapidan ; Greene, The Mississippi, 55- 
237 ; Cist, Ar7ny of the Cumberland, 136-262 ; Mahan, Gulf and 
Inland Waters, 110-184; Ammen, Atlantic Coast, 74-110; Morse, 
Abraham Lincoln, II. ; Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 268-342 ; Ban- 
croft, W. H Seward, II. 281-348, 374-399 ; Adams, C. F. Adams, 
240-344 ; Wilson, General Grant, 160-213, 339-343 ; Wister, U S. 
Grant, 72-98 ; Pennypacker, General Meade, 109-260 ; Force, Gen- 
eral Sherman, 98-186 ; Copp^e, General Thomas, 118-198 ; Davies, . 
General Sheridan, 52-88 ; Walker, General Hancock, 73-157 ; Lee, 
General Lee, 240-325 ; Hughes, GeneralJohnston, 156-221 ; Soley, 
Admiral Porter, 2.S4-375. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 120-124, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 100, Sources 
101, 117-131, 145, — Source Beaders, IV. §§ 19-23, 27, 28, 81-87 ; 
MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 17, 18, 20, 28, 29, 31, 33-36, 38, 
42 ; American History Leaflets, no. 26 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 
11 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xxii. ; Caldwell, Survey, 185-189 ; 
Johnston, American Orations, IV. 82-124 ; Carpenter, Six Months 
at the White House ; Dana, Becollections, 16-155, 168-185 ; Riddle, 
Recollections, 129-163, 199-255 ; Grant, Personal Memoirs, 1. 422- 
584, II. 1-123 ; Century Company, Battles and Leaders, III. 148- 
752, IV. 1-96 ; American Annual Cyclopcedia, 1862, 1863. See 
N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources in Schools, § 88. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 215-232 ; Eggleston, 
American War Ballads, 11. 109-155; Lowell, Memorice Positum ; 
Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 219-258 ; G. W. Cable, The Cava- 
lier ; J. W. de Forest, Miss BaveneVs Conversion. 

As in chapter xxviii. Pictures 



Illustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XXX. 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 

Life was exciting in Civil War times. People opened the 

morning papers with dread, for after the battles there were 

403 How ^°^S ^^^^^ °^ killed and wounded, which carried woe to 

thousands of families. Then came a flood of wounded 

and sick pouring back from the front; thousands of 

them died in the hospitals, other thousands went maimed 

about the streets. 

Northern people were always doing things for the soldiers. 
In almost every village and city there was a ladies' aid society. 



the North 
lived 




Designs on Envelopes used during the Civil War. 

in which the women scraped lint for wounds, made bandages 
and comfortable clothing, haversacks, mittens, and articles for 
the sick, and collected provisions, clothing, and blankets for the 
soldiers. Two large charitable societies, the Sanitary Commis- 
sion and the Christian Commission, took charge of these 
supplies, moved them to the front, and distributed them to 
the needy. 

People had to get accustomed to several new kinds of money. 
After the banks suspended specie payments in December, 

470 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 471 

1861, a gold coin was a curiosity; and presently the silver 
also went out of circulation. For months the only small 
change was sticky postage stamps, till Congress provided the 
little "shin plasters," or fractional currency. Early in 1862 
appeared the crisp and beautiful new legal tender " green- 
backs," and as they came pouring out they began to fall in 
value ; and prices correspondingly rose to double, sometimes to 
triple, the old rates. Yet business was good in most parts of 
the country, crops were large, manufactures increased, the 
railroads were busy, and many business men were happy. 

Though the war was fought to vindicate the Constitution, 
the country was subjected to many unpleasant methods of 
government, some of them plainly unconstitutional : — .«. --jj. 

(1) In the territory actually occupied by the army, tarygov 
including the city of Washington, martial law (that is, «J^'i'»6'i 
the will of the commander in chief) was openly declared ; it 
superseded the ordinary law and courts, and civilians could be 
arrested simply by the order of the military commander. 

(2) Under an order of the President (April 27, 1861) the 
writ of habeas corpus was suspended, so that suspected people 
could be put in prison without any specific charge or hope of 
trial. Many thousand people first and last were arrested in 
this haphazard manner, often without knowing what was the 
charge against them ; and the only way to freedom was 
through the intervention of some man of influence. 

(3) Provost marshals were appointed in all the northern 
cities, hundreds of miles away from hostilities; and they 
arrested thousands of people under military law. 

(4) In 1864 a military commission tried and condemned to 
death Dr. Milligan of Indiana for taking part in a traitorous 
secret society. 

(5) In the border states, and even in the North, military 
officers sometimes shut up ichurehes, dissolved societies, or 
stopped the publication of newspapers. It is ti-ue that the 

hart's amer. hist. — 28 



472 CIVIL WAR 

papers ahounded in war gossip, war news, and war stories, 
and the c-orrespondeiits often revealed military secrets. 

Notwithstanding abup.dant loyalty and heroism, the war was 

carried on in the face of strong opposition. The " Peace Demo- 

405. Inter- crats " at the beginning favored letting the Sonth secede, 

tion"to^^e ^^^ ^^*®^ opposed the war. They accepted the name of 

war " Copperhead," bestowed by ,their opponents, and wore 

as badges the heads cut out of copper cents, or butternuts 

cut in sections — because the butternut w^as the ordinary dye 

for the clothing worn by Confederate soldiers ; and they created 

formidable secret societies, called Knights of the Golden Circle, 

with scores of thousands of members in Ohio and Indiana. 

The leader of the Peace Democrats was Clement L. Vallan- 
digham, member of Congress from Ohio, who boasted that he 
never voted a dollar or a man for the war. In May, 1863, he 
made a harsh and cutting speech against the system of mili- 
tary law for civilians. For this offense he w^as convicted by 
a military court-martial, and sentenced to imprisonment; but 
Lincoln sent him across the lines into the Confederacy — 
a practical joke Avhich seemed to many people impolitic. 

An act of Congress for drawing soldiers by lot from among 
the able-bodied men led to terrible "draft riots" in New York 
city (July, 1863). The opposition turned into a savage mob 
which hunted down and stoned to death dozens of harmless 
negroes and then white people, and then burned colored or- 
phan asylums. The next step was to attack buildings which 
represented any kind of government, especially police stations 
and armories. The police fought splendidly, but were too few 
to resist such a rising. Federal troops were hastily summoned, 
and after three days of riot the mob was put down by musket 
and bayonet. About a thousand people lost their lives as vie-, 
tims of the mob, or by the shots of the defenders of order, and 
the money damage was many millions. 

Behind the Confederate lines life was just as exciting, and 



END Ob' THE WAR (1864-1865) 4YiJ 

much less comfortable than iu the North. Throughout the 
South there was the same passionate support of the soldier as 
in the North, the same fervent prayer to the Almighty ^^g „ 
to bless their cause. By severe conscription acts every the South 
able-bodied man between sixteen and seventy was called 
into the army, so that General Grant said, "They robbed 
the cradle and the grave." The negroes on the plantations 
raised the crops and took care of the women and children, and 
a slave insurrection would have dissolved the Confederate 
army ; but the negroes never rose. 

The war brought dire poverty on the South. The blockade 
cut down the cotton export from $191,000,000 in 1860 to 
$19,000,000 in 1862. Confederate paper notes were never legal 
tender, but they were put out by hundreds of millions, and 
their value fell to a cent and a half on the dollar : corn meal 
sold in Richmond for $80 a bushel in paper ; flour at $1000 
a barrel; a newspaper cost a dollar. 

As the war progressed the South could no longer replace 
its men who fell or were made prisoners; and therefore the 
North refused to exchange, even though a hundred thousand 
northern soldiers remained in southern prisons. The commis- 
sary of the Confederate army was ill managed ; and there were 
few supplies in the country. Libby Prison for officers in Rich- 
mond, and various prisons farther south, were all badly mis- 
managed. Andersonville was in the hands of a small garrison, 
officered by men of the overseer type, who were in constant 
fear lest the prisoners should break loose. Hence, in a country 
abounding in timber and with plenty of good water, the 
prisoners were confined in a treeless stockade on a foul stream, 
and were fearfully overcrowded, with no materials to build 
proper houses. They had the same kind of food that was 
provided for the jails and the negro quarters, and often for 
the Confederate troops at the front, — chiefly corn meal, some- 
times ground cob and all. 



474 



CIVIL WAR 



In March, 1864, President Lincoln selected the commander 

who had made the most brilliant record in the West, General 

407. Grant's U. S. Grant, and made him lieutenant-general with the 

campaign authority of general in chief of all the armies in the 

(1864) country, and Halleck became practically the President's 

chief of staff. Grant selected the Army of the Potomac, under 

direct command of Meade, as his own fighting force, and on 

May 4, 1864, took the field with 102,000 effective men and 

350 guns, against Lee's army of 61,000 men. The next day, 

as he was moving through the 
wooded region of northern 
Virginia known as the Wil- 
derness, he was attacked by 
Lee, and drew out only after 
three days of blind and con- 
fused fighting. 

Up to this time the Army 
of the Potomac had always 
retreated after such a check, 
but as brigade after brigade 
came to a crossroads and was 
directed to turn southward, 
the whole length of the col- 
umn rang with cheers, for the 
men realized that they were 
to fight it through. In a series 
of assaults "all along the line" 
near Spottsylvania, May 10 to 21, Grant lost 16,000 men, killed 
and wounded, or in sixteen days since May 4 over 30,000; and 
though he had also inflicted great losses on Lee, he could not 
break the Confederate lines. 

Grant now moved southward parallel with Lee's army, both 
sides intrenching every night. At Cold Harbor, fifteen miles 
from Richmond, he found the enemy strongly intrenched in 



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From the Wilderness to 
Petersburg. 



END OP Tim WAR (1864-1865) 475 

what was really a great fort. He attacked (June S) with 
80,000 men, and within an hour had lost 7000. His purpose 
was to wear Lee out, and he could have afforded to give two 
men for one, to break up that opposing army then and there. 

Once more Grant edged southward, crossed the James River 
(June 15), and attempted to seize Petersburg, the key of eastern 
Virginia ; but in several unsuccessful assaults he lost about 8000 
men. A vain attempt to entice him from his grip on Peters- 
burg was made by the Confederate general Early, who, in 
a sudden dash northward with 20,000 men, took and burned 
Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, and reached the edge of the city 
of Washington, which he could have taken, had he known how 
few its defenders were. In front of Grant's line at Petersburg 
a mine was dug to blow up an important Confederate defense 
at a spot now called the Crater (July 30, 1864) ; but after a 
loss of 2900 men the Union troops had to withdraw and con- 
tinue the slow siege, which lasted nearly a year. 

From this time the eyes of the whole country were on Grant 
before Petersburg. Ulysses S. Grant was a man of the plain 
people, a descendant of an early colonist of Massachu- .q^ -.. 
setts, probably of Scotch ancestry. The son of a tanner, ses S. Grant 
he was born in Ohio (April 27, 1822), was brought up *^ ^ g«nera 
first to farm work, then graduated in 1843 at West Point. 
Two years later he was sent to Taylor's army and distinguished 
himself in the Mexican campaign. He resigned from the army 
in 1854, and then tried various kinds of business in St. Louis 
and Galena, Illinois, and fell into obscurity. On the day after 
the fall of Sumter, Grant made up his mind to return to the 
army ; and in August, 1861, became brigadier general. From 
1861 to 1863 his name was connected with most of the suc- 
cessful operations in the West, till Lincoln said of him: "I 
can't spare this man; he fights." 

Grant was a very taciturn man, slow to express an opinion; 
he disliked writing, and sometimes got into trouble because he 




476 CIVIL WAR 

would not voporfc. Yet he coined some apt phrases, as in his 
Grant demand for the surrender of Fort Donelson : " No terms 

Memoirs, except an unconditional and immediate surrender can be 

/. 311, 226 ^ J T ^ 1-1 

accepted, i propose to move immediately upon your 
works"; and in 1864, "I 
propose to fight it out on 
this line if it takes all sum- 
mer." 

Grant's greatest character- 
istic was his indomitable grit. 
After the terrible discourage- 
ments of the campaign of 
1864, he wrote, — to Lincoln's 
great satisfaction, — "I want 

Sheridan put in com- ^ 

Ibid. II. 317 J * 11 4.1. 4. 

niand ot all the troops is-' 

in the field [of the Shenan- 
doah], with instructions to ^^^'^^^^ ^- ^"^^"^' '^ ^^- 
put himself south of the enemy and follow him to the death. 
Wherever the enemy goes let our troops go also." This in- 
tense determination kept in action the forces that brought the 
war to an end. Grant did not stake all on one battle; he 
was not daunted or discouraged by defeat ; he simply kept 
at it till his enemy was vanquished. 

Grant's most dangerous opponent was Robert E. Lee, who was 
born in 1807, of an old and aristocratic Virginia family ; he 
409 B, b t gi'^^uated from West Point (1829), and spent thirty-two 
E. Lee as a years in the regular army; he distinguished himself in the 
genera Mexican War. Just before the Civil War broke out lie 

wrote to a friend, " If the Union is dissolved and the govern- 
ment disrupted, I shall return to my native state and shaxe the 
Trent, Lee, miseries of my people, and, save in defense, will draw my 
^^ gword on none." A few days after the fall of Fort Sum- 

ter he was offered the command of the United States army. 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 



477 



and declined it. He resigned, and, after Virginia seceded^ 
accepted a Confederate commission. 

For a year Lee saw little active service ; then he took com- 
mand of the Army of Northern Virginia, June 1, 1862, and 
for nearly three years 
was the unquestioned 
leader of that army. 
His division and corps 
commanders, Stonewall 
Jackson, Gordon, Long- 
street, A. P. Hill, D. H. 
Hill, Ewell, Early, J. 
E. B. Stuart, remained 
with him with few ex- 
ceptions till the end 
of the struggle. What 
made Lee a great sol- 
dier were his skillful 
preparations, his watch- 
fulness, and his ability 
to accomplish much 
with small resources. 
In this respect he greatly resembled Washington, with whom 
he has often been compared. He had great power over 
men, and his soldiers had perfect confidence in " Uncle 
Robert." 

On the same day that Grant moved south (May 4, 1864), 
Sherman began his advance from Chattanooga to Atlanta, 135 
miles through the mountains, against Joseph E. Johnston, 
who had superseded Bragg. During four months Sher- 
man worked his way steadily along the line of the rail- 
road (p. 434), skillfully flanking Johnston's smaller army 
from point to point. His one front attack, at Kene- 
saw Mountain (June 27), caused a loss of 2000 men, with no 




Robert E. Lee, about 1870. 



410. Joseph 
E. John- 
ston's de- 
fense of 
Georgia 
(1864) 



478 



CIVIL WAR 



military advantage. Johnston was superseded in July, 1864, 

by the more dashing Hood. Sherman circled about Atlanta, 

almost captured the opposing army, and at last was able to tele- 

Official graph (September 3), " Atlanta is ours, and fairly won." 

xx^in General Johnston was of Scotch descent, born in 1807 ; 

pt. V. p. 772 he was a classmate of Lee at West Point, and then served 

against the Indians and the Mexicans. In 1860 he was made 

quarterniastt'r general of the United States army, but followed 

his state of Virginia when 
it seceded. He was one of 
the first generals appointed 
by the Confederacy, com- 
manded in the Shenandoah 
valley, at Bull Run, in 
the Peninsular Campaign, 
and against Grant outside 
of Vicksburg. Johnston's 
most remarkable service 
was in 1864, when with 
about 70,000 men he tried 
to hold Sherman's army of 
1 13,000. His policy was to 
Joseph e. Johnston, in wa. avoid general engagements, 

but to wear the invaders out by a long campaign, and by 
attacking their ever lengthening line of communications. 

The navy shared in the hard work of 1864, especially by 

Farragut's attack in August, with 18 vessels and a landing 

411 The force of 5500 troops, on the powerful defenses of Mobile 

navy in Bay. Farragut lashed his ships in pairs ; and he fastened 

himself to the rigging of his flagship, the Hartford. As 

the fleet went in, the monitor Tecnmseh was torpedoed, and 

instantly sank, but tlie admiral signaled " Go ahead ! " All the 

rest of the fleet got tlirough the diannel into the bay, when a 

dangerous Confederate ram, the Tennessee, swept down upon 




1864 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 479 

them. One after another the Union vessels dashed at the big 
ironclad, firing their heavy guns, and they pounded her till one 
who was present said, " She lay like a bleeding stag at bay 
among the hounds." The Tennessee surrendered and the forts 
were taken, so that the port of Mobile was closed. 

Farragut's determination never ceased throughout the war ; 
he was one of the most careful commanders that ever lived ; 
he made all his preparations beforehand, weighed the risks, 
and then nothing could stop him short of the sinking of his 
vessel ; and his courage affected everybody in the fleet. So 
perfect were his discipline and his coolness, that in his great 
fights he always came out safe with a small loss of men. 

The navy and the array also cooperated on the North Carolina 
coast. Fort Fisher was taken (January, 1865), and the port 
of Wilmington was closed. Thereafter there was no large 
port open to the blockade runners except Charleston. 

Philip H. Sheridan, another great commander, came to the 

front in 1864. Born in New York of Irish parents, he was a 

graduate of West Point, and served on the western fron- 412. Philip 

tier. He was put in command of a brigade, and soon .' ^"^,^*° 
^ * ' m the Val- 

after of a division in Buell's army (1862). He fought at ley (1864) 
Perryville, Stone River, Chickamauga, and Chattanooga, and 
in 1864 was made chief of the cavalry corps of the Army of 
the Potomac. 

After fighting through the terrible campaign of 1864, he 
was sent into " the Valley " of the Shenandoah. There 
he undertook the task of pushing back General Early and 
of devastating the country so that it should no longer feed 
the Confederate army. After fights at Opequan Creek and 
Fishers Hill, the enemy rallied and attacked the army at 
Cedar Creek (October 19) and drove it out of its camp, while 
Sheridan was twenty miles to the north. He hurried to the 
sound of the guns and found a number of demoralized men 
on the road, but a large part of the troops were still in line. 



480 



CIVIL WAK 



Dames, 

Sheridan, 
186 



As he galloped along the line he shouted, "We are all right. 
. . . Never mind, boys, we'll whip them yet, we'll 
whip them yet. We shall sleep in our quarters to- 
night." He pushed the enemy back, and actually re- 
occupied his old camp at Cedar Creek that night. 

Sheridan's characteristic as 
a soldier was his impetuous 
attack. He never waited to 
be perfectly ready, but struck 
before he was expected. He 
was bold and dashing, would 
lead into any kind of danger, 
and yet took no luireasonable 
chances, aud was never de- 
feated in an independent 
command. He was very care- 
ful to keep his men well fed 
and supplied, and was a mas- 
ter in the organization and 
use of cavalry. 




^ 



Philip H. Sheridan, about 1870. 



The state elections of 1863 responded to the victories at 
Vicksburg and Gettysburg by giving good Kepublican majori- 
413 Parties ^^^^' though Lincoln had the confidence of the people, 
and politics in 18G4 a clique of disaffected Republican politicians, 
^ ~ including Secretary Chase, wanted to set him aside. 

Some of these malcontents got up a convention and nominated 
John C. Fremont for the presidency, a movement finally 
headed off. The regular Republican convention was practi- 
cally unanimous for Lincoln, on a platform that slavery must 
be destroyed ; Andrew Johnson of Tennessee was put on the 
ticket as Vice President, in order to strengthen it in the 
border states. The Democrats nominated for the presidency 
General George B. McClellan, as representative of the war 
Democrats aud as a soldier candidate ; but declared in their 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1805) 481 

platform that there " had been four years of failure to restore 
the Union by the experiment of war." 

The failure of Grant to break up Lee's army in June, 1864, 
had a damaging effect on the campaign, and Lincoln was 
deeply discouraged, for he miscalculated the people's affection 
for their President. To the eighteen free states in the Union 
in 1860 had been added Kansas, West Virginia, and Nevada 
(1864). Lincoln carried them all except New Jersey, and also 
two of the four border slave states,, Maryland and Missouri. He 
had 212 electoral votes to 21 ; but only 2,200,000 popular votes 
against 1,800,000 for McClellan. The election of Lincoln 
made it certain that the war would be fought to a finish, and 
men were found to recruit Grant's army before Petersburg. 

Sherman's strong imagination suggested to him that the 
next step was to cut the Confederacy in two by marching 
eastward from Atlanta to Savannah through the heart 414. March- 
of the country, and Grant, with much hesitation, gave ^'i&^^o^&'^ 
his consent. After destroying the workshops and de- (1864) 

fenses of Atlanta, Sherman marched eastward (November 15, 
1864) with 62,000 men (p. 434). There was no army in front 
of him and no militia that could oppose him. The Confeder- 
ate authorities had begged the southern people to plant corn 
instead of cotton, and therefore he found plenty of food. The 
army lived on the country, and as Sherman passed through he 
left it devastated, so far as he could. 

The army was followed by " Sherman's Bummers," several 
thousand stragglers who paid very little attention to the 
orders against looting private houses ; and thousands of con- 
trabands joined in the procession on foot or in wagons. The 
railroads were destroyed for miles ; even the rails were heated 
and twisted up. Sherman reached Savannah (December 10, 
1864), and eleven days later the city surrendered ; Lincoln 
wrote to Sherman, '' The honor is all yours." 

General William T. Sherman is in many ways the most in- 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865 



483 



teresting of all the military commanders of the war. Born 
in Ohio in 1820, a member of a distinguished family, all his 
life long he was acquainted with public affairs. Sher- 415. Wil 
man graduated at West Point (1840), and was sent out ghen^a^as 
to California in 1846. In 1855 he resigned, and when a general 
the war broke out, was superintendent of a military school 
in Louisiana. 

Sherman served at Bull Run, then in the West, and won his 
first renown at Shiloh. Then he commanded a corps under 

Grant in the Vicksburg 
and Chattanooga cam- 
paigns. When Grant went 
east in 1864, Sherman was 
put in command of most 
of the western armies, and 
acted in perfect accord 
and harmony with his 
chieftain. He begged 
Grant to make the West 
the center of the final 
campaign : " Here lies the 
seat of the coming 

" Sherman, 
empire, and from the Memoirs, 

West, when our task ^^^ 

is done, we will make short 
work of Charleston and 
William t. Sherman, about 1880. Richmond." As a mili- 
tary man Sherman's characteristic was his skill in forecasting 
what the enemy was likely to do. He was a great strategist, 
and in his many fights and campaigns always tried to get a 
good position before he attacked. His men admired him and 
called him " Old Billy " ; but he was too brusque and fiery for 
the warm personal love which they poured out on McClellan 
and Thomas. 




484 CIVIL WAR 

The force left by Sherman under command of Thomas, when 
Sherman started on his march to the sea, was strung all the 

416. Hood way along from Nashville to Atlanta. Hood, instead of 
^December" following Sherman, struck northward with 41,000 men, 
1864) but he lost 6000 in a vain attempt to capture Schofield's 

force of 29,000 at Franklin (November oO). Three days later 
Hood intrenched himself south of Nashville, where Thomas 
massed his previously scattered forces, fortified the city, and 
made ready for a great battle. Thomas had no horses for his 
cavalry; then he waited for reenforcements ; then the ground 
was slippery with ice, so that cavalry could not maneuver. In 
vain did orders follow day after day from Grant, bidding him 
attack. 

Fully prepared at last, Thomas moved out December 15, 
1864, and in the hard-fought battle of Nashville drove Hood 
from his lines. The next day he attacked again, and Hood's 
army was routed and dispersed. Of 50,000 Union men Thomas 
lost 3000; of 23,000 Confederates engaged, 4500 were taken 
prisoners. This battle practically ended the war in the West, 
and vindicated Thomas's prudence and generalship. 

From Savannah Sherman marched northward to Columbia, 
and the town was burned as he entered it (February 17, 1865) 
— almost the only case of the kind during the war. Neither 
Sherman nor any other federal officer gave orders to burn it, 
and the federal troops finally put out the fire. Sherman's pres- 
ence in the interior of South Carolina made Charleston inde- 
fensible, and it was occupied by other Union forces (Februaiy 
18, 1865). Sherman, for the first time since leaving Atlant:i, 
was now opposed by a large force, and had to fight J. E. John- 
ston at Bentonville, North Carolina (March 19), with a loss of 
1100. A month later he occupied Kaleigh, North Carolina. 

The Army of the Potomac, during these brilliant move- 

417. Cap- inents, was lying patiently in the trenches before Peters- 
ture of Lee , , . , , ^ it i 

(1866) burg, losing thousands oi men by disease and constant 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 



485 



skirmishing, but slowly wearing down Lee, wlio could not re- 
place his losses. He even proposed to President Davis to levy 
negro regiments; but the time was too short to carry out the 
plan. 

The last great struggle of the war now came on before 
Petersburg, where Grant, with 113,000 effective troops, well 
fed, clothed, and supplied, kept Lee in the trenches, while 




Surrender of Lee. 

Sheridan remorselessly raided the country to the north and 
west of Richmond. Lee forced a series of fights, beginning 
March 25, to cover his preparations for a retreat; he then 
abandoned Eichmond and Petersburg (April 3), and struck 
westward along the Appomattox River, and next day Rich- 
mond was occupied by the Union troops. Grant followed 
close after Lee, and Sheridan dashingly closed in the net. 
A week after leaving his intrenchments, Lee was surrounded 
at Appomattox, and, April 9, 1865, he surrendered his com- 
mand, which had now dwindled to 27,000 men. Lee's part- 



486 CIVIL WAR 

ing speech to his troops was simply, "Men, we have fought 
through the war together ; I have done my best for you.' 
On April 26 Johnston surrendered his army to Sherman, 
at Raleigh; and the Civil War was practically at an end, 
although a few distant places held out a few weeks longer. 
Two weeks later Jefferson Davis was captured while trying to 
escape. 

Many suggestions had been made during the war, looking 

toward terms of peace. Foreign governments tried in vain to 

418 TermB ^^^i^^e in 1861, 1862, and 1863. In 1864 some over- 

of peace tures were made to President Davis, who replied, " You 

may * emancipate ' every negro in the Confederacy, but 

we will be free, we will govern ourselves." Just before the 

collapse Lincoln and Seward met Vice-President Stephens of 

the Confederacy on a steamer at Hampton Roads (February 3, 

1865) ; but Lincoln was firm that the only conditions of peace 

were for the South to return to the Union and for slavery to 

cease, and on those issues the conference failed. 

After Richmond fell, Lincoln took pains to notify General 
Grant that he was not to make auy pledges for the future of 
the South. Accordingly, Grant insisted that Lee's troops 
should surrender unconditionally ; but he then released Lee's 
men, "not to be disturbed by the United States authority so 
long as they observed their paroles and the laws in force where 
they reside " ; and Grant won the respect and gratitude of the 
southern officers and soldiers by leaving them their horses. 
Sherman, in receiving Johnston's surrender, undertook to make 
pledges about the reorganization of the states ; but these terms 
were disavowed by President Johnson in Washington. 

The success of the Union arms raised Lincoln to the highest 

point in his whole life. He had the people behind him, 

sination of and could have struck out a policy which Congress must 

(iSiil have followed. He was himself a southern man by 

1865) birth, understood the southern people, and in his great 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 487 

nature tliere was no room for enmity toward those who 
liad fought bravely and were beaten. The difficult problem 
of reconstruction seemed ready for him to solve. Terrible, 
therefore, was the blow that fell upon the whole country 
when, just four years from the surrender of Fort Sumter, the 
President was shot in a box at Ford's Theater, during a play, 
by the organizer and head of a band of conspirators. The 
next morning the President's life ebbed away, and he died 
April 15, 1865, at the height -of his service and power. The 
assassin was hunted down and shot while desperately defend- 
ing himself from capture. Other members of the conspiracy, 
including one woman, were tried by military court-martial, 
and four of them were hanged. 

The whole country felt that Lincoln had died for his coun- 
try as truly as though he had been in the front line at Gettys- 
burg. The work that he did will live imperishably, for he 
rescued the Union and he destroyed slavery. The principles 
of his life he summed up a few days before his death: " With 

malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness r ■ , 
' •' ' Lincoln, 

in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us Works, II. 
strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the 
nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the 
battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which 
may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among our- 
selves, and with all nations," 

What was the cost of the Civil War ? In men, 360,000 on the 
Union side, who were killed or died of disease, and a correspond- 
ing Confederate loss of about 258,000. In money, the ^^q cost of 
United States paid out during the Civil War, for other pur- the Civil 
poses than its ordinary civil expenses, $3,660,000,000; the 
Confederacy probably spent $1,500,000,000 measured in gold. 

As for property, no free territory was invaded, except Penn- 
sylvania and Ohio for a few days ; and the destruction of north- ' 
em merchant vessels amounted to only $20,000,000. The loyal 
hart's amer. hist. — 29 



488 CIVIL WAR 

horder states, as well as the South, however, were invaded at 
many different points and devastated by marching armies, 
both Union and Confederate. Thousands of houses were 
burned, the business of cities was for months suspended, the 
cotton crop was nearly a dead loss. The whole South was 
commercially ruined, while the North, in spite of its immense 
expenses, had more men, more capital, and more money at 
the end of the war than at the beginning. The South felt 
also that it had lost four million slaves valued in 1860 at 
$2,000,000,000. The slaveholding families did lose the op- 
portunity of turning their human property into cash ; but most 
of the negroes were still on the ground and ready to work 
the land ; and the community was no poorer for the change. 

Was this enormous expenditure of life, treasure, and na- 
tional forces worth while ? Yes, for it did six vital things : 
(1) it taught forever the lesson that there is no such thing as 
peaceable and constitutional secession ; (2) it proved once for 
all that slavery is an institution which weakens the economic 
and social forces of a country ; (3) it opened up to four million 
negro people the opportunity to make the best of themselves; 
(4) it showed the self-perpetuating power of republican govern- 
ment ; (5) it put an end to the project of dividing the strength 
and influence of the United States between two separate 
nations; (6) it proved the courage and self-sacrifice of the 
people of the United States, both North and South — all the 
people, not soldiers merely, but men, women, and children. 



From January, 1864, to May, 1865, the war went steadily 

against the South. Both sides felt the pinch of taxes, the bad 

421. Sum- effects of too much paper money, the hardships and 

™"y despotism of military government; and both sides made 

desperate attempts to fight it out. 

In the East, by Grant's Virginia campaign, the field of oper- 
ations was at last shifted to the neighborhood of Richmond. 



END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 489 

Sheridan, in the Valley, showed his brilliant qualities as a 
commander and a destroyer. In the West Sherman pushed 
steadily down the railroad to Atlanta ; toward the end of the 
year he broke loose and crossed the country to Savannah; 
and Thomas, after careful preparation, defeated Hood's army, 
the last that could be raised by the Confederates in the West. 
The end came in the spring of 1865, when first Lee and 
then Johnston surrendered ; and there was no longer any 
center of resistance. The whole South was speedily garri- 
soned with Union troops. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did the federal government issue paper money during SuggestiTe 

tiooics 
the Civil War ? (2) Why were people in the North arrested and 

confined without warrant ? (3) Was the punishment of Vallan- 
digham judicious? (4) Why was Grant put in command of the 
eastern armies ? (5) Why was Grant obliged to retreat at the 
Wilderness ? (6) Why could not Grant break Lee's lines in 1864 ? 
(7) Why was the explosion of the Crater a failure ? (8) Why 
did Robert E. Lee resign his commission in the United States army ? 
(9) Why were there so few changes among the officers of the 
Confederate Army of Northern Virginia ? (10) Lee's military 
career during the Civil War. (11) Was Joseph E. Johnston's 
military policy wise ? (12) Why was McClellan nominated by 
the Democrats in 1864 ? (13) What were the objections to the rais- 
ing of negro regiments by the South ? (14) Why was Sherman's 
convention with Johnston disavowed ? (15) Was the South made 
poorer by the emancipation of the slaves ? 

(16) The Sanitary Commission. (17) The Christian Commis- Search 
sion. (18) Knights of the Golden Circle. (19) Why did the ^''P*'" 
Peace Democrats oppose the war ? (20) Draft riots in New 
York city. (21) Conscription in the South. (22) Life in Libby 
Prison. (23) Relations between Lincoln and Grant. (24) Lee's 
military services before the Civil War. (25) Nomination of Fremont 
for the presidency in 1864. (26) Sherman's march to the sea. 
(27) The battle of Franklin, Nashville, or Bentonville. (28) Cap- 
ture of Lee at Appomattox. (29) Peace conference at Hampton 
Roads. (30) National grief at the death of Lincoln. (31) Work 
for the soldiers in your own town during the war. (32) Enlist- 
ment of soldiers in your own town during the war. 



490 



CIVIL WAR 



Geography 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

As in chapter xxviii. 

Stanwood, Presidency, 298-312 ; Dodge, Civil War, 192-327 ; 
Hosnier, Outcome of the Civil War ; Schouler, United States, VI. 
400-124, 460-633 ; Rhodes, United States, IV. 223-255, 407-539, 
V. 1-518; Wilson, American People, IV. 253-262 ; Cambridge Mod- 
ern History, VII. 514-558, 575-580, 096, 697 ; Gay, Bryant's His- 
tory, V. 193-374; Dunning, Civil War and Beconstrnction, 1-62 ; 
Schwab, Confederate States of America ; Maclay, United States 
Navy, II. 397-456, 475-507, 549-559 ; Humphreys, Virrjinia Cam- 
paign of '64 and '65; Pond, Shenandoah Valley in 1864; Cox, 
Atlanta, — March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville ; Mahan, 
Gulf and Inland Waters, 18;')-249 ; Admiral Farragut, 237-326 ; 
Aranien, Atlantic Coast, 199-248 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, II. 
175-198, 245-357 ; Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 343-419 ; Davies, 
General Sheridan, 89-251, 306-319; Walker, General Hancock, 
158-294 ; Force, General Sherman, 187-310, 328-338 ; Copp6e, 
General Thomas, 109-291,310-324; Lee, General Lee, 325-399, 
420-424; Hughes, General Johnston, 222-280, 290-308; Soley, 
Admiral Porter, 376-486. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 125, 126, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 77, 
79, 81-83, 132-140, —^owrce Readers, IV. §§ 18, 62, 72, 73, 88, 
89, 93, 98 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 32, 39^1, 43; Ameri- 
can History Leaflets, no. 26; Old South Leaflets, no. 11; Dana, 
Recollections, 156-167, 186-291 ; Riddle, Recollections, 164-167, 
256-343 ; Brooks, Washington in Lincoln's Time ; Grant, Per- 
sonal Memoirs, II. 124-554 ; Century Company, Battles and Lead- 
ers, IV. 97-768 ; American Aiinual Cyclopcedia, 1864, 1865. See 
N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources, § 88. 

Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 233-277 ; Eggleston, 
America7i War Ballads, II. 106, 156-278 ; Lowell, Commemoration 
Ode ; Holmes, In War Time ; M, A. De Wolfe Howe, Memory 
of Lincoln (poems) ; Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 292-319; 
G. C. Cary, Rebel's Recollections ; B. K. Benson, Friend with the 
Countersign ; T. N. Page, Among the Camps, — Two Little Con- 
federates, — Burial of the Guns; Harold Frederic, The Copper- 
head ; J. C. Harris, On the Plantation ; M. L. Avary, Virginia 
Girl in the Civil War ; L. M. Alcott, Hospital Sketches ; K. P. 
Wormeley, Other Side of War ; A. E. Dickinson, What Answer J 
(draft riots) ; W. O. Stoddard, Battle of New York (draft rioU). 

As in chapter xxviii. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (18G5-1875) 

What was to be done with the South when the war 
was over ? This perplexing question involved three different 
subjects: the status of the individual whites, the future ^gg ^^^ 
of the negroes, and the relations to the Union of the southern 
states which had attempted to secede. 

So far as individuals were concerned, no federal law pre- 
vented former Confederates from continuing to take part in the 
state governments; but penalties for treason were hanging 
over them aJl. From that danger, however, the military men 
were practically free, under the terms of surrender of Lee's 
and Johnston's armies; and when warrants were issued for 
the arrest of Lee and many other military commanders, to be 
tried for treason. General Grant would not permit the arrests. 
No such protection extended to members of the civil govern- 
ments of the Confederacy and of the seceded states ; but the 
only man actually held for treason was Jefferson Davis (§ 428). 
Lincoln would probably have stood firmly against any kind of 
punishment for the common people of the South, whether 
soldiers or civilians ; but Congress had already confiscated 
the property of some of the leaders ; and the Fourteenth 
Amendment later punished many of those who had taken a 
leading part, either civil or military, by excluding them from 
office. 

At the end of the war, the slaves had been declared free in 
the whole country except the states of Kentucky and ^g, mj^ 
Delaware : (1) Congress had prohibited slavery in the ■ southern 
District of Columbia and the territories , (2) the Presi- negroes 

491 



492 



REORGANIZATION 



dent, liad emancipated the slaves in the seceded states, except 
Tennessee and certain counties of Louisiana and Virginia ; 
(3) Maryland, West Virginia, and Missouri (§ 395) had passed 
immediate or gradual emancipation acts for themselves ; (4) the 
loyal governments of Louisiana and Virginia (§ 401) had adopted 
constitutions tliat freed the slaves, and Tennessee in 18(55 
passed a special emancipation act, — which did away with the 
exceptions in the Proclamation of Emancipation. 




Emancipation and Reconstruction. 

For the thousands of negroes who had left their old homes 
and flocked into the federal camps. Congress had already 
passed an act for a Freedman's Bureau (March 3, 1865), which 
was intended, through military officers, to protect the negroes 
from injustice, to find work for them, keep them from starv- 
ing, and start schools for their education. This action, how- 
ever, involved the assumption of a responsibility for indi- 
viduals within states which the federal government had never 
before taken. 

To prevent any question that the slaves were forever free, 
the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was carried 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 493 

.through both houses (January 31, 1865) by the personal influ- 
ence of President Lincoln, who said in a public speech, " It 
winds the whole thing up." Three fourths of all the . , 

states, through their legislatures, ratified this amend- Works, 

ment, which in December, 1865, became a part of the * ^ 

Constitution. It provided that " Neither slavery nor involun- 
tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." 

As for the eleven former seceded states, did they still have 
" all the dignity, equality, and rights of the states unimpaired," 

as set forth by the resolution of 1861 ? (§ 373.) If so, 424. Theo- 

iri6S of 
they must be permitted to come back into their former ^^^^^ recon- 

place ; and through their senators and representatives struction 
would help to settle their own future. The steady northern 
theory of the war was that the states were in the Union and 
could not get out of the Union ; that the whole trouble was 
made by individuals who traitorously in arms resisted the 
United States. Yet, at the end of the war, the individuals 
went unpunished; and the seceded states were kept out of 
their constitutional relations to the Union. Even after fur- 
nishing eight ratifications needed to carry the Thirteenth 
Amendment, they were held not really to be in the Union. 
To explain this singular state of things and to establish a 
basis of readjustment, four main theories were put forth: (1) The 
"presidential theory," held by Lincoln, was that the states 
were entitled to come back and send members to Congress, as 
soon as the President decided that they had repented, (2) The 
"state suicide theory," urged by Charles Sumner, was that 
by secession the states lost statehood and became territories. 
(3) The " conquered provinces theory," for which Thaddens 
Stevens was responsible, looked on the South as a subjugated 
region, with which Congress could deal exactly as though it 
were a part of a conquered foreign country ; it was actually 



494 REORGANIZATION 

suggested that South Carolina be divided between Georgia and 
North Carolina and thus obliterated from the map. (4) The 
" forfeited rights theory " was that the states still existed and 
were members of the Union, but through traitorous acts of the 
community as a whole had made themselves subject to some 
punishment which would reach them as states. 

The first theory to be applied was the presidential (see § 401). 
On Lincoln's death, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee succeeded 
425. Presi- to the presidency. Though a southern man, he was a 
reconstruc- iiiountain white and hated the planters. By an amnesty 
tion (1865) proclamation (May 29, 1865), Johnson expressly shut out 
the old southern leaders, so as to leave the poor whites to form 
new state governments. Accordingly, during the year 1865, 
while Congress was not in session, under his military power 
he appointed civil governors for the southern states. These 
governors called constitutional conventions, which formed anti- 
slavery constitutions and provided for new elections of mem- 
bers of Congress, governors, and legislatures, which chose 
United States senators. In December, 1865, members-elect 
appeared from all the seceded states except Texas, and de- 
manded seats in Congress. 

Unfortunately for the South, some of the former seceded 

states enacted statutes on " vagrancy " and " labor contracts," 

which made the negroes practically subject to masters, 

gress and caused the North to believe that if those southern 

assumes states were left to themselves, they would after a few 
reconstruc- ' '' 

tion years reenslave the negro ; and that if the new members 

Q 866-1 867^ 

^ were admitted to Congress, there was no guaranty that a 

large part of the work of the Civil War would not be undone. 
They were therefore kept out; and Congress soon took the 
question of reconstruction into its own hands by a joint 
resolution (March 2, 1866) that neither house would admit 
either senator or representative until Congress as a whole 
should decide that the state was again to be represented. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 495 

Johnson saw his plan of reconstruction practically nullified. 
He was a coarse, blustering man, who did not know how to 
get on with other people, who had no powerful friends, and 
who was distrusted by the antislavery element. The Repub- 
lican leaders were backed up by a two-thirds majority in both 
branches of Congress, and openly broke with the President by 
passing over his veto a Civil Rights Act (April 9, 1866), which 
put the negroes under the protection of the federal government. 
In three years Johnson vetoed twenty-one bills, of which fifteen 
were passed over his veto. 

In order to put it out of the power of a later Congress to 
repeal the purposes of the Civil Rights Act, the two houses 
(June 16, 1866) submitted the Fourteenth Amendment, of 
which the main principles are four: (1) For the protection 
of the negro, all persons born or naturalized in the United 
States are declared to be citizens of the United States and also 
of the state in which they reside ; and states are forbidden to 
" deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law," or to "abridge the privileges or immunities 
of citizens of the United States." Thus a great area of power 
was transferred from the states to Congress (§ 437). (2) In 
order to favor negro suffrage, states were to lose part of their 
representation in Congress if they cut off any adult male 
citizens from voting. (3) To punish the leaders in the Con- 
federacy, many of them were excluded from office (§ 437). 
(4) To set a stigma forever on secession, the Confederate and 
state debts incurred " in aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
the United States " were declared void. 

In a formal reconstruction act (March 2, 1867) Congress 
passed over the "state suicide theory,'^ and accepted a com- 
promise between the "conquered provinces" and "forfeited 
rights " theories, by providing that the seceded states before 
they could come back into the Union must frame new consti- 
tutions, must give the negro the suffrage, and must ratify the 



496 



REOIIGANIZATION 



Fourteenth Amendment and thereby consent to punish their 
own leaders. 

The man most responsible for these severe conditions was 

Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania. He was an excellent 

427. Thad- lawyer with a good practice, who went into politics as a 

vens'f^ Whig, and made his debut in Congress in 1849 by 

leadership declaring that he was hostile to slavery "in every form 

and place." When the war broke out, Stevens was chairman 

of the Committee on Ways and Means, and legislative leader 

of the House. He com- 
plained of the House 
resolution of July, 1861 
(§ 373), because the only 
object of the war was 
to " subdue the rebels." 
When people talked about 
the Constitution, he said 
in the House, "I hold 
that none of the states 
now in rebellion are en- 
titled to the protection of 
the Constitution." Ste- 
vens was one of the best 
debaters who ever sat in 
Congress, but he was ab- 
solutely one-sided in poli- 
tics and thought everybody on the other side a scoundrel. He 
was strongly in favor of emancipation, not so much to help the 
slaves as to hurt the slaveholders ; and he insisted on enlisting 
Congrex- negroes in the army, for lie said: "The only place where 
'im-ifi'f'^' *^^i^y ^■•"' *'"'^ <'<liiality is in the grave. There all God's 
lll.p 80 children are e(pial " ; and lie favored negro suffrage ex- 
plicitly on the ground that it would " continue the Republican 
ascendancy." 




Cupi/iight. 19(11, hi/ M. r. Itici-. 

Thaddeus Stevens. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 497 

The Supreme Court during the Civil "VYar was much altered 
by President Lincoln's appointment of five new judges, in- 
cluding Chief-Justice Salmon P. Chase. Under Chasers ^^^ ^^ 
leadership the court from 1866 to 1869 made a series of Supreme 
decisions on the questions of the war and reconstruction : j-econstruc- 
(1) The right of the Union to make war on rebellious tion 

states was affirmed. (2) The right of Congress to recon- ' 

struct such states after the war was supported. (3) The 
usual penalties for treason were held (by Chase in a circuit 
court) to be superseded by the Fourteenth Amendment, and 
Jefferson Davis was therefore set free after two years of 
imprisonment. (4) The military courts set up by Congress 
during the war were declared to be illegal if held away from 
the scene of hostilities. (5) In the famous Texas vs. White 
case (1869) the court dwelt on " an indestructible Union com- 
posed of indestructible States." 

After the breach with Congress President Johnson tried to 
arouse public sentiment by coarse and abusive speeches, espe- 
cially during the political campaign of 1866, when he said, 429 im- 
" We have seen hanging upon the verge of the Govern- Q^p^egSent 
ment, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, Johnson 

the Congress of the United States." He did himself j^®^^^, 

^ . Annual 

more harm than good ; for in 1866 a Eepublican and anti- Cydopmdia, 

Johnson two-thirds majority was again elected in both i866,p.757 
houses of Congress. 

In 1868 the House of Kepresentatives went so far as to 
present articles of impeachment against President Johnson, 
and the trial before the Senate lasted over two months. Dis- 
carding many frivolous allegations, the managers selected for 
a test vote the charge that Johnson had tried to remove 
Secretary Stanton, contrary to a Tenure of Office Act which 
had been passed over the veto March 2, 1867. Thirty- 
five Republican senators voted for conviction ; twelve Demo- 
cratic and seven Republican senators for acquittal ; and the 



498 REORGANIZATION 

impeachment failed, though a change of one Tote woiild have 
made the necessary two-thirds vote. There is now no doubt 
that the dissenting Republican senators saved the country 
from the dangerous precedent of removing a President because 
he differed with and quarreled with Congress. 

On June 30, 1866, the outstanding debt was .1^2,773,000,000. 

The government at once began to pay it off, aud till 1893 every 

430. Finan- J^^r had a surplus of receipts over expenses, available for 

cial recon- that purpose. The lowest point was $839,000,000 net 
struction „ i- 

(1865-1870) debt in 1893. "Internal revenue" on liquors and to- 
bacco furnished about a third of the national income. The 
currency was made up of " greenbacks," national bank notes, 
and paper small change, for all of which the federal govern- 
ment took the responsibility. Greenbacks in 1865 were worth 
about seventy cents on the dollar, measured in gold ; by 1871 
they rose to ninety cents. 

At first it was intended that the greenbacks should be paid off 
in hard money, but in 1866 there was a small commercial panic, 
and then an outcry was made that the bondholders had paid 
greenbacks for their bonds, and ought to be repaid in the same 
— that is, that the national debt should be paid in more prom- 
ises to pay. A political movement began, called the "Ohio 
Idea," or by its enemies the " Rag Baby," which startled Con- 
gress into voting (February 4, 1868) that the greenbacks should 
not be red'\ced below $350,000,000, A year later, however, 
Congress voted that the bonds should be paid in " coin." 

On the other side, in 1870 the Supreme Court held, by four 
judges to three, that the greenbacks were unconstitutional. 
In a few months there came two vacancies in the Supreme 
Court ; two new judges were appointed ; and by a majority of 
five to four the court held greenbacks justified under the war 
power, thus reversing the previous decision. Thirteen years 
later, the court ruled that legal tenders could be issued at 
any time. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 499 

At the end of the war a large force of Union troops was sent 

to Texas, as a hint to an undesirable neighbor across the Mexican 

boundary. Napoleon III., emperor of the French, had 431. Ameri- 

taken advantage of the embarrassment of the Union to ^^^ oreign 
° questions 

turn an expedition to collect damages (1861) into a war of (1856-1 £69) 
conquest against Mexico. A French army, amounting at one 
time to 60,000 men, set up what they called an empire, with 
Maximilian, an Austrian archduke, as einperor. This occupa- 
tion of Mexico was very offensive to the United States; and 
Secretary Seward many times warned the French not to force 
a monarchical government on an American republic. His firm- 
ness compelled the French to withdraw in 1867. Within four 
months Maximilian was taken prisoner by his Igving subjects, 
set up against a wall, and shot ; and that was the end of the 
empire of Mexico. 

Another group of foreign questions brought out by the Civil 
War related to the Isthmus route to California and to a naval 
station in the West Indies. Looking toward a canal. Secretary 
Seward made treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, something 
like that of 1846 with Colombia. Then he turned to the West 
Indies, and pressed upon the Danish government a treaty of 
purchase for the little islands of St. Thomas and St. John 
(1867) ; but the Senate declined to ratify the treaty, in which 
there was little public interest. 

Another of Seward's projects, however, was successful. 
Russia, during the Civil War, had been extremely friendly; 
and when that government intimated that it would like to dis- 
pose of Russian America, Seward surprised the country by 
arranging a treaty for the purchase of the whole region for 
$7,200,000 ; it was ratified by the Senate, April 9, 1867. People 
knew very little about the region, which is now named Alaska ; 
but in it the United States acquired half a million square miles 
of land, a valuable seal fishery, and what proved to be a rich 
gold-mining region. 



500 REORGANIZATION 

Immigration was resumed on a large scale as soon as the war 
ended. Many German immigrants went back to visit friends ; 

432. Ameri- ^^^ ^^ ^^^^J ^^^ originally come away without having 

can citizen- served the term required of every young German in the 

slup and 

immigra- German armies, they were liable to arrest, even though 

tion (1868) naturalized citizens of the United States. To get rid of 

this trouble, a set of treaties was negotiated (beginning 1868) 

with the various German states, — and with Belgium, Austria, 

France, and Great Britain, — by which if a native of those 

countries comes to the United States and stays five years, he 

loses his native citizenship, whether naturalized here or not ; 

but if he goes back to his mother country and lives there two 

years, he may lose his American citizenship. 

The welcome to immigrants extended across the Pacific. 
Chinese laborers drifted to California and Oregon, and thou- 
sands of them were employed in the construction of the Pacific 
railroads (§ 434). In 1868 the "Burlingame Treaty" specifi- 
cally promised that our government would j^rotect Chinese in 
this country in the enjoyment of the same rights as those en- 
joyed by citizens of other countries. 

The immigrants were helping to develop the West, into 
which settlers were pouring by hundreds of thousands. 

433. Devel- Many were attracted by the Homestead Act, passed in 

opment of 1862, under which any head of a family, native or 

the far 

■West foreign born, might take up 160 acres of government 

(1861-1875) land, and at the end of five years' residence get a title to 

it free of cost. Within ten years 28,000,000 acres of land were 

thus " homesteaded " ; and 9,000,000 acres were given away 

under an act of 1873, granting " tree claiins " to settlers who 

would plant and keep alive a certain number of trees. 

Another cause for the rush to the West was the discovery of 

new mines — copper at Butte, Montana (1864\ gold in the 

Black Hills of Dakota and Wyoming (1874), silver at Lead- 

ville, Colorado (1876). Between 1861 and 1876 it was found 



RECONSTRUCTION OF TPIE UNION (1805-1875) 501 



(leskable to organize three new states : Nevada (1864), Nebraska 
(1867), and Colorado (1876), raising the total nuniber to thirty- 
eight ; and to set up the territories of Dakota, Idaho, Arizona, 
Montana, and Wyoming. 

Much of the western country was still unknown to white 
men when, in 1869, Major Powell, with a dare-devil boat expedi- 
tion, went down the 
Colorado River, and 
revealed the wonders 
of its Grand Canyon. 
In 1870 an exploring 
party reached the up- 
per Yellowstone val- 
ley, and made known 
the canyons, hot 
springs, and spouting 
geysers, which are 
among the greatest 
wonders of our natu- 
ral scenery. 

The Indian reser- 
vations established 
in the Northwest in 
Jackson's time were 
hard pressed by the 
wave of white settle- 
ment. President (xrant set on foot a " peace policy " in 1869, 
and placed many reservations under agents nominated by 
religious societies ; but he could not stop Indian wars. The 
little Modoc tribe in the lava beds of northern California for 
many months (1872-1873) defied the whole United States 
government; and the Sioux of the upper Missouri country, 
under the leadership of Chief Sitting Bull, in 1876 totally 
destroyed a force of about two hundred troops with their 




Modern Indians, with Wigwam. 



502 REORGANIZATION 

ooiiimander, General Custer; but this was the last dangerous 
contest with the Indians in the Northwest. 

During the Civil AVar it became plain that a railroad to 
California was a commercial and political necessity. For this 

43<:. The purpose, beginning in 1862, Congress chartered the Union 
ad ^ ^^^ ' l^^cific, Northern Pacific, Atlantic and Pacific, Texas Pa- 

,1862-1875) cific, and Sioux City and Pacific railroad companies; and 
granted lands and privileges to these roads and to the Central 
Pacific, Kansas Pacific, Southern Pacific, Texas and Pacific, and 
"Western Pacific roads. These companies eventually built four 
trunk lines (p. 516) : one from Lake Superior to Puget Sound ; 
one from Omaha and Kansas City to San Francisco ; one from 
New Orleans to San Francisco via El Paso ; and one from St. 
Louis and Chicago to San Francisco (Atchison route). 

These roads had three great privileges : (1) several of them 
were chartered by the federal government ; (2) most of them had 
land grants — half the government land lying in a strip twenty 
miles wide along their whole length, amounting in all to one 
hundred million acres ; (3) the government issued bonds to the 
Union, Central, Kansas, Western, and Sioux City Pacific roads 
to an amount finally of $64,000,000. Construction was pushed 
rapidly on the most direct of the trunk lines, from Omaha 
via Great Salt Lake to California ; and in 1869 the last spike 
•was driven at Ogden, Utah, and a through rail connection was 
established 1917 miles long from Omaha to San Francisco. 
For the presidential election of 1868 the Kepublicans nomi- 
nated General Grant ; the Democrats put up Horatio Seymour 

435. Presi- ^^ New York; the real issue was whether the congres- 

dentGrant'B sional plan of reconstruction should be carried out. Two 
administra- „ , . , . -, ■ -, ^i tt • ^ i 

tion of the eight states just readmitted to the Union voted 

(1869-1877) foi- Seymour ; but Grant got 214 electoral votes to 80, 
and a popular majority of 300,000. 

President Grant came into office in March, 1869. Abso- 
lutely honest himself, and absolutely truthful, he had an un- 



llKCONSTnuCTlON OF THE I'NloX O8r.o-l,s7.-,) .'AyS 

wavering belief in those whom he selected as friends. He was 
impatient of contradiction, wanted to give orders himself, and 
his friends made him believe that he was essential to the sal- 
vation of the country. He was a sincerely patriotic man, and 
as President rendered many great services to the country. 
Like General Jackson,' Grant made a vigorous fight for the 
rights of the President ; and he used his veto power forty -three 
times, principally against extravagant special pension and relief 
bills. Grant was the first President after John Quincy Adams 
who was much interested in a non-partisan civil service. He 
was opposed to the practice of removing the civil officers of 
the government, down to floor scrubbers, every time a new 
President came in ; and he induced Congress in 1871 to pass 
a civil service reform act. He tried to carry it out in good 
faith, till Congress three years later cut off the appropriations 
and the scheme collapsed. 

While the late seceded states were reorganizing, they re- 
mained under the authority of military commanders, wlio 
vetoed laws, removed civil governors, dismissed legisla- 436. Proc- 
tures, issued orders where the legislatures did not pass ^^truction 
acts, made ordinances for the cities, and in general used (1867-1871) 
all the privileges of despotism. Yet, with few exceptions, 
they were moderate and just rulers. Reconstruction under 
the acts of Congress was a slow process. Members of Con- 
gress from Tennessee were readmitted in 1867, from six more 
states in 1868, from Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas in 1870 ; 
Georgia, after being twice set back, was allowed to reenter the 
Union in 1871. By the combined ratifications of twenty north- 
ern states, two border states, and eight states in process of re- 
construction, the Fourteenth Amendment was declared July 
28, 1868, to be a part of the Constitution. 

The Freedman's Bureau was allowed to lapse in 1869 ; but, 
in order to put negro suffrage out of the control of the southern 
states, the Fifteenth Amendment was framed by Congress, for- 
hart's amkk. hist. — 30 



5U4 REORGANIZATION 

bidding any states to withhold the suffrage on account of 
"race, color, or previous condition of servitude." It was duly 
ratified, and was declared to be part of the Constitution on 
March 30, 1870. 

When the southern states were fully restored, the adult 
negro men all had a vote. Every legislature had negro-mem- 
bers, and some of them a negro majority. Most of these 
negroes were ignorant men who were controlled by two classes 
of whites, called " scalawags " (southern Republicans) and 
" carpetbaggers " (northern men who had gone down South 
to get into politics). Taxes were increased, debts ran up, and 
the extravagance and corruption of some of the legislatures 
surpass belief. The state debt of Alabama swelled from 
$8,000,000 to $25,000,000 in six years ; the South Carolina leg- 
islature spent $350,000 in one session for " supplies, sundries, 
and incidentals." These exactions came on states already im- 
poverished by four years of war — states in which almost the 
whole community, white and black, was poor and struggling. 

Five years of the reconstructed governments in the South 

brought about something very like a second rebellion, and 

437. Fail- three of the main principles of reconstruction were prac- 

3tru°ctior°' *^^^^^y Siven up : — 

1871-1875) (1) The special protection of the negro, supposed to 
be embedded in the Fourteenth Amendment, was weakened 
and almost destroyed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, 
which ruled in 1869 that the amendment was not '' intended 
to bring within the power of Congress the entire domain of 
civil rights, heretofore belonging exclusively to the states." 
Congress passed a Civil Rights Act in 1875, to give the negroes 
the same privileges as white people in hotels, railroad cars, 
and so on ; but after eight years it was held unconstitutional 
by the Supreme Court. 

(2) Congress used the power given to it by the Fourteenth 
Amendment to pass an amnesty act in 1872, by which all but 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 505 

about three hundred former Confederate leaders were restored 
to their political rights. 

(3) Negro suffrage was broken up in many states by violence, 
through the Ku Klux Klan movement, which began in 1868. 
Young men, masked and disguised, rode about the country at 
night, threatening the negroes, and dragging out and whipping 
or even shooting their leaders. White men also, especially 
the "carpetbaggers," were terrorized and sometimes driven 
out. Congress in vain attempted to protect the negroes by the 
" Force Bills " of 1870 and 1871, under which the President 
could suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and could send troops 
to protect the polling places in the South. 

The Ku Klux Klan gave the Eepublicans a new campaign 
issue for_ the presidential election ef 1872. The Democrats 
combined with the Liberal Republicans (an anti-Grant organi- 
zation) to nominate Horace Greeley, the old-time abolitionist 
and hater of the Democratic party. Grant was easily reelected 
by 286 electoral votes to 63 ; and he had a popular majority of 
700,000. 

In the South the effort of the Democrats to get the state 
governments out of the hands of the " carpetbaggers " brought 
about several little civil wars, especially in Louisiana, where 
for weeks two legislatures, each supporting a governor, sat in 
halls a few squares from each other. The whole country was 
weary of the squabbles. In the " tidal wave " of congressional 
elections in 1874, a large number of Democratic members were 
elected to the House from the South ; and from that time nearly 
all the negroes, by persuasion, or fraud, or force, or by new 
state constitutions, were' prevented from influencing any south- 
ern election where their vote could affect the result. 

One of Grant's best services to the country was the settle- 
ment of the " Alabama Claims," a term which was loosely 438. The 
used to include several kinds of damage, for which Great Alabama 
Britain was held responsible : (1) the recognition of the (1869-1876) 



506 HKOIUJAM/A rioN 

belligerency of the Confederacy (^May. 1861); (2) captures of 
American merchantmen by the Alabama and other cruisers 
built or fitted out in British ports ; (3) hospitality to the com- 
merce destroyers in British ports, and allowing them to coal 
and refit; (4) "indirect damages," especially the supposed 
prolonging of the war through the effects of British sympathy. 

A political change in England in 1867 gave the suffrage to 
workingmen who had sympathized with the North during the 
Civil War; and anew ministry was willing to admit the mis- 
take made by its predecessors. A Joint High Commission 
drew up the treaty of Washington (May, 1871), including 
"three rules" of international law which in effect were an 
admission that Great Britain had failed to do her duty; and 
in the treaty the British government made a formal apology 
'' for the escape, under whatever circumstances, of the Alabama 
and other vessels from British ports." The details were left 
to a commission of arbitration, composed of one British, one 
American, and three foreign representatives. 

When the arbitrators met at Geneva, in 1872, the adjustment 
was almost wrecked by an unexpected claim for "indirect 
damages," to the amount of hundreds of millions, put in by 
the United States. This claim was eventually withdrawn, and 
the arbitrators examined the evidence and found that the 
direct damages to American conmierce from the negligence of 
Great Britain amounted to $15,500,000; and in due time that 
sum was paid over to the United States. 

In 1872 a long-pending controversy over the San Juan 
gi'oup of islands in Puget Sound was also settled by arbi- 
tration between Great Britain and the United States (map, 
\^. 360). There was also a question of certain privileges 
desired by American fishermen on the coasts of Canada. A 
third arbitration commission decided in 1877 that those priv- 
ileges for a period of ten years were worth a lump sum of 
$5,500,000, which was paid by the United States. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 507 

For reasons which have never been made clear, President 
Grant took a passionate interest in an attempt to annex the 
negro republic of Santo Domingo, in the eastern part of 439. Santo 
the island of Haiti. A treaty of annexation was drawn anTcuba 
up in 1869; but Charles Sumner, chairman of the Senate (1868-1877) 
committee on foreign relations, used all his influence against 
the treaty and in general against the administration, and pre- 
vented its ratification. 

Another West Indian question was raised in 1868 when the 
native Cubans rebelled against the Spanish rule. On both 
sides it was a war of atrocities : the insurgents burned the 
sugar plantations ; the Spaniards shot the insurgents like wild 
beasts. Our government remained neutral and tried to prevent 
filibusters from slipping over to aid the Cubans. In 1873 the 
steamer Virginius, with a filibustering expedition on board, was 
captured on the high seas by a Spanish cruiser, the prisoners 
were taken into port, and fifty-three of them, including eight 
Americans, were shot in cold blood. There would have been 
war but that President Grant was determined to have peace. 
The Spanish government granted an indemnity to the families 
of the Americans who were killed, but proved that the steamer 
Virginius was not really an American vessel at all. 

Just after the Civil War came a period of fierce speculation: 
24,000 miles of new railroad were built in four years; great 
losses came in the Chicago fire (1871) and in the Boston 440. Com- 
fire (1872), and a commercial crisis in 1873 caused failures i^pti'^*^ 
to the amount of about $225,000,000. Three instances of (1871-1875> 
fraud seemed to show a lax morality in business and in the 
public service : (1) it was found (1872) that the Credit Mobilier, 
a corporation formed to build the Union Pacific Railroad, had 
offered bribes in the form of its stock to members of Congress ; 
(2) a Whisky Ring was unearthed (1875), which was defraud- 
ing the government by false accounts ; (3) Secretary Belknap, 
of the War Department, was detected in selling the privilege 



508 REORGANIZATION 

to trade at army posts ; an attempt was made to impeach him, 
but he resigned, and the impeachment broke down for lack of 
a two-thirds vote (1876). 

The question of the currency came up again, and four sig- 
nificant statutes were passed by Congress : — 

(1) In 1876 the old "shin plasters," or fractional currency, 
were withdrawn, and silver dimes, quarters, and half-dollars 
were again issued. 

(2) In a long technical act on coinage (February 12, 1873) a 
clause was introduced — later dubbed the "Crime of 1873" — 
by which the coinage of the silver dollar was stopped. Inas- 
much as silver was worth more than gold at the ratio of 16 to 1 
then in force, no silver dollars were then in circulation; but 
since gold coin was thereafter the only full legal tender coin 
struck by the mint, it became by this act the only legal stand- 
ard of values. 

(3) Vigorous efforts were made to add to the paper cur- 
rency. A bill passed both houses of Congress (April 14, 
1874) for the issue of about fifty millions more of greenbacks; 
but President Grant vetoed it because " inflation " of the cur- 
rency by issue of more paper money was contrary to the policy 
and promises of the government. 

(4) An act (January 14, 1875) made preparations for resum- 
ing specie payments, by accumulating a specie reserve. 



Though the Civil War lasted only four years, it took about 
eight years longer to restore the Union on the old basis. The 
441. Sum- main difficulties were two: (1) the war began on the 
^^^ assumption that the states were in the Union, but when 

it was over, they could not safely be reconstructed at once ; 
(2) the North was afraid that the negroes would not receive 
their full rights unless they were protected by the national 
government. 

Congress took the process of reconstruction out of the hands 



y 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 509 

of President Johnson, and tried to register the results of the 
war in three constitutional amendments. (1) The Thirteenth 
Amendment forbade the enslavement of the negroes ; this was 
generally accepted. (2) The Fourteenth Amendment was in- 
tended to give the negroes protection in their personal rights 
of holding property, fair trial, travel in public conveyances, 
and so on. The pith was taken out of it by the interpre- 
tation of the Supreme Court, and the states were left nearly 
free to deal with those questions as they saw fit. (3) The Fif- 
teenth Amendment was intended to assure the negroes the 
suffrage, but they were shortly deprived of it by intimidation 
and violence, and did not recover it. 

Nevertheless the actual result of reconstruction hasTjeen to 
condemn secession, and to call attention to the right of every 
man, white or black, to make the best of himself, and to give 
his children the best chance possible. In its finances, its com- 
merce, and its foreign relations, the United States got rid of 
the disturbances left by the Civil War with surprising quick- 
ness, and began a new period of advance. 

TOPICS 

(1) What was the purpose of the Thirteenth Amendment ? Suggestive 
(2) Why did the southern states ratify it ? (3) What did Lincoln ^°^^^^ 
think about reconstruction ? (4) Why could not the Repub- 
licans hold their two-thirds majority in the impeachment of 
Johnson ? (5) What was the argument of the Greenback party in 
1868 ? (6) Why did the United States object to the presence of 
the French in Mexico ? (7) Why did the United States purchase 
Alaska ? (8) What were the arguments for the Pacific railroads ? 

(9) Why was Georgia twice set back in reconstruction ? 

(10) Why was the Civil Rights Act of 1875 held unconstitutional? 

(11) Why did Congress amnesty most of the Confederate leaders ? 

(12) Why did Great Britain apologize for the Alabama captures? 

(13) Jefferson Davis in Fort Monroe. (14) Vagrancy acts Search 
of 1865. (15) Management of the Freedmen's Bureau. (16) *°P^°° 
Public career of Andrew Johnson before 1865. (17) Thad- 
deus Stevens as a debater. (18) Secretary Seward's protests 



1!1;'J1>'(;aM/..\ IION 

against tlic French ncrnpatinn of Mexico. (10) Rurlinsamc's 
mission and treaty witli the I'nited States in 18HH. (20) Ma^ssaore 
of fieneral Custer's coniuiand. (21) Early descriptions of a 
transcontinental rail journey. (22) Tiie carpetbag legislatures. 
(2;{) Origin i>f the Ku Kiux Klan. (24) The Credit Mobilier. 
(2-')) Amnesty Troclaniation of May, l.^(i'). (26) Wiiy were not 
southern representatives and senators admitted in December, 1865 ? 
(27) Debates on the reconstruction acts of 1867. (28) Why did 
the Supreme Court reverse its own legal tender decision ? 



REFERENCES 



Geography 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



See maps, pp. 402. 10, 11, 516 ; Dunning, Rrronstrurtion. 

Wilson, Diciniini ami lifunion, §§ 125-loO; Joini.ston. Politics, 
207-242 ; Stanwood, Presidencij, 318-355 ; Dunning, Beconstruc- 
tion, — Civil War and Itecnnxtructioit, 63-303; Wilson, Anipriron 
Peoplf. V. 1-104 ; Rhodes, United Stalpn, V. 516-626 ; Larncd, 
Jfixtor;/ for liffubj Pffrrrnce, V. 35()0. 3721, VI. 170; Curtis, 
Coiistitntionnl Ilistori/, II. 349-396 ; Landon, Constititlionnl Ilis- 
lorii, 2')0-2(i5, 331-348; Hrown, Loirpr South, 191-225; Dewey, 
Financial lliatorij. §§ 142-158, 16:;-170 ; Fo.ster, Century of 
Dijthnnacy, 401-437; Latanc'. United States and Spanish America, 
136-174. 221-265; McCall, Thaddeus Stevens. 239-348; Storey, 
Charles Snmner, 255-270, 282-432 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 319-435 ; 
Bancroft, If. //. Seicard, II. 419-500; Adams, C. F. Adams, 'M7- 
397 ; Linn, Hoi-ace Gi'eelei/, 214-259. 

Hart, Source Book, ^% 127-132, 134, — Contemporaries, IV. 
§§ 141-157, 162, 163, llH-UCy, — Source Readers, IV. §§24-26; 
MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 44-95, 99 ; Hill, Lihertij Docu- 
ments, ch. xxiii.; Caldwell. Survey, I. 189-193; Territorial Develop- 
ment, 203-213; Johnston. American Orations, IV. 129-188; 
McCullough, Men and Mea.<<ures ; Bolume. Amonfjst the Contra- 
bands ; American Annual Cyclopedia, IW'^XHl 4 ; Smedes, South- 
ern Planter, 231-341. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, His- 
torical Sources, § 89. 

Lowell, Biglow Papers (second series); A. W. Tourg^e, FooVs 
Errand, — Bricks withotd Strain; E. E. Hale, Mrs. Merriam''s 
Scholars; Octave Thanet, Expiation; T. N. Page, lied Rock; 
G. W. Cable, John March, Southerner ; D. R. Locke, Struggles of 
Petroleum I'. Xashy ; J. W. De Forest, Honest John Vane (Wa.sh- 
ingtiin); S. K. Wliite, The Westerners. 

Wilson, Americau Peo/ile, \'.; (iay, Bryiint\'i History, V.; Jlitr- 
/ler's Weekly ; Harper\- Monthly. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 



When the questions arising out of the Civil War were ad- 
justed, a great social and commercial advance began. In 1876 
the Americans commemorated the hundredth anniversary 442. Elec- 
of the nation by a Centennial Exposition held at Phila- tionof 1876 
delphia, at which machines and products of every kind were 
shown ; millions of peo- 
ple had their first oppor- 
tunity to see spinning, 
weaving, printing, paper 
manufacture, and like 
processes, actually per- 
formed before their eyes. 

Eor the presidential 
nomination of 1876 the 
Republican convention 
passed over both General 
Grant, who would prob- 
ably have accepted a 
third term, and James G. 
Blaine, Speaker of the 
House from 1869 to 1875, 
and finally settled on 

General Rutherford B. Hayes, governor of Ohio. The Demo- 
crats nominated Samuel J. Tilden of New York, a very honest 
and conservative man, the ablest in the party. An organiza- 
tion of the western farmers, under the name of Patrons of 

611 




Samuel J. Tilden in 1876. 



612 REORGANIZATION 

Husbandry, — oftener called "Grangers," — formed in 1867, 
now made itself felt in the nomination of a third party candi- 
date by the '' Greenback Party," which stood for the views 
of the Grangers. 

The main issue in the campaign was "the Bloody Shirt" 
— that is, the question of the disloyalty of the South and its 
friends during the Civil War. On the morning after election 
day Tilden appeared to have 203 votes and Hayes 166 ; and 
on the popular vote Tilden had a plurality of 250,000. The 
Republicans, however, at once claimed that the legal votes in 
South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, and Oregon were for their 
candidate, and that the Republican Senate was to make the 
count and decide the contest ; the Democratic House insisted 
that the two houses must unite in counting the vote. 

The question was complicated, because in the three disputed 

southern states many Democratic ballots were thrown out. On 

443 Elec- ^^® other hand, everybody knew that if the negro voters 

toral Com- in the South had been freely allowed to vote, they would 

mission and n i • i i p tx 

the South assuredly have carried those states for Hayes. As 

(1877-1881) March 4 approached without a settlement of the dispute, 
public excitement ran high. After fierce discussion, an act 
was passed (January 29, 1877) for a special Electoral Commis- 
sion of fifteen members — seven Republicans, seven Demo- 
crats, and (it was expected) one Independent. Instead of the 
Independent a Republican was chosen ; and on every one of the 
many disputed questions, by a majority of eight to seven, 
the commission decided for the Republican contention. The 
result was that on March 2, 1877, Hayes was declared elected 
by 185 electoral votes to 184. 

Before the commission finished its work Hayes had inti- 
mated that he did not mean to keep troops in the South any 
longer ; and in a few weeks the soldiers were removed. The 
Democrats held their majority in the House from 1875 to 
1881, and tried to force the President's hand by adding to the 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 513 

army appropriation act a "rider" (that is, a clause not nec- 
essary for the purpose of the act) against the use of federal 
election supervisors, authorized by the anti-Ku-Klux act of 

1871. The President won by vetoing seven such bills in suc- 
cession ; and a iew years later the rules of the House were so 
changed as to forbid the practice of attaching riders. In 1879 
the Senate joined the House in an act forbidding the use ol 
federal troops at the polls. 

From 1875 to 1882 was in general a period of prosperity. 
The high war tariff stood after most of the other taxes were 
reduced; and the United States had a surplus every year, 444. Jrinaa.- 
and was buying gold to get ready for a resumption of v^ 

specie payments, which came about almost without inci- (1877-1879) 
dent January 1, 1879. John Sherman, Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, had accumulated $140,000,000 in gold to protect the 
$350,000,000 outstanding greenbacks, but such was the public 
confidence that hardly anybody demanded gold for notes. 

Meanwhile an attempt was made to inflate the currency in a 
new way. Silver sold in London for sixty pence an ounce in 

1872, and for only fifty-three pence in 1878 ; and the silver- 
mine owners of the far West felt sure that the act of 1873 
demonetizing silver was causing the fall in the price of their 
product. The Greenback party polled less than 100,000 votes 
in 1876, but the new Greenback Labor party cast 1,000,000 
in the state and congressional elections of 1878 ; and it de- 
manded that the United States again coin silver dollars. Mr. 
Bland of Missouri introduced a bill which passed over Hayes's 
veto (February 28, 1878), providing that the United States 
should coin " not less than two million dollars' worth per 
month nor more than four million dollars' worth per month " 
into silver dollars at the old ratio of 16 to 1 ; and during the 
next twelve years the mint struck three hundred and seventy 
million of the dollars. The act, however, did not restore the 
old right which had existed from 1792 to 1873, of " free coin- 



514 



REORGANIZATION 



age," that is, of exchanging bullion at the treasury for its 
weight in silver dollars (§ 196), though free coinage of gold 
was continued. In effect, therefore, gold remained the stand- 
ard, but the silver dollars circulated freely at their face value. 
Soon after the Civil War people woke up to the problems of 
their municipal government. The cities outgrew both their 
445. Devel- physical surroundings and their forms of government. 

opment of Most of them were slovenly ; old residential quarters 

American 

cities were taken up for business, or went backward into tene- 

(1860-1880) nient districts ; railroads ran across or through the streets 
at grade; pavements were poor; no city was thoroughly 
cleaned ; few had proper sewers or water supply ; even a rich 

city like Philadelphia 
had surface drainage 
in many quarters. By 
1870 most of the cities 
had mayors chosen by 
direct popular election, 
regular police depart- 
ments, and many of 
them paid fire de- 
partments and good 
schools; but not one 
had a well-organized 
central government 
controlling all parts of 
the city's functions. 

Great defects in city 
government were shown 
in the systematic plun- 
der of New York city 
by a gang known as the 
Tweed Ring (1869 to 
1872). ''Boss Tweed" 




Waiting for the Storm to blow over. 

Cartoon by Thomas Nast ; the largest vulture 

represeuts Boas Tweed. 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 515 

worked through the government of the county of New York, 
and by fraudulent contracts stole about $100,000,000. In ex- 
posing this nest of robbers Samuel J. Tilden rendered good 
service. The ring was broken up, the conspirators scattered, 
and Tweed was sent to the state prison. What the cities 
needed was system, economy, and forethought, such as was 
found among private stock companies. 

Savings banks sprang up all over the North, and their de- 
posits increased about sixfold from 1860 to 1880. Life insur- 
ance was also developed as a means of saving and of pro- 446. Rise 
viding for families, and in the same period policy holders ° DorationB 
and amounts invested increased nearly ten times over. (1865-1875) 
The insurance companies and savings banks were always ready 
to lend money on good real estate security, and that helped the 
building of towns and cities. Manufacturing corporations were 
growing in numbers and in power; and many priyate firms 
were changed into stock companies. 

Another type of corporation was the great monopoly control- 
ling some large line of business. In 1870 was chartered in 
Ohio a corporation called the Standard Oil Company, directed 
principally by John D. Eockefeller, for the purpose of mauu- 
facturing illuminating oil out of petroleum. In a few years it 
became one of the largest and most profitable corporations 
in the country. It consolidated with other companies ; it had 
special contracts with the railroads, and was soon able to drive 
most of its rivals out of business ; and its property, which in 
1870 was about $1,000,000, rose in 1900 to an amount esti- 
mated at $500,000,000. 

The richest and most important corporations were the rail- 
roads. All the eastern roads had state charters, which 441^ uggy. 

could give no rights outside the state limits. Hence ganization 
,, , • „ nil oftranspor- 

" parent companies" were formed to lease or operate tation 

local lines. Foremost was the Pennsylvania Company, (1860-1880^ 
which now holds at least thirty charters in twelve states. In 



Nhvv foi;ni>atiox« (1W&-i»*>> 517 

thU pror-fifw there whm plenty of " xt/xik Mraf^frinjj " — thiat i«, 
i»»uiiig of KhareM to an amount i^r(tiLtjip,r tJian thiifi ^^/«t of the i/ro[>- 
erty, and then trying to earn divi/len/l« on the wlmle capital. 

Up to the Civil War wjo»t of the rmlrftofh wtita organized in 
lengtlw of a few hundred] miiett at iu(^>Kt. (jorneiiiiis Van^ler- 
bilt, a steamboat king, bought an interest in several railroadii 
branching out frora New York, and in 1800 made a union 
between the Hu^bjon Kiver Kailroa-rl an/1 tlie New York Cen- 
tral, which gave an all-rail line, under one management, from 
the whiarvcH of Xew York to the wharveK of Buffalo. The 
Pennhylvania liailroa/1, till then running from Philadelphia to 
Fitt«burg, aV/«orbed the Fort Wayne route to ChLr;ago ^1809;, 
an/1 the Pan Handle route to Cineinnati and Ht. Ixiuis ; and in 
1875 changed it« eastern terminus to New York. It al«o 
founde^l an " American Line" of steamers nH7'jj, mailing from 
Phila/lelphia to Liver£XK)L 

The great delay and exf>enise of ferry transfers led to the 
building of great taihf/iul and highv-ay bridges. The first 




bridge aeroHS the middle MiftgisKippi wa8 built at Bock Ldand, 
Illinoi«, in 1856. Between 1805 and 1880 that river wa« 
bridge/1 at a d^/zen other pla/;e8, and in 1874 the Ea/1>> fsteel 
arch railway V^ridge wa« ^x/nstructed at St. I»ui». In 1807 a 
wagon suspension bridge was built across the Ohio from Cin» 
cinnati to Covington : and tlie river was bridged for a railroad 
at Parkersburg in 1871. The greatest work of this kind was 



518 



HEORnANIZATTON 



tlie sus[)ensioii hiidge from New York to I'.rooklyn, begun in 
1870, and opened for travel in 188l>. 

Another great improvement was caused by the invention of 
the Bessemer process for making steel direct from pig iron. 

The Bessemer steel 
furnished cheap and 
substantial railroad 
rails ; the stronger 
wheel base made it 
possible to run heavier 
cars, carrying loads 
still heavier, and thus 
transportation was 
cheapened. After 
1880 the track gauges 
of almost all the rail- 
roads were made uni- 
form, so that through 
freight and passenger cars could be more widely used. Pull- 
man and other sleeping and parlor cars came into use. Pas- 
senger rates on through routes were reduced, mileage tickets 
were introduced, and better stations erected. 

New methods of sending intelligence came into use. The 
Western Union Telegraph Company absorbed a number of 
small companies, and spread a net of wires and offices over the 
Union ; and in 1806 the first permanently successful Atlantic 
cable was laid. The mail system also underwent three im- 
provements: delivery of mails by carriers (1863), postal money 
orders (1864), and mail cars in which clerks sort the mail 
while en ro^ite (1864). 

Parallel with the concentration of capital went a combination 




Making Bessemer Stkkl. 
The stream of fire is from the " converter." 



448. Labor 



of labor. The census of 1880 showed 105,000 Chinese in 
and Btrikes the United States. On the Pacific coast, where they were 
^ .most numerous, a prejudice (especially of white laborers) 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 519 

arose against them, and an agitator named Dennis Kearney, 
" the Sand Lots Orator," headed a movement expressed in the 
last words of his every speech, " The Chinese must go ! " 
In 1879 Congress passed a bill to restrict the coming of the 
Chinese. President Hayes vetoed it, lest China retaliate, but 
in 1880 he negotiated a treaty by which the Chinese govern- 
ment agreed that Congress might regulate Chinese immigra- 
tion. Congress thereupon " regulated " it by prohibiting it for 
twenty years (1882) ; and President Arthur vetoed this bill 
also. A modified bill was then passed under which the immi- 
gration of Chinese laborers was "suspended" for ten years; 
a principle to which the Chinese consented by treaty. Addi- 
tional acts to prevent Chinese from coming in secretly were 
passed, and in 1892, and 1902, the entrance of Chinese laborers 
was again prohibited for ten years. The action of Congress 
prevented the coming of hundreds of thousands of jnen who 
would have brought about a race difficulty like the negro 
question in the South. 

Trades unions were active long before the Civil War, and in 
1869 the order of Knights of Labor was founded, as a general 
society open to workmen of all trades ; but its power was 
little felt before 1883. Contests between employers and organ- 
izations of workmen led to a series of terrible strikes, the worst 
of which was the railroad strike of 1877 at Pittsburg and other 
places. The railroads were paralyzed, trains and stations were 
set on fire, and millions of dollars' worth of property destroyed. 
The state authorities could not stop this disorder, and United 
States troops were eventually called in, and put it down. 

In the election of 1880 the Democrats, who had never ceased 
to call Hayes " the fraud President," hoped to be clearly 449. Ad- 
successful. They found a soldier candidate in General tjo^ of 

Winfield S. Hancock, one of the bravest and soundest President 

Arthur 
soldiers of the war. The friends of General Grant and (1881-1885) 

of Blaine again fought each other in the Republican con- 

HAET's AMER. H18T. 31 



r>20 REORGANIZATION 

vention, and a compromise candidate was nominated, General 
James A. Garfield of Ohio, a good soldier and the Repub- 
lican leader in the House. General Hancock seemed likely 
to be elected, till he wrote a letter in which he said that the 
tariff was "a local issue." He carried every southern state 
(the beginning of the so-called " Solid South "), and New Jersey, 
Nevada, and California. Though in the popular vote about 
even with Garfield, he received only 155 electoral votes to 214. 

President Garfield was shot by a half-crazed man, and died 
(September 19, 1881); he was succeeded by the Vice Presi- 
dent, Chester A. Arthur of New York. Arthur proved a safe 
if not a brilliant President; and in his administration steps 
were taken to check the system of political removals intro- 
duced in Jackson's time, 'by which the smallest subordinate 
places were distributed by favor and generally as a reward for 
political service. Men were constantly removed to make room 
for new appointees ; and it was a regular custom to assess 
government employees a certain proportion of their salaries 
for the national party campaign funds. By, the Civil Service 
Act of January 16, 1883, it was provided that: (1) appointments 
to certain clerkships and other subordinate places in the govern- 
ment, commonly called "the classified service," were to be made 
only on competitive examinations ; (2) removals for political 
reasons were forbidden ; (3) political assessments by a govern- 
ment official or in a government building were prohibited. 

After 1879 money again piled up in the treasury and there 
was a popular demand, expressed by such men as James A. 
Garfield, for a reduction of the tariff. The discussion came to 
a head in 1882, and Congress authorized a commission to draw 
up a bill — the only case of the kind in our history. But Con- 
gress discussed, revised, and essentially altered the draft, so 
that the final outcome, tlie tariff of March 3, 1883, reduced 
duties on some kinds of goods, but raised the average rate of 
duty from about 43 per cent to about 45 per cent. 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 



521 



After the settlement of the Alabama claims (§ 438) several 
questions of foreign policy arose in Latin America. President 
Grant threatened in 1875 to call on the great European 450. Cuba 
powers to unite with us in intervention in Cuba, and ^ *^j 

Spain made peace with the Cubans in 1878. Negro (1875-1881, 
slavery speedily died out in Cuba, and the trade of the island 
rapidly increased ; but as a participant in the rebellion after- 
ward said, " We went to work to save money for another 
revolution." 

In 1878 the government of Colombia granted a "concession" 
to a French company to construct a canal across the Isthmus 




French Work on the Panama Canal. 
Culebra cut, 300 feet above sea level. 



of Panama. The leading spirit was Ferdinand de Lesseps, 
who had constructed the Suez Canal, and who had the confi- 
dence of the French investors. He designed a tide-level canal 
through a divide about 300 feet high ; and the company at once 
began to raise money. Vainly did President Hayes try to 
arouse the people of the United States at the prospect of a 
canal to be controlled by Europeans, although in a message 
to Congress (1880) he said that a canal would be a great ocean 



622 REORGANIZATION 

thoroughfare between our Atlantic and our Pacific shores, and 

" virtually a part of the coast line of the United States." 

From March to December, 1881, James G. Blaine was Secre- 

• tary of State. In those few months he attempted to found an 

451. Pan- American policy which should bring about three things: 

V'^icy^^°^ leadership among the American states, reciprocity with 

(1881-1882) those states, and an isthmian canal under the control of 

the United States : — 

(1) Blaine was struck by the losses and confusion caused by 
the wars among the Latin-American powers. In 1881, after 
an exhausting struggle, the Peruvians were at the mercy of 
Chile, and Blaine instructed our ministers to Peru and Chile 
to use their influence to soften the demands of the conquerors. 
The ministers went beyond their instructions, and threatened 

^ Chile, which left on the minds of the Latin-American states 

the impression that Blaine meant to settle their affairs for 
them. 

(2) Blaine strongly believed that it was for the interest 
both of the United States* and of the countries south of us to 
build up mutual trade by special " reciprocity " treaties, by which 
the tariff duties should be reduced on both sides ; but he could 
not persuade Congress of the need. 

(3) Blaine was very anxious to make it clear that the Pan- 
ama Canal was the special concern of the United States ; and 
he tried to get rid of the troublesome Clayton-Bulwer treaty. 
Great Britain simply stood by the treaty. 

A private company was formed in New York (1884) to build 
a rival canal by the Nicaragua route, and made some prelimi- 
nary surveys. The French Panama Canal Company was at 
work from 1881 to 1889 ; but after spending $100,000,000 on 
the canal and $160,000,000 more on salaries, commissions, 
interest, and nobody knew what else, the company failed 
(December, 1888) and the work was suspended. 



NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 523 

From 1875 to 1883 the most striking thing in American his- 
tory is the commercial development of the country. After the 
dangerous crisis of the disputed election of 1876-1877, the 452. sum- 
country was prosperous and put to use new methods of mary 

doing business. Never had there been such great under- 
takings ; cities were rapidly built up, towns and villages in- 
creased. Though most of the old canals fell out of use, the 
railroads were lengthened, improved, and consolidated into 
long systems. Railroad and other corporations came into 
being with such capital and power as the country had never 
before dreamed of. The laborers also began to understand the 
power of combination ; they forced legislation against the Chi- 
nese, and showed their power in several terrible strikes. 

The finances of the United States so much improved that 
specie payments were resumed in 1879, but at the same time 
the currency was expanded by the coinage of the Bland silver 
dollars. In the tariff discussion of 1883 an unsuccessful 
effort was made to adapt the revenue system to the changed 
conditions of the country. There was a beginning of national 
civil service reform, and an attempt was made to found a new 
foreign policy by asserting a special interest in Latin America. 

TOPICS 

• 

(I) Why were the soldiers removed from the South in 1877 ? suggestiva 
(2) What are the functions of a life insurance company ? (3) What topics 

is the difference between savings banks and national banks ? 

(4) What is the advantage of corporations over private firms ? 

(5) What is stock v/atering ? (6) Why did Kearney urge that 
"The Chinese must go" ? (7) Why did President Hayes object 
to a French canal across the Isthmus of Parfama ? (8) Why was 
General Garfield nominated for the presidency in 1880 ? (9) What 
is "the classified service" ? (10) Why did Blaine wish to abro- 
gate the Clayton-Bulwer treaty ? 

(II) Political career of Samuel J. Tilden before 1876. (12) De- search 
bates on the Electoral Commission Act of 1877. (13) What caused topics 
the fall in silver from 1872 to 1878 ? (14) Debates on the Bland 



524 



REORGANIZATION 



Bill, 1878. (15) Methods of the Tweed Ring. (10) Samuel J. 
Tilden's opposition to the Tweed Ring. (17) Early history of 
the Standard Oil Company. (18) Cornelius Vanderbilt as a rail- 
road king. (19) History of the Eads steel bridge at St. Louis. 
(20) History of the suspension bridge at Cincinnati. (21) History 
of the Brooklyn bridge at New York. (22) Submarine telegraph 
cables. (2.3) Origin of the Knights of Labor. (24) Debates on 
the Civil Service Act of 1883. (25) Why was General Grant not 
nominated for the presidency in 1876 ? (26) Why was James G. 
Blaine not nominated for the presidency in 1876 ? (27) AVhat 
were the principles of the Greenback Labor party ? (28) What 
were the objections to the votes of South Carolina, Florida, and 
Louisiana in 1876? 



Geography 

Secondai-y 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 516, 581. 

Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 140-142 ; Johnston, Politics, 
242-205 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 350-418; Wilson, American People, 
V. 104-100 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 644-654 ; Gay, Bry- 
anVs History, V. 447-485, 512-543 ; Earned, History for Beady 
Beference, V. 3577 ; Curtis, Constitutional History, IL 397-440 ; 
Dewey, Financial History, §§ 159-l(;i, 171-180; Noyes, American 
Finance, 17-103 ; Taussig, Tariff History, 230-250 ; Stanwood, 
American Tariff Controversies, II. 192-219 ; Latan^, United States 
and Spanish America, 198-214 ; Wilson, General Grant, 310-329, 
350-364. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 133, 135-137, 140, — Contemporaries, 
IV. §§ 158-160, 108, 169, 177 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 
96-98, 100-108; Johnston, American Orations, IV. 296-328; 
Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875-1884. See N. E. Hist. 
Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, So8, — Historical Sources, § 90. 

Anonymous, Democracy ; G. F. Atherton, Senator North ; P. 
L. Ford, Honorable Peter Stirling ; Gwendolen Overton, Heritage 
of Unrest (Indians); F. H. Burnett, Through One Administration. 

Harper's Weekly ; Harper's Monthly ; Scribner's Monthly. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 



The presidential election of 1884 marks the time when the 
two national parties gave up the outworn issues of the Civil 
War and reconstruction, and began to divide on the 453. Change 
pressing questions of revenue, expenditure, currency, ° ^"issues 
trusts, and especially on the protective tariff. The Re- (1882-1889) 
publican candidate was at last James G. Blaine ; the Democrats 
put up Grover Cleveland, 
who had. been elected 
governor of New York 
in the year 1882 by the 
unprecedented plurality 
of 192,000. 

The campaign abounded 
in fierce personalities. 
Blaine's enemies secured 
and published certain 
"Mulligan Letters," 
which, they considered, 
showed that he had used 
his office of Speaker for 
the private advantage of 
himself and his friends. 
Cleveland was supported 

not only by his own party, but also by the "Mugwumps," 
or independent Republicans, who expected him to stand for 
purer politics. For several days after the election the re- 
sult was in doubt — without New York Cleveland could not 

626 




Grover Cleveland, about 1890. 



526 REORGANIZATION 

be elected, and in that state he had a phirality of only 1149, 
in a total vote of 1,167,000. The " Solid South," with Indi- 
ana, New Jersey, New York, and Connecticut, gave Cleve- 
land 219 electoral votes against 182 for Blaine from the other 
states. 

As Cleveland was the first Democratic President since Bu- 
chanan, his election seemed to his opponents a revolution, and 
it was freely predicted that he would pay off the Confed- 
erate debt or even reduce the negroes again to slavery. He 
was a resolute President who vetoed 301 bills, and followed 
Grant in defeating many private pension and relief bills ; but 
the Democrats never had a majority in the Senate during his 
first term, and the President could do little to secure legisla^ 
tion to carry out the purposes of his party. 

Nevertheless during Cleveland's administration and that of 
his successors many important non-political acts were passed. 
454 Filnff '^^^ West at last saw the end of half a century of Indian 
ap the West difficulties, when the Apaches, the most ferocious of the 
" hostile tribes, were subdued in 1886. The next year 

Congress passed the Severalty Act, under which the best In- 
dians were encouraged to leave their tribes, take up separate 
farms, and become citizens. A part of the Indian Territory 
was set off as the Territory of Oklahoma (1890) ; and the open- 
ing of part of this new area of farm lands caused a frantic 
rush (April 22, 1889), from the border line to the interior, 
to stake out and take up farms and town lots. 

The reason for this stampede was that good farm lands owned 
by the government were almost all taken ; and the grazing lands 
were gone, or were controlled by ranchmen who had got posses- 
sion of the river fronts, indispensable for watering cattle. In 
Colorado, Utah, California, and other states, water companies 
were formed to irrigate land. This gave rise to lawsuits 
over " water rights," especially when people lower down the 
rivers began to ^'oniplain that the streams were diminishing. 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 527 

In 1902 the federal government stepped in and appropriated 
for large irrigation works the proceeds of the public lands in 
many western states. To protect government timber, and keep 
the streams from drying up, the federal government from 
1891 to 1903 set off 47,000,000 acres of public land for forest 
reserves; and it had also set apart, as national parks forever, 
ohe upper Yellowstone and Yosemite valleys, and several groves 
of big trees in California. 

The West insisted on and secured six new states — namely, 
the agricultural states of North Dakota, South Dakota, and 
Washington (1889) ; and the mining and grazing states of 
Montana (1889) and Idaho and Wyoming (1890). Utah was 
not included, because the territorial government was not able 
to prevent the practice of polygamy, which was enjoined as a 
moral duty by the leaders of the Mormon Church. As several 
milder statutes failed. Congress passed the Edmunds-Tucker 
Act (1887), punishing polygamy with heavy penalties, and at- 
tempting to turn over to the public schools the property of 
the corporation called the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- 
Day Saints {i.e. the Mormon Church). The church then offi- 
cially declared against polygamy, but it was not till January 4, 
1896, that Utah was allowed to become a state, and then on 
the solemn pledge in the state constitution that polygamy 
should never be allowed. 

The South, like the West, went through great social and eco- 
nomic changes. After the war it recovered its supremacy in 
the world's cotton market. The thin and worn-out soils 455, Yb» 
were strengthened by the universal use of fertilizers ; ^^^ South 
and the formerly valueless cotton seed became a valuable by- 
product. Rice culture spread from South Carolina into Lou- 
isiana and Texas ; and, under the tariff, sugar growing became 
profitable in Louisiana. Many of the splendid forests of 
hard pine and other timber were reached, cut, and sold. 
Manufactures at last reached the South. The abundant 



528 



REORGANIZATION 



coal of northern Alabama was so near good ore that at Bir- 
mingham and elsewhere pig iron could be made cheaper than 
anywhere else in America ; and great rolling mills and rail 
mills grew up. In 1901 immense deposits of oil were dis- 
covered in Texas, furnishing a cheap fuel. Cotton mills were 
started on a great scale, but had to depend on the labor of the 
poor whites ; for few foreigners come into the southern states, 
and the negroes, though they perform most of the unskilled 
labor in the South, do not seem adapted to the factories. 

The South also enjoyed a large intellectual growth ; public 




Stanford University, California. (Gateway and cloisters.) 
schools were founded, including hundreds of high schools ; col- 
leges increased in number ; several states, notably Virginia, 
North Carolina, and Texas, fostered vigorous state univer- 
sities. For the negroes there were founded separate public 
schools (mostly elementary) ; and good private institutions at 
Hampton, Atlantk, Tuskegee, and elsewhere, which prepared 
the most ])romising negroes to be teachers, ministers, doctors, 
lawyers, and also mechanics and farmers. 

Education throughout the country made great advances after 

456. Mod- 18()."); and nearly twenty colleges Avere founded exclu- 
«rn educa- 
tion sively for the education of women, while many of the old 



ECONOxMIC AND SOCIAL ISJ5UES (1885-1897) 52\) 



universities opened their doors to women. Tlie founding of 
Johns Hopkins University in 1876, on the German model, 
stirred up all the older endowed and state universities, and 
was followed by Tulane in New Orleans (1884), Leland Stan- 
ford (1891), and Chicago 
(1892). The methods of 
college education altered ; 
less classics and mathe- 
matics were required, and 
more sciences, modern lan- 
guages, philosophy, eco- 
nomics, and English; 
there was less routine 
and more elective work ; 
less rule and discipline, 
and more freedom ; less 
horseplay, and more ath- 
letics. Public schools, 
both city and rural, im- 
proved by new subjects 
of study, new methods 
of teaching, and better- 
trained teachers. 

New libraries appeared 
in all parts of the Union, 
both in the great univer- 
sities and in cities, espe- 




Vopyright^ l'K)2, hy C. C. LangiU. 

St. Patrick's Cathedral, New Yobk, 
opened in 1879. 

Designed by James Renwick. 



cially the Boston Public Library, the New York Public 
Library, the Newberry in Chicago; and a palatial building 
was erected for the enormous collection of the Library of Con- 
gress at Washington. Many small libraries were enlarged by 
gifts made by Andrew Carnegie, a man of large fortune, who 
also gave (1901) a great fund to endow scientific and historical 
research. 



.030 



REf)RGANIZy\ riON 



American litoratiiro by 18U0 liud lost, its ^reat lights of the 
"golden age"; but a new snliool of writers arose — John 
467. Litera- l^'i-ske, Henry Adams, James Ford Kliodes, and Alfred T. 
tureandart Malum among historians; liret Harte, W. J). Howells, 
George W. Cable, and Winston Churchill among novelists; 
"Mark Twain" (S. L. Clemens) and "Mr, Dooley" (Finley Peter 
Dunne) among satirists; among essayists and depieters of 

character, Joel Chandler 
Harris and Thomas Nel- 
son Tage ; and the best 
American illustrated 
monthly magazines are 
unrivaled in their kind. 

For the first time in 
American history, a gen- 
uine native school of art 
develo))ed, including Ab- 
bey, Sargent, and (Jliase, 
among the great artists 
of the world; MeMounies, 
St. CJaudeus, and Daniel 
French, sculptors for the 
ages; Hunt and Richard- 
Dcsigii.'.i by Hie-iiiiiclsoii. son and McKim, world- 

renowuetl architects. Americans, begrnning with Frederick 
Law Olmsted, learned to make beautiful grounds, parks, and 
boulevarils, and to adorn them with such memorials as the 
Washington iMonument in Washington, and such public build- 
ings as the Museum of Fine Arts in Chicago. 

Hundreds of new inventions, and improvements in old ones, 
458 7 came into use after the Civil War: systems of heat- 

resflof in- ing buildings by hot air, steam, and hot water; artificial 
yen ion j^^ _ barbed wire fencing and wire nails ; house drain- 

age; building pajjer ; elevators for storing and loading grain; 




Tkinity Church, Boston, < nMii.i' H' i> 
IN 1K77. 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1886-1897) 



53] 



passenger elevators in high buildings; asphalt and wooden 
block pavement; plate glass windows of largo dimensions; 
improved lirearnis, especially the automatic machine guns of 
Hiram Maxim and others ; new explosives, especially dyna- 
mite ; sulky plows and other farm machinery ; compressed air 
drills for mining; steel safes and bank vaults; chemical dye- 
jtuffs; new metals and alloys. Many new safety appliances 
were adopted in the steam railroad service, especially the air 
brake, introduced by George Westinghouse in 1868, the automatic 
coupler, the continuous car |)latforin and vestibule, telegraphic 
train dispatcdiing, and auto- 



matic switches and signals. 

The system of "assembling" 
machines out of [)arts, each of 
which is made by the thou- 
sand in standard dimensions, 
has wonderfully cheapened 
many lines of mainifacturing : 
it is applied all the way from 
watch-making to locomotive 
building. It learls, howevei-, 
to subdivision and specializa- 
tion of labor, and tends to 
diminish all-round training of 
mechanics. 

Three machines deserve 




LiNOTvrK Machine. 



special mention: (1) the low ^^^^^^^ -^ ''"« "^ 'yi'« '" ""« P'^'c". from 

iriHlricciS " HCt " by iiho of a key- 
bicycle appeared about 1876, board and afterward "distributed" 
and has been followed by the automatically, 
automobile; (2) the typewriter, first put on the market in 
1874, furnishes a new employment for thousands of men and 
women; (3) the type-setting and type-casting machines, per- 
fected after 1890, have quickened and clieapened the process 
of making books and newspapers. 



532 REORGANIZATION 

The greatest inventive leap has been the use of electricity, 
especially in four forms : (1) electric lights, — first the arc, then 
the incandescent, — pushed into use by Charles F. Brush and 
Thomas A. Edison, who took out at Washington more than 
one thousand patents for various inventions ; (2) the tele- 
phone, first exhibited by Professor Alexander Graham Bell in 
1876; (3) electric trolley cars taking power from a wire, made 
practicable about 1880 ; (4) electric motors for fixed machinery 
and for wheeled vehicles. 

Corresponding to the development of new mechanical proc- 
esses was the growth of new forms of business organization. 
459. The Corporations were so numerous and so useful that it was 
trusts 3^ great step when (about 1850) the states began to stop 

making special charters, and allowed people to incorporate 
themselves under general laws. Such corporations enjoy two 
special privileges : the right to hold corporate property and to 
sue; and the limited liability of stockholders, relieving them 
from responsibility in their private property for the debts of 
the company. In return, the states have a right to regulate 
corporations in ways not applied to private partnerships. 
Nevertheless many things make it hard to keep them in con- 
trol : (1) The corporation may be so rich and powerful that it 
simply ignores the laws and government, as happened in the 
early days of the " Standard Oil Company " ; (2) the corpora- 
tion, though acting within the law, may have a monopoly of 
some line of business — such as sugar refining — and thus defy 
competition ; (3) one corporation may own another corporar 
tion, and mix up the accounts of the concerns, often to the 
disadvantage of the small owners of the stock ; (4) to float 
new enterprises, great bankers and capitalists sometimes get 
together in " syndicates " with secret and complicated interests 
and obligations ; (5) occasionally several corporations, instead 
of combining, make an agreement that the stock of all the 
corporations shall be held and voted by a body of trustees. 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1883-1897) 533 

The last case is, strictly speaking, the only real "trust"; 
but the name is loosely given to any large corporation or com- 
bination of corporations which is trying to control a large 
line of business — such as the meat trust and the tobacco 
trust. A very common form of " trust " is a company or 
group of companies which controls some public service, such 
as water, gas, or traction, and often holds a city at its mercy. 
The so-called trusts increased very fast after 1890, the most 
striking being the United States Steel Company, organized in 
1901 with a capital of $1,100,000,000. 

The great corporations most in the public eye are the rail- 
road companies. Railway kings like William H. Vanderbilt, 
Jay Gould, James J. Hill, and E. H. Harriman have 460. Con- 
consolidated small roads into systems thousands of miles "'uortatitm 
in extent, especially the trunk lines from Chicago to (1881-1887) 
New York, and the transcontinental routes. Up to 1887 the 
only power which regulated the railroads was that of the state 
governments, sometimes working through railroad commissions, 
with power to investigate and supervise, or even to fix rates. 
The states, however, had no complete control over business 
passing from one state to another, for interstate commerce is 
subject to the federal government. The railroads, therefore, 
contrar}' to the established legal principle that a common 
carrier must take everybody's freight on equal terms, were in 
the habit of making discrimination between shippers : (1) they 
gave special rates to large shippers ; (2) they charged higher 
freights fo^ a shorter distance — say from Chicago to Syracuse 
— than for a longer distance on the same route — say from 
Chicago to New York ; (3) they formed " pools," or agree- 
ments, by which all the freight offered was arbitrarily divided 
among competing roads. 

The federal government for many years let the railroads 
alone, and gave its attention to water ways. Every year or 
two after 1870 a river and harbor bill passed Congress, and 



:34 



REORGANIZATION 



became law, unless, as several times happened, it was vetoed. 
In 1879 Captain Kads built a system of jetties at the mouth of 
the Mississippi, which made New Orleans a deep-sea harbor. 
For the enormous lake trade in iron ore, coal, grain, and lumber, 
the government built a ship canal between Lake Superior and 
Lake Huron, around the falls of Sault Ste. Marie; deepened 
the channels through St. Clair Lake and the Detroit River; 




Locks of the Sault Canal, completed in 1896. 

and made harbors at Chicago, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Buffalo, 
and many smaller lake ports. 

Eventually public sentiment forced Congress to pass the 
"Cullom Act," or Interstate Commerce Act (February 4, 
1887), to regulate commerce between the states, on the 
following principles: (1) the railroads were forbidden to 
make a higher charge to one customer than to another 
for the same service ; (2) they were forbidden to form 
"pools"; (3) all freight rates were to be publicly posted 
and could neither be raised nor lowered without notice ; (4) by 
the "short haul clause," no railroad could charge more for 
carrying freight a shorter distance than it charged for carry- 
ing freight over the same line to a greater distance; (6) the 



461. Na- 
tional con- 
trol of 
interstate 
commerce 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (^1885-1807) 535 

roads were to make sworn reports of their business to the 
government. To carry out this act, an Interstate Commerce 
Commission was provided with power to investigate and make 
decisions. Since 1887 Congress has passed other acts on inter- 
state trade, increasing the power of the commission ; prohibit- 
ing the roads from combining to restrain trade (1890); stopping 
the transportation of liquors into prohibition states (1890) ; 
compelling the roads to use a uniform car coupler (1893) ; and 
forbidding the circulation of mail or express matter intended 
for lotteries or gift concerns (1895). 

The advances to the Pacific railroads (§ 434) by 1899 
amounted to $64,000,000 of the original bonds, and $72,000,000 
of interest, paid by the United States. Under pressure from the 
government, the roads repaid nearly all of this money. 

The regulation of railroads suggested that Congress might 
also regulate any corporation or trust which did a foreign or 
interstate business. Accordingly Congress passed the 462. Regu- 
Sherman Anti-Trust Law (July 2, 1890), which penalized corpora- 
illegal combinations of manufacturing and trading com- tione 
panies, as well as of railroads. In some cases trusts used their 
monopoly to sell cheaper to foreigners than to home customers. 
The states also tried to regulate corporations in business done 
entirely within the limits of one state. Some states have gas, 
insurance, and other executive commissions; some rely on 
requiring corporation accounts to be filed ; some tax the trusts ; 
and New York state, in 1899, taxed the traction companies 
on the value of their privilege to use the streets. 

The labor unions grew as fast as the trusts. The first large 
unions were made up of all the men in a particular trade that 
would join — for example, the Brotherhood of Locomo- -„, - -q, 
tive Engineers. In 1886 the American Federation of andimmi- 
Labor was formed, to unite so far as possible the special 
trades unions into a national body, which should have authority 
to order men in one trade to strike in order to help strikers in 
hart's amer. hist. — 32 



")36 



REORGANIZATION 



another tradp ; and the Federation thronf:jh strikos pressed the 
issue whether eni[)k)yers would "recognize the union," — that 
is, would make agreements with their employees only through 
officers of the union, — and would establish the "closed shop" 
— that is, would employ only union hands. 

The supply of labor was affected by a wave of immigration 
of races which, up to 1870, were not much known in America 

— Italians, French Canadians^ 
Poles, Bohemians, Hungarians, 
Bussian Jews, Slovaks, Armeni- 
ans, Greeks, and Syrians. The 
workingmen secured from Con- 
gress a series of acts somewhat 
restricting immigration. (1) Con- 
victs, idiots, and like unfit persons 
were shut out, and a head tax of 
fifty cents was laid on all immi- 
grants admitted (1882). (2) Con- 
gress excluded "contract labor- 
ers " who might come over under 
an agreement to take a specified 
job when they arrived (1885). 
LANDiNii OF iM.MKiKA.NTs, I'joo. (3) Polygamlsts, diseased persons, 
and persons unable to support themselv-es were shut out (1891). 
(4) The immigrant head tax was raised to two dollars (1903), 
That some foreigners were dangerous to society was shown 
by an anarchist outbreak in Chicago (May 4, 1886). After 
weeks of violent speeches, principally by foreigners, urging 
people to resist the government, a dynamite bomb was thrown 
in the Haymarket and killed seven policemen. The crime 
was supposed to result from the utterances of the anarchists ; 
several of them were convicted, and four were executed. After 
the assassination of McKinley by an anarchist, the immigra- 
tion of anarchists was prohibited (1903). 




ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 53Y 

A test of the power of the new labor unions was a series of 
great strikes. The first came in 1886 on the Gould system of 
railroads leading southwest from St. Louis. In 1892, .„. - ^^ ^^ 
in a fearful strike at the Homestead Iron Works near strikes 

Pittsburg, a body of private guards, furnished by a de- 
tective agency, and sworn in as constables, were fired upon by 
the strikers, several of them killed, and wounded men were put 
to death by infuriated men and women. There were many 
strikes during 1893 and 1894, of which the worst began in a 
strike of the hands employed by the Pullman Car Works near 
Chicago. The American Railway Union, through their presi- 
dent, Eugene V. Debs, took up the dispute, and demanded that 
the company settle it with them, as representing organized labor. 
When the company refused, Debs called out the railroad men 
on a " sympathetic strike " ; and the men on one road after 
another refused to handle first Pullman cars, then the cars of 
the " tied-up roads," till the whole railway business of Chicago, 
and indeed of the whole great country west of Chicago, was in 
confusion. Non-union men (called " scabs " by the strikers) 
who were employed by the railroads were beaten, and some of 
them killed. The unions disclaimed responsibility for these 
acts of violence. 

As the government of Illinois did not keep order, President 
Cleveland made use of the only organized force adequate for 
such cases by calling out United States troops to prevent the 
obstruction of United States mails and of interstate commerce 
(July 8, 1894), This broke the strike, and the Pullman Com- 
pany then came to an understanding with its employees. A 
federal court served an injunction on Debs, forbidding him to 
interfere with interstate commerce. As he ignored this injunc- 
tion, Debs was imprisoned for contempt of court, and the 
Supreme Court of the United States held the sentence good. 

Economic reforms can be carried out only by wise and 
impartial governments, and people awakened to the need of 



538 REORGANIZATION 

purifying national, state, and municipal politics. President 
Cleveland mad^ some progress in improving the civil service ; 
465. Politi- but outside the "classified service" he sanctioned thou- 
forms sands of removals, especially among the postmasters, in 

(1883-1895) order to make room for party friends. Under Cleve- 
land's successor, Harrison, the chairman of the Civil Service 
Commission was Theodore Roosevelt, who gave the name of 
" Merit System " to the method of opening the public service 
to those who passed the best competitive examinations, and he 
followed up officials who violated the law; 44,000 offices were 
by 1893 placed in the classified service. 

Several other defects in the workings of the federal govern- 
ment were corrected in this period. A Presidential Succession 
Act (January 19, 1886) provided that in case of the death or 
disability of the President and Vice President, the Secretary 
of State should fill the vacancy, and if he were disabled, some 
other member of the Cabinet in a specified succession. The 
danger felt in 1877 in the count of electoral votes for President 
was removed by an act (February 3, 1887) for accepting as 
final the certificate of state electoral authorities. The Ten- 
ure of Office Act of 1867, which caused the impeachment of 
Johnson (§ 429), was completely repealed (March 3, 1887). The 
House of Representatives found its business blocked by " fili- 
bustering " motions and amendments meant to kill time ; and 
under the leadership of the Speaker, Thomas B. Reed, one of 
the ablest men of his time, adopted in 1890 a new code of 
rules giving the Speaker more power to stop such practices. 

The states felt the reforming spirit, and two of them — New 
York (1883) and Massachusetts (1884) — passed statutes for 
the Merit System ; and it was later introduced into Chicago 
(1895) and other cities. The cities tried to improve their 
governments by securing new cliarters from the legislatures. 
New York and Brooklyn and several smaller places united 
in 1897 in the city of " Greater New York/' second in popu- 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL IftSUKS (1885-1807) 



539 



lation and wealth only to London. To solve the difficulties of 
handling great numbers of people by private traction com- 
panies, independent subways were built by the cities of Boston 
(1898) and New York (1904) ; and Chicago, in 1903, took steps 
looking to public ownership of all the traction lines in the city. 
Several states made more stringent laws against fraud and 



^^^- ,___:zx^-^^::^=^^ 


,m 


^m 


=-S^-'" -^"-■.'■i^- . _^ntr^^ 




A ,^-^,|Pp' 


^.:, -^^fc, .^^^^^ 



Williamsburg Bridge, New York. 
(Completed in 1904 ; main span, 1600 feet.) 



bribery in elections, and for preliminary registration of voters. 
To protect the voter in his right to cast a secret ballot, the 
states began, in 1888, to provide the '' Australian ballot," an 
official list of all the accredited candidates, on which the voter 
in a booth by himself marks with a penciled cross the names 
or party tickets voted for. A majority of the states have 
adopted this ballot, and also laws against soliciting votes at or 
very near the polling place ;' the reform aids secrecy in vot- 



540 REORGANIZATION 

ing, and tlius lielj)s iiulependent candidates. Many states 
have also passed laws to regulate the "caucus" or "primary 
meeting," so as to give all the voters of a party a chance to 
take part in nominating candidates. 

For many years the suffrage tended constantly to expand, 
till in 1869 it was extended to women in Wyoming. A num- 
ber of other far western territories and states adopted the same 
rule. About 1890 began a reaction against a general suffrage 
in the southern states, marked by a series of new constitutions 
providing educational and tax qualifications, intended to ex- 
clude most of the negroes. Another development in the states 
was the provision in many constitutions for the "initiative" 
and "referendum," — methods for proposing laws and for sub- 
mitting them to acceptance or rejection by popular votes. 

Side by side with the legislation by the nation and states on 

general economic and social problems went a long and fierce 

466 Reve- struggle over national finance, especially the tariff and the 

nue and currency. President Cleveland set the political issue for 

the tariff -^ . '^ 

(1887-1890) the campaign of 1888 in his annual message of 1887, 

Contcmpo- in which he discussed only the tariff: "It is a condi- 

g2o ' tion which confronts us — not a theory," said he. The 

" condition " was an annual surplus which, in 1887, reached 

$56,000,000, and which was partly due to the high import 

duties. It locked up, in the treasury, currency needed for trade, 

and was a temptation to extravagant appropriations. The 

Democratic convention of 1888 unanimously renominated 

Cleveland ; the Republicans settled on IJenjamin Harrison, 

who had been senator from Indiana, and candidate for governor 

of that state. For the first time the Republican platform and 

party made high protection a party principle. By a plurality 

of 13,002 votes in New York, Harrison carried that state, and 

thus secured 2.33 electoral votes to 168, and was elected ; though 

the Cleveland men cast about 100,000 more popular votes than 

the supporters of Harrison. 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 541 

In the session of 1888-1889 a controversy arose about pen- 
sions. Congress had kept the promises made to the soldiers 
during the Civil War — that they and their families should 
not suffer want because of their service. Pensions were liber- 
ally voted to the widows and minor children of soldiers killed ; 
and to the living veterans suffering from permanent wounds 
or disability contracted in the service, if they needed help; 
and in 1889 the pensioners numbered 490,000 and drew 
$89,000,000 a year. A Dependent Pension Bill passed both 
houses (January 31, 1887), granting a pension to every sur- 
vivor of those who had served in the war if not able to support 
himself by physical labor. Cleveland vetoed it on the ground 
that there was no public need for pensioning men who had 
means or could be supported by their children. 

The first Congress under Harrison had a Republican major- 
ity in both houses, and began in 1890 to vote money freely : 
$20,000,000 of direct tax paid during the Civil War (§ 380) was 
refunded to the northern states ; public buildings were provided 
for small cities ; a ship subsidy act was passed, under which 
about $700,000 a year has since been paid; the Dependent 
Pension Act was passed, and the outgo for pensions jumped 
up to an average of $140,000,000 a year. A new navy had 
already been begun, and in 1893 the country possessed " the 
white squadron " of armed cruisers, besides gunboats and tor- 
pedo craft. 

In accordance with the Republican platform of 1888, a new 
tariff was drawn up by the Committee of Ways and Means, of 
which William McKinley was chairman, and the bill took its 
name from him. The Republicans argued the necessity of pro- 
tecting American manufacturers and laborers from foreign com- 
petition, and of reserving "the liome market" for American 
producers; the Democrats contended that the tariff kept up 
the prices to the consumer of protected products, was class 
legislation, and brought in an unnecessary and dangerous sur- 



i42 



REORGANIZATION 



plus. The tariff of 1883 on dutiable goods averaged about 
45 per cent; the McKinley tariff (passed October 1, 1890) 
raised it to about 49 per cent; but the "free list" of goods 
admitted without duty was larger iu the McKinley bill than 
in the previous tariff. 

The debates on the trusts and on the tariff brought out the 

fact that the South and AVest felt — with some reason — that 

467. Free they got less than their share of the nation's pros- 

the'tarlff perity. Hence the formation (1887) of a Farmer's Alli- 

(1890-1895) ance, which carried the stanch Kepublican states of 

Kansas and Nebraska; and a National People's party was soon 



?8 

tJ.lo 

J.00 



.70 
.60 
4SO 
v40 
^0 
J20 
.10 



1900 



tl.IO 



1834 1840 



.70 
.CO 
.50 
.40 
.30 



I9I0 



1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 

Change in the Market Price of Silver. 
Distance from base line shows gold value of the silver in a .silver dollar. 



formed (May, 1891). The silver-producing states — Colorado, 
Montana, Wyoming, Idaho, and Nevada — joined the move- 
ment, because the price of their product Avent down from 89 
cents in gold, for the weight of a standard silver dollar in 1878, 
to 73 cents iu 1889, and 07 cents in 1892. The combination 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 543 

showed its strength in 1890 by introducing a bill for the free 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1; which would have 
enabled owners of silver bullion to turn it into legal tender 
silver dollars. To head off this bill, Congress passed the 
Sherman Act (July 14, 1890), which provided that the Secretary 
of the Treasury should buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion 
each month at the market price, paying for it in a new kind of 
paper notes. Thus a market was given to the silver producers^ 
and the currency was increased to satisfy the West and South. 

The McKinley tariff raised the prices on silk, woolen, and 
cotton goods of every kind, and thus brought its effect home 
to thousands of buyers. Hence the Democrats went hopefully 
into the campaign of 1892^ on the tariff issue, and again nomi- 
nated Cleveland, who won a sweeping victory. He had 277 
electoral votes to 145 for Harrison and 22 for a People's party 
candidate, and a popular plurality of 380,000 ; and his party 
elected a majority in the House and Senate for 1893-1895. 

When Cleveland was a second time inaugurated (March 4, 
1893), the treasury was in difficulties, which brought on the 
severest commercial crisis in twenty years. A panic was 
prevented only by the banks standing by one another, and 
calling on Congress for relief. As always happens in hard 
timies, the tariff revenues fell off ; the expenses of the govern- 
ment increased ; and the gold in the treasury ran down till it 
looked as though the holders of the paper notes would make 
a run on the treasury. A special session of Congress reluc- 
tantly listened to the appeals of President Cleveland and 
the bankers, and stopped the silver purchases (November 1, 
1893). After a few months business revived. 

The Democrats kept their campaign promise of making a 
new tariff, which was framed in 1894 by William L. Wilson, 
chairman of the Ways and Means Committee ; but the Senate, 
under the lead of Gorman of Maryland, put in so many pro- 
tective duties that the President would not sign it, but let it 



544 



REOKGANIZATION 



become an act without his signature. The act included an 
income tax of 2 per cent on aK incomes exceeding $4000 a 
year, which of course bore hardest on the wealthy eastern 
and middle states. On a test case, the Supreme Court decided 
(May, 1895) that any income tax levied on income from real 
estate or personal })r()[)erty was unconstitutional unless dis- 
tributed in proportion to the population of the states, although 




Electric Towkr, in Kxi'< 



U FKAI.O, 1901. 



such a tax had been levied during the Civil War (§ 380) ; and 
the treasury was obliged to give up a revenue estimated at 
$40,000,000 a year. The customs dropped from $203,000,000 
in 1893 to $132,000,000 in 1894 ; and for the first time since 
the Civil War there was a serious deficit, amounting to 
$70,000,000 ; for several years this deficit was re})eated, so 
that the ])ublic debt incieased $250,000,000 previous to the 
Spanish War of 1898. 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 545 

Notwitlistanding the hard times of 1893, a inagniiicent 
World's Columbian Exposition was held at Chicago dur- 468. 

ing that year. The buildings were superb and the ex- Ww-ld's 
hibits very striking, and 23,000,000 admissions were (1893-1904) 
recorded. Similar exhibitions were held on a smaller scale 
at Buffalo (1901) and at Charleston (1902), and a still larger 
and more elaborate one at St. Louis in 1904. 

Many new foreign questions arose after 1885, in which 
James G. Blaine, as Harrison's Secretary of State from 1889 
to 1892, was a principal agent. Blaine was born in Penn- ^gg j^^^. 
sylvania in 1830, settled in Maine, went to Congress in America 
1863, was Speaker from 1869 to 1875, and then Senator 
from Maine. He was always a strong partisan, believed in his 
own side and hated and attacked his political opponents. He 
was an effective debater, but made many enemies by saying 
bitter things — as when he called Senator Conkling of New 
York a "turkey cock." Blaine has often been compared with 
Henry Clay, whom he much resembled in his strong assertion 
of the rights of America, his power of making personal friends, 
and his long and unsuccessful ambition to be President ; but 
he was too quick and aggressive to be a good diplomat. Blaine 
could not get on with President Harrison, resigned in 1892, 
and died not long after, a disappointed man. 

The question of the Isthmus made no progress under Blaine's 
second secretaryship of state. In 1890 he called a Pan-American 
Congress at Washington, which recommended a Pan-American 
bank, a Pan-American railroad, and commercial reciprocity 
treaties. Some such treaties were negotiated but were never 
confirmed by the Senate, because reciprocity with our neigh- 
bors means that both sides shall reduce their tariffs. 

The difficulty of keeping on good terms with our Latin- 
American neighbors was shown by a dispute with Chile. 
Some of the men of the United States ship Baltimore were 
**ttacked on the streets of Valparaiso (October, 1891) ; one was 



540 REORGANIZATION 

killod and several wounded'. Three months passed without a 
suitable apology, and President Harrison (January 25, 1892) 
sent a message to Congress suggesting war ; but on the same 
day the long-delayed apology came, and hostilities were avoided. 
Blaine inherited and aggravated another dispute which took 
several years to settle. The United States claimed that its 

470. The possession of the seal fisheries in Alaska included the 
the fisheries ^^^^^le Bering Sea; and Canadian vessels which took 
(1886-1893) seals in the open sea were seized by our revenue cutters 

(1886). Blaine defended the seizure, on the ground that 
Bering Sea belonged to the United States, although John 
Quincy Adams in 1823 absolutely denied that anybody could 
shut up any part of the north Pacific Ocean. Then Blaine 
argued that the seals really were a kind of tame " seal herds," 
the property of the United States wherever they went, even 
in the open sea. In 1893 the controversy was settled by a 
board . of arbitration in Paris, which decided against the 
United States. 

The people of the United States were suddenly aroused in 
December, 1895, by an unexpected message from President 

471. Ven- Cleveland, describing a long-standing boundary contro- 
boundarv versy between Venezuela and the British colony of Brit- 
(1896) ish Guiana, and stating that Cieat Britain had declined 

the mediation of the United States and refused to arbitrate 

the dispute. This action Cleveland and his Secretary of State, 

Richard Olney, construed to be an attempt by Great Britain to 

Co tn-Do control part of an American state, and hence contrary 

raries,IV. to the Monroe Doctrine. "To-day the United States," 

said Olney, "is practically sovereign on this continent, 

and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its irv 

terposition." The President unmistakably threatened war. 

A commission was appointed by the President to find out 
the true Venezuelan boundary. Great Britain was taken 
aback at this unexpected feeling on a dispute which seemed 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 547 

far removed from any interest of the United States, but grace- 
fully yielded and accepted arbitration; and the arbitrators 
decided (1899) that Great Britain was entitled to most of the 
territory claimed. 

Low prices for silver, wheat, and cotton kept the West 
and South poor; the People's party controlled several states, 
and took up as its special grievance the repeal of the 472. Eler- 
silver purchase in 1893. On this question the Democrats *^°° °^ ^®^^ 
were divided. Their regular convention met at Chicago (July, 
1896), protested against the income tax decision, declared for 
the free coinage of silver, and nominated William J. Bryan 
of Nebraska, a remarkable speaker and leader. The People's 
party, including many former Republicans, also nominated 
Bryan for President, but put up a separate "middle of the 
road " man for the vice presidency ; the two parties, however, 
practically voted for the same electoral ticket. The "Sound 
M^oney Democrats " made a separate nomination. 

The Republican nominating convention at St. Louis in 1896 
declared again for protection and adopted a plank against free 
coinage of silver, unless the principal nations of the world 
would agree to it; they nominated their logical candidate, 
William McKinley of Ohio. In the lively campaign of 1896 
both McKinley and Bryan spoke frequently to immense audi- 
ences. The result was for a long time in doubt; but wheat 
unexpectedly rose in price, and Mr. McKinley gained in the 
farming states, and was elected by 271 electoral votes to 176, 
and a plurality of 600,000. He received the votes of all the 
northeastern and central states, North Dakota, California, 
Oregon, and four southern states ; and the Republicans got 
control of both houses of Congress. # 

Though the tariff played little part in the election. President 
McKinley summoned a special session of Congress, which 
passed the Dingley tariff (July 24, 1897), the third within 
seven years. This tariff restored and somewhat raised the 



548 REORGANIZATION 

scale of the McKinley duties. Its enemies in Congress main- 
tained that it was passed in fulfillment of a promise to the 
protected industries that they should have some return for 
making large contributions to the campaign fund. A great 
increase in the world's production of gold put the currency 
question on a new basis so that it was not difficult to secure 
an act of Congress (March 14, 1900) establishing the single 
gold standard. 

The period from 1884 to 1897 was one of great excitement. 
Four times there was a change of parties in the White House ; 
473. Sum- and the country saw four successive tariff acts : (1) the 
°^*^ act of 1883, which was rather more protective than the 

previous war tariff; (2) the act of 1890, which was highly 
protective; (3) the act of 1894, which was still protective, 
although the duties were reduced ; (4) the tariff of 1897, 
which was the highest of the series. The contest over the 
currency was marked by the Sherman silver purchase act 
(1890), the repeal of that act (1893), and the gold standard 
act (1900). 

The organization of labor and of capital came forward in a 
new shape, by the attempt to unite all the skilled labor of the 
country in a national labor union, and by the creation of cor- 
porations with immense capital, controlling whole lines of 
business. Congress passed several acts to control "trusts" 
doing an interstate business — the Interstate Commerce Act 
(1887), the Anti-Trust Act (1890), and the act for publicity of 
accounts (1903). 

Controversies with foreign countries related almost wholly 
to American questions, especially reciprocity, the Bering 
Sea sealing question, the isthmian canal, and the Venezuela 
boundary. War was several times possible, but tlie spirit of 
peace prevailed. Throughout the country there was prosperity 
notwithstanding the crisis of 1893 ; inventions increa"sed, the 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 



549 



comforts of life were greater, education was better and more 
widely spread; it was a liappy country. 

TOPICS 

(1) Why did new issues come up in the presidential election of Suggestive 
1884? (2) What does " mugwump " mean? (3) Why was the ^°^^'^^ 
South "solid" in 1884? (4) Why has the United States so 
rapidly disposed of the arable public land ? (5) Why have so 
many women's colleges been founded since 1865 ? (6) Why have 
there been so many inventions since 1865 ? (7) What is the ad- 
vantage of general laws for corporations over special charters ? 
(8) Why do so many river and harbor bills fail to get through 
Congress ? (9) What is tlie advantage of publicity in corporation 
accounts? (10) Why are "contract laborers" forbidden to i'urai- 
grate to this country ? (11) Why was the Tenure of Office Act 
repealed in 1887 ? (12) What are the advantages of the Australian 
ballot? (13) What is the objection to a surplus ? (14) Why was 
the French Panama Canal a failure ? 

(15) Political career of Blaine up to 1884. (16) President Search 
Cleveland's vetoes. (17) Rush for land in Oklahoma in 1889 ; in ^°^^'^^ 
1891 ; in 1893. (18) Beauties of the Yosemite Park. (19) Beau- 
ties of the Yellowstone Park. (20) Description of the Library of 
Congress, (21) Mr. Dooley on American politics. (22) Winston 
Churchill's historical novels. (23) Debate on the Interstate Com- 
merce Act of 1887. (24) Haymarket mob in Chicago in 1886. 

(25) Speaker Reed's "counting a quorum," January, 1890. 

(26) Financial crisis of 1893. (27) Debates on the Wilson tariff 
of 1894. (28) Proceedings of the Pan-American Congress of 
1890. (29) Nomination of Bryan in 1896. (30) Debate on the 
Dingley tariff of 1897. (31) Why did the Supreme Court disallow 
the income tax in 1895 ? 



REFERENCES 

See map, pp. 10, 11 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 310-396 ; 
Ford, National Problems. 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 142-148 ; Johnston, Politics, 
265-279 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 419-569 ; Ford, National Problems ; 
Wilson, American People, V. 169-269 ; Cambridge Modern His- 
tory, VII. 655-674, 697-722 ; Gay, Bryant's History, V. 544-674 ; 
Larned, History for Beady Reference, V. 3581, VI. 145, 553, 684 ; 
Brown, Lower South, 247-271 ; Cable, Negro Question; Dewey, 



Geography 



Secondary- 
authorities 



550 



REORGANIZATION 



Illustrative 
works 



Fiixniriaf Ifis/nr>/, §§ IS|-l!if"i ; Xfiyfs, Amrrirdn Fi))a)tri\ 101- 
264 ; Tiiiissif;, TnriXf llii't(>rii,'l'>\-\W ; Slanwdod, Aincn'can Tariff 
Controvprsies, II. 21!>-3'.)4 ; Mart, I'rartirnl Exsnys, !>8-l;!2. 

Sources Hart, Source Book, § 138, — Conlanporarien, IV. ij§ 101, 104- 

167, 170-172, 178, 17!», 197-209; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 
109-127 ; American History Leaflets, no. 6 ; Johnston, Arnerican 
Orations, IV. 238-269, 329-420 ; Appleton's Annual Cijclopoedia, 
1886-1897. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources, 
§§ 90, 91. 

Frank Norris, The Octopus, — The Pit ; Will Payne, Money 
Captain ; H. K. Webster, Banker and the Bear (corner) ; Merwin 
and Webster, Calumet " /i','' — Short Line War (labor, corpo- 
rations) ; Anonymous, The Breadioinners ; Octave Thanet, Heart 
of Toil ; J. A. Riis, Ho^o the Other Half Lives, — Children of the 
Poor; W. E. B. DuBois, Souls of Black Folk; P. L. Dunbar, 
Folks from Dixie ; C. W. Chesnutt, Marroto of Tradition 
(negroes) ; Eimma Rayner, Handicapped among the Free (negroes) ; 
C. E. Craddock, Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountain; Owen 
Wister, The Virginian (Western) ; M. H. Foote, Coeur d^Alene 
(mining), — Chosen Valley (irrigation); M. L. Luther, The 
Henchman. 

Pictures Harper's Weekly; Ha7'per''s Monthly; Scribner''s Monthly, 

Century. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 
THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS (1897-1903) 

A NEW era of national history began when our territory was 
extended by war with Spain in 1898. After the end of the 
Cuban insurrection in 1878, Cuba quickly recovered pros- 474. The 
perity, till the island had an export trade of $100,000,000 g^rreSiio^n 
a year, most of it to the United States./ Yet many of (1895-1898; 
the native-born Cubans were discontented, for in government 
and society they were considered inferiors by the "peninsu- 
lars," or native Spaniards; taxes were high; and the trade of 
the island was, so far as possible, kept in the hands of Spanish 
merchants. 

An insurrection broke out in Cuba in 1895, aided by a 
"Junta," a council of wealthy Cubans in the United States, 
who within three years sent from the United States more than 
twenty filibustering expeditions, with arms and men for the 
insurgents. The war was savage on both sides; the sugar 
plantations were devastated, and neither party could beat the 
other. The Spaniards held the western end of the island, and 
ordered the people outsidei the towns to come within the Span- 
ish lines into reconcentrado camps, where many of them 
miserably perished. Property was destroyed, often that of 
American citizens ; and some American residents, traders, and 
newspaper correspondents were arrested on proof or on sus- 
picion that they were helping the insurgents. 

A natural sympathy with a people struggling for independ- 
ence led a Senate committee, in 1896, to investigate the 475. Causes 
conditions of Cuba. Public feeling was aroused in Feb- • h 1^" 
ruary, 1898, by the publication of a private letter of the (1895-1898) 
hart's amer. hist. — 33 551 



552 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

Spanish mi nisi or T>e Lome, which in translation seemed to 
speak slightingly of the President and the American govern- 
ment; and De Lome was obliged to resign his post. 

Demonstrations against the Americans in Havana led our 
government to send the battleship Maine to that city. On 
the night of February 15, 1898, the Maine was blown up Ijy an 
explosion, which killed 260 of the men ; and an American 
naval board of inquiry later reported that the ship was de- 
stroyed by a submarine mine. Our consul-general, Fitzhugh 
Lee, said: "I do not think it was put there by the Spanish 
government. I think probably it was an act of four or five 
subordinate officers." Yet there was a widespread feeling in 
the United States that the Spanish government was responsible. 
War was so likely that Congress placed at the disposal 
of the President $50,000,000 for national defense (March 9, 
1898). President McKinley and Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of 
the House, were both anxious to prevent war; but there was a 
strong public feeling that Spain could not keep order in Cuba, 
could not subdue the insurgents, and could not protect Ameri- 
can property or even the shipping in Cuban harbors. The 
time seemed to have come to end the Spanish government in 
the western world. Senator Proctor of Vermont added to the 
flame by a speech describing the horrors which he had seen in 
Cuba (March 17, 1898). 

After some months of negotiation with Spain, in which 

guarantees of reform in Cuba were proposed by Spain, but 

476. Out- thought insufficient, President McKinley sent a mes- 

s"ii8h **"* sage to Congress (April 11, 1898), in which he described 

War (1898). the loss of property and life, and said, "In the name 

Conteinpo- q£ humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of 
raries, IV. ■' ' • . i • i 

576 endangered American interests, which give us the right 

and the duty to speak and act, the war in Cuba must stop.'* 

April 20, 1898, a joint resolution was passed directing the 

President to use the military and naval forces of the United 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 



553 



States to compel Spain to leave Cuba. To this measure 
was added the Teller resolution: "That the United States 
hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise Congres- 
sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island ex- ^^TTagT^'s 
cept for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determi- p- 4040 

nation, when that is accomplished, to leave the government 
and control of the island to its people." 

On the outbreak of war. Commodore Dewey, in command of 
the American vessels in the Pacific, was ordered to find and 

fight the Spanish fleet sta- 477. Cam- 
tioned in the Philippine ^p^hmp^i^eS 
Islands. He had six ships (1898) 

(and a dispatch vessel), of which 
the largest was the cruiser 
Olympia, of 5870 tons. The 
Spanish fleet, consisting of four 
iron cruisers and one wooden 
one, besides auxiliary vessels, 
was found lying under the guns 
of the forts of Cavite, in Manila 
Bay. May 1, 1898, Dewey at- 
tacked: after four hours' spir- 
ited fight he set the Spanish 
fleet on fire ; and that night he 
was able to send home a brief 
dispatch to the effect that he 
had destroyed eleven vessels and the fort; that his squadron 
was uninjured, and that a few men were slightly wounded. 

Dewey anchored off the city of Manila, which for some time 
remained in the hands of the Spaniards. He brought with 
him to the island, Aguinaldo, a Philippine native of influence, 
who had been engaged in an insurrection against the Spanish 
power, and who raised a Philippine army to besiege the city 
on the land side. Manila was attacked by sea and land and 








WAN 

NEGR 
S U L U- 




S E A P^ J j 



O 
SULU 

BRITISH <'N^ ■>■ ' •■" 
tlORIH BORlfglV.- ^ rS LANDS 

CELEBES 



The Philippines. 



554 



THE np:w republic 




Admiral Gborqe Dewkt. 



eventually taken (August 13, 
1898) by a fleet under Dewey, 
and an American army under 
General Wesley A. Merritt. Al- 
though no promise was ever made 
to Aguinaldo by Dewey or any 
one else, he firmly expected that 
he would have the opportunity tc 
found a Philippine state, and h'ts 
troops remained in the trenches 
before Manila, side by side with 
the Americans. 

Cuba was very soon blockaded by a fleet under the command 

of Admiral Sampson, but the Spaniards could be forced to 

478 Cam- ^^^^^e Cuba only by an army. As the United States had 

paign in only about 26,000 regular troops, the President called for 

" * ^ ^ 125,000 volunteers, and Congress authorized the increase 

of the regular army to 63,000 ; in a few weeks about 200,000 

men were enlisted in the volunteers, consisting in good part 

of state militia regiments or smaller commands. The navy 

was well organized ; but the army was mostly not trained for 

Alger, campaigning, and the War Department was not prepared 

Spanish- ^ handle, clothe, or feed so many men. Secretary of 

War, 455 War Alger said, " It is doubtful if any nation rated 

as a first-class power 

ever entered upon a 



•CAii or mill 



100 too aoo 



ATLANTIC 




war of offense in a 
condition of less mili- 
tary preparation than 
was the United States 
in 1898." 

Meanwhile a second 
Spanish fleet of four 
cruisers and three tor- Routes of Fleets to SAMTLioo DK Cuba. 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 



555 



pedo boats left Spain for Cuba. Admiral Schley with a flying 
squadron was sent out to look for the Spaniards, and with 
some difficulty ascertained that they had slipped into the 
harbor of Santiago de Cuba. Admiral Sampson then took 
command and blockaded the port. A few days later Lieuten- 
•ant Hobson gallantly tried to block the harbor by sinking the 
collier Merritiiac in the channel. 

A small force of 17,000 men was brought together in Tampa 
Bay under General Shafter, and landed on the south coast of 
Cuba, a little east of Santiago (June 22), whence it marched 
up to capture that city from the Spaniards. ' The army had no 
proper transportation or medical supplies, and the food was 
poor and sometimes scanty. No Cuban army could be found. 
The principal fight was at San Juan Hill (July 1, 1898), in 
which good service was done by the " Rough Riders," part of 
Roosevelt's dismounted cavalry regiment. 

On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera 
made a dash out of Santiago. Admiral Sampson's flagship, 

New York, was out 

of range to the east- 
ward, and Admiral 
Schley was jiext in 
command. In execu- 
tion of Sampson's 
standing orders the 
American ships 
dashed at the enemy, 
and in a running fight 
forced ashore and destroyed all four of the cruisers and two 
torpedo boats, with little damage to any of the American 
ships. The credit for this victory is due to the vim and dash 
of all the officers and men engaged, and also to the foresight of 
Admiral Sampson, who made preparations to receive just such 
an attack. . The troops now pushed nearer to Santiago, and 




U. S. Ship Neit York in 1898. 



656 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

that city with its garrison surrendered July 17, 1898. The 
island of Porto Rico was taken by 17,000 men under com- 
mand of General Miles, who landed July 25, on the southwest 
coast, moved eastward and took the city of Ponce, and then 
crossed the island to San Juan, There was little resistance, 
and the people welcomed the invaders. 

The Spaniards still had a force of about 50,000 men at 
Havana, and the little American army at Santiago was 

479 End of ^'^''^ady seized with fever. It was not properly sup- 
the war plied with hospital tents and medicines, and ten of the 
1898) general officers united in a so-called "round robin" 
-Alger, addressed to General Shafter, to say, " This army must 

Spanish- 
American be moved at once or it will perish." Accordingly it 

War, 265 ^g^g transported from Cuba to Long Island (August 7). 

Spain was evidently incapable of further resistance, and in 
her behalf negotiations were opened at Washington and on 
August 12, 1898, a " protocol," or agreement, Avas signed, under 
which Spain -was to evacuate Cuba, and to cede Porto Rico 
to the United States; the future of the Philippines to be 
settled by a later treaty of peace. The protocol came too late 
to stop hostilities at Manila, for the city surrendered August 
13, before the news of peace arrived. 

For the definite treaty of peace President McKinley ap- 
pointed a special commission. That commission found its 

480 Treaty ^^^^^ ^^^k the disposition of the Philippines, which were 
of peace very distant from the United States, and had a mixed 

population ranging from head-hunting savages to highly 
civilized Spanish-speaking gentlemen. Several methods of 
settlement were suggested: (1) Should the United States 
leave the islands or a part of them to Spain ? (2) Should an 
independent government of the natives receive control, as 
Aguinaldo's large following desired? (3) Should the islands 
be annexed outright to the United States ? 

The arguments for annexation were: (1) that they were a 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 557 

rich and fertile region which the United States would be glad 
to possess ; (2) that the war with Spain had destroyed the 
government of the Philippines and made it the duty of the 
United States to give the people a just and orderly govern- 
ment ; (3) that the Philippines were so near the coast of Asia 
that they would give the United States a commanding position 
aud great influence in the opening up of trade with China and 
the interior of Asia, 

For some time the President hesitated. Annexation of dis- 
tant islands seemed a departure from all the previous policy 
of the government; but both McKinley and his new Secre- 
tary of State, John Hay, agreed that it was the course most 
likely to bring peace to the islands, and to give the United 
States a position in the Pacific. The treaty of peace, signed 
at Paris December 10, 1898, provided that " Spain relinquishes 
all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba," and ceded 
outright Porto Rico, the island of Guam in the Ladrones, and 
all the Philippine Islands. The United States was to pay 
$20,000,000 to Spain. 

A treaty does not go into effect until ratified by two thirds 
of the Senate, and for some time it was doubtful whether such 
a majority could be obtained for the annexation of the Philip- 
pines. Bryan, as a Democratic leader, came to Washing- 
ton and used his influence with Democratic senators to join 
in making the necessary two-thirds majority ; the treaty was 
ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899, and approved by the 
President February 7, but was not ratified by Spain till March 
19, and was not proclaimed by the President till April 14, 1899. 

After the capture of Manila, Aguinaldo still hoped for inde- 
pendence, and kept up his forces outside the city of Manila. 
American troops were sent to Uoilo, on the island of Panay 481 . Phil- 
(December 24, 1898), showing an intention to hold the auesUon 
islands permanently. The Philippine leaders grew dis- (1899-1902) 
contented, and their soldiers brought on a fight (February 4, 



558 



THE NEW REPUBLIC 



1899) ; hence, on tlie date of the ratification of the treaty by 
the Senate (February 6), an insurrection was going on against 
the United States. For two years Aguinaldo kept togetlier an 
organized force, until he was made a prisoner ; and the insur- 
rection continued in various parts of the islands until 1902. 




Street Scene in Manila, 1900. 

The treaty of 1899 declared that "the civil rights and poli- 
tical status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby 
ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Con- 
gress." Accordingly a modified form of territorial government 
was created for Porto Rico (April, 1900), in which the majority 
of the upper house of the legislature is appointed by the Presi- 
dent; but the act did not make Porto Rico part of the United 
States, like Hawaii (§ 483). For the temporary government 
of the Philippines the President, on his own responsibility, 
appointed two successive commissions of civilians, and Congress 
later authorized him to establish a government at his discretion 
(March 2, 1901). He continued the former commission under 
Judge Taft, and it organized a government for the islands, and 
local governments wherever it was safe. 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 559 

Troubles at once arose over the tariff in the dependencies. 
The question, so far as it concerned Porto Rico, was settled by 
the act of April 12, 1900, providing a special tariff for that 
island, but allowing it speedily to come into the regular tariff 
system of the United States — that is, to be free from all 
duties on trade with the states. In 1901 the Supreme Court 
supported this legislation by decisions in the " Insular Cases " 
in which the majority of the court (5 to 4) agreed: (1) that 
Congress could make a separate tariff for the dependencies; 
(2) that Porto Rico and the Philippines were not foreign 
countries; (3) that they were also not complete parts of the 
United States, unless Congress should choose to incorporate 
them. 

Acting on those principles, Congress made a special tariff of 
import duties in the Philippines (March 8, 1902), and fixed 
the duties on imports from the Philippines into the United 
States at three fourths the rates en similar imports from other 
countries. By another act (July 1, 1902) a bill of rights was 
adopted which contained substantially the guarantees of per- 
sonal liberty set forth in the federal Constitution, except the 
clauses for jury trials and for keeping and bearing arms ; and 
a permanent form of government — substantially that previously 
framed by the Commission — was created by Congress. Judge 
Taft was appointed civil governor under this statute, which 
also made provision for a future Philippine assembly. 

As Cuba was completely disorganized by the war, United 
States troops remained in the island. General Leonard Wood 
was appointed military governor, and within a few 482. Rela- 
months the island was restored to order; roads and tele- °^^cuba 
graphs were built, hundreds of schools were opened, and (1898-1903) 
prosperity slowly returned. What were to be the future rela- 
tions of the United States to Cuba ? Annexation was out of 
the question, in view of the Teller resolution of 1898. By the 
" Piatt Amendment '' (March 2, 1901), Congress laid down as 



560 thp: new kei'ublic 

bases for the future government of Cuba the following prin- 
ciples : (1) Cuba must make no foreign agreements contrary to 
the interests of the United States ; (2) (Juba must not incur a 
debt that she could not pay ; (3) sites were to be ceded on 
the Cuban coast for United States naval stations ; (4) Cuban 
ports must not be allowed to be breeding places of disease. 
A Cuban constitutional convention agreed to these conditions 
(June 12, 1901), and formed a republic of which General Palma 
was elected first president. The control of the island was 
formally given up to the new government (May 20^ 1902), and 
the United States troops were withdrawn. Next came the 
question of the commercial relations of the two countries. 
The Cubans had lost their former market in Spain, and expected 
that the United States would make a reduction on the regula,r 
tariff duties on imports from Cuba. As the House paid no 
attention to urgent messages from both President McKinley 
and his successor. President Roosevelt, a treaty was negotiated 
(1903) for a 20 per cent reduction on regular import duties, 
and was ratified by the Senate with a proviso that it be subject 
to the approval of the House of Representatives, a very unusual 
method of securing a treaty. 

The interest of the United States in the Pacific led to several 
other annexations of territory. The Hawaiian Islands since 
183. An- 1876 had enjoyed a favorable commercial treaty with us; 
•hePacific* ^^^ ^^ 1893, with the countenance of marines landed 
.1898-1899) from a United States ship, a party which included most of 
the people of American descent in the islands revolted from the 
native monarchy and set up a republic. President Cleveland 
would not agree to annexation, but a joint resolution of Congress 
(July 7, 1898) soon brought the Hawaiian Islands into the 
United States, and in 1900 they were organized as a territory. 
The United States, Great Britain, and (Jennany all had in- 
terests in the Samoa Islands ; honee a tripartite treaty had been 
agreed on (June 14, 1889), by which the three powers admin- 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 



561 



istered the islands together. The natives tried to fight out 
their own quarrels, aud this led to such confusion that in 1899 
the three powers made a division treaty, by which the United 
States took the island of Tutuila with the harbor of Pango- 
Pango, the best in the group. Various small islands, Baker, 
Midway, Wake, Howland, and others, which lay in the mid- 
Pacific and had never been claimed by any other power, 
were annexed by the United States, as landing or telegraph 
stations. 




The United States and its Possessions. 

The results of the war of 1898 gave the United States a new 
place in the world's councils. In a conference held at the 
Hague, in Holland, to discuss means of preventing wars, 484. China 
the influence of the United States Avas high among the Qpgjj ^^^^ 
twenty-seven nations represented, and helped to bring (1898-1903) 
about a general treaty providing courts of arbitration (1899). 

That influence was also strong in China, where Prance, Great 
Britain, Germany, Japan, and Russia were all trying to take 
and keep Chinese territory. The Chinese grew alarmed, and 
in 1900 a revolution of the so-called Boxers broke out, which 



562 



THE NEW REPUBLIC 



swept over the northeast part of China, cost the lives of several 
hundred Europeans, and ended in a relief expedition made up of 
detachments sent by Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, 
Kussia, Italy, and the United States, which marched up into the 
country and rescued the ambassadors and others wlio had been 

besieged in Peking 
(August 14, 1900). 

The European pow- 
ers wanted to take 
territory from China, 
but Secretary Hay, 
for the United States, 
insisted that they 
should accept the 
" Open Door " policy 
— that is, that no 
part of China be cut 
off from the general 
commerce of the 
world. By consum- 
mate American diplo- 
macy the other pow- 
ers were brought to 
accept the plan of the 
United States, 

During this period. President McKinley came more and 
more to the front as a man of power. He was born in Niles, 
486. Wil- Ohio, in 1843, served with gallantry in the Civil War, 
and rose from a private to a major. In 1877 he was 
sent to Congress, whex^e he grew in reputation, and in 
1889 was made chairman of the Ways and Means Committee ; 
that is, leader of his party on the floor of the House ; and to 
him was committed the task of drafting the new tariff in 1890. 
By a " gerrymander " he lost his seat in Congress, but in 1891 




William McKinlkv, in I8'.t4. 



liam McKin 
ley, Presi- 
dent 



THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 563 

he was elected governor of Ohio, and he was the logical candi- 
date of his party for the presidency in 1896. His intimate 
friend, Marcus A. Hanna, came into the Senate from Ohio, and 
was the President's right-hand man. McKinley was one of the 
most gracious and genial men who ever sat in the White House, 
and charmed almost everybody who met him. 



Cuba had been misgoverned for nearly four centuries, and 
when the people revolted and there seemed no end to a cruel 
contest, the United States restored peace by a short war, 486. Siim. 
in which the losses of killed and wounded on both sides ma.Tj 

were less than 6000, though the war cost the United States about 
$100,000,000 in taxes and $200,000,000 in increase of debt. 

In the process the United States acquired the island of Porto 
Rico, and thus became for the first time a West Indian power. 
It also took in the group of the Philippine Islands with 120,000 
square miles and 7,000,000 inhabitants. The native Filipinos 
disliked the Spanish rule, and were no better pleased with 
American control. They revolted, and order was restored 
slowly and at great cost of life. 

The war left many troublesome questions, such as the tariffs 
between the new dependencies and the main country, and local 
government for the native peoples. On both these matters 
the United States adopted rules for the Porto Ricans and 
Filipinos which did not apply to the states of the Union or 
to the territories. 

As a result of the enlarged interest in the Pacific, Hawaii 
and several small islands were annexed ; and the United States 
for the first time took a leading part in an Asiatic question by 
insisting on a proper settlement of the Chinese difficulty. 
Changes in territory, and increase of area and population, 
were less significant than the springing up of the feeling that 
the United States was concerned in all that affected the future 
of the world. 



664 



THE NEW KEl'UBLIC 



Surrestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Pictures 



TOPICS 

(1) Why were the Cubans dissatisfied with the Spanish govern- 
ment ? (2) What was the objection to the reconcentrado camps ? 

(3) Wliy was tlie Teller resolution of April, 1898, passed ? 

(4) Why was Aguinaldo brought to the Philippines ? (5) Why 
was not the United States better prepared for war? (6) Why was 
the army in Cuba defective in transportation and medical supplies ? 
(7) Why did Santiago surrender so quickly ? (8) Why did the 
United States pay $20,000,000 to Spain ? 

(9) Report of the Senate committee on Cuba in 1896. 
(10) Destruction of the battleship Maine. (11) Native govern- 
ment of Cuba during the insurrection. (12) The siege of Manila, 
1898. (13) Hobson's sinking of the Mei-rimac. (14) The fight at 
San Juan Hill. (15) The Rough Riders. (16) Naval battle of 
Santiago. (17) The Schurman Commission on the Philippines. 
(18) The present government of the Philippine Islands. (19) The 
present government of Cuba. (20) Public services of William 
McKinley previous to 1896. (21) Why did President Cleveland 
oppose the annexation of Hawaii ? (22) What right had the 
United States to reform the government of Cuba ? 

REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 553, 564, 561 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 
397-435. 

Latan^, America the World Power, — United States and Spanish 
America, 174, 175, 214-220 ; Wilson, American People, V. 269- 
300 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 674-686 ^ Lamed, History 
for Beady Reference, VI. 65, 171, 225, 258, 367, 583 ; Elson, Side 
Lights, II. 352-401 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 197-202 ; Car- 
penter, American Advance, 288-331 ; Callahan, C^iha, 453-497 ; 
Maclay, United States Navy, III. 39-440 ; Titherington, Spanish- 
American War ; Brooks, War with Spain. 

Hart, Source Book, §§ 141-145, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 180- 
196 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 128-131 ; Old South Leaflets, 
no. 114 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xxiv. ; Caldwell, Territorial 
Development, 213-255 ; Appleton''s Annual Cyclopcedia, 1898-1903. 
See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n., Historical Sources, §92. 

F. P. Dunne, 3fr. Dooley in Peace and War, — Mr. Dooley 
in the Hearts of his Countrymen ; Stephen Crane, Wounds in 
the Pain. 

Leslie's Official History of the Spanish- American War: Haiper^s 
Weekly ; Harper'' s Pictorial History of the War loith Spain ; 
Collier'' s Weekly; Century; Scribner''s; McClure's. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 

The history of our beloved country can not be understood 

unless we think of it as the story of the progress pf ^g.^ .^j^^ 

great ideals and principles. Having followed it to the American 

* rac6 
end of the nineteenth century, let us now consider what 

America has accomplished which will be transmitted to pos- 
terity. 

The United States has taught the world how to make a 
great modern nation out of a variety of races and peoples. 
According to the 



^s_^ 



federal census of 
1900, in the total 
" continental " 
population of 76,- 
000,000 people, 
about 10,000,000 
were born outside 
this country, 16,- 
000,000 were chil- 
dren of foreign- 
ers, and 9,000,000 

negroes. Yet all the elements of this enormous population 
had a common set of political traditions and methods, and, 
with few exceptions, held themselves to be Americans and 
devoted only to this country. 

About 43,000,000 Americans lived in the valleys of the Missis- 
sippi and of the Great Lakes. This middle West has come to 

565 



•^ 
B 



^^ SettiedAre* to.1880. *• 

□ Dot8 Bhow re^ioDS settled 
betweep 1860 and 1900 




Settled Area in 1900. 



56G THE NEW REPUBLIC 

liave the most people, the most votes, and the most influence in 
national affairs ; but the East with its seaports and connection 
with Europe, and the far West with its farms, mines, and work- 
shops, are closely united. Even the old sectional feeling be- 
tween North and South seems almost spent, and one American 
race and spirit is developing throughout the broad land. The 
mixture of races is aided by the practice of moving freely from 
state to state. In 1900 14,000,000 persons born within the 
United States were living outside the state of their birth. 
The United States grew from about 400,000 square miles 
. in 1776 to 3,747,000 square miles in 1900 by the following 
additions of territory to the original thirteen states : (1) 
torial ex- the Northwest Territory, in part conquered by General 
pauBion George Rogers Clark in 1778, in part ceded by the treaty 
of 1783 ; (2) the country south of the Ohio River, in part pre- 
viously occupied by the Kentuckians and Tennesseeans, but 
chiefly gained by clever diplomacy in 1782 ; (3) Louisiana, pur- 
chased from France in 1803; (4) Oregon, discovered in 1792, 
explored in 1805, occupied as wild territory in 1811 ; (5) West 
Florida, conquered in 1810-1814 ; (6) East Florida, purchased 
in 1819; (7) Texas, annexed as a state in 1845; (8) New 
Mexico and California, conquered in 1846 and ceded by Mexico 
in 1848 ; (9) the Gadsden Purchase, bought from Mexico in 
1853; (10) Alaska, bought in 1867; (11) the Hawaiian Is- 
lands, annexed by consent in 1898 ; (12) Christmas, Wake, 
Baker, Rowland, Midway, and other islands, earlier discovered 
but added as wild territory in 1898; (13) Porto Rico, Guam, 
and the Philippines, conquered in 1898 ; (14) Tutuila and some 
other small Samoan islands, wild territory confirmed as our sole 
possession in 1899. 

These acquisitions, most of them brought in peacefully, have 
given to the United States a magnificent frontage on the Atlan- 
tic, on the Gulf of Mexico, on the Great Lakes, and on the 
Pacific, with outlying island possessions and naval stations. 




567 



568 THE NEW KKITHLIC 

The United States in 1900 \v;is far the strongest force in 
North America, the leading power in the West Indies, and 
was on the way, through its control of a canal, to dominate 
Central America; while from the Philippines she spoke with 
authority on Asiatic questions. 

Much of the history of the United States is the story of the 
swift occupation of new territories. The English colonists 

489 Recla- ^^^'^^ practically on the seacoast, but during the Revolu- 
mation of tion began the long process of clearing the wilderness 

just beyond the Appalachian ranges, and then of settling 
the country farther west. In 1787 the tide began to push into 
the Northwest. In 1800 Indiana and western Kentucky 
were the frontier; in 1810 the Mississipj)i River; in 1821 
Missouri was admitted into the Union ; in 18o0 the extreme 
limits of settlement were the Missouri River and the lower 
Rio Grande. Already population was working backward from 
the Pacific coast, and by 1890 there was a continuous belt 
of states across the continent. 

The Indian tribes were pushed aside by this onset of back- 
woodsmen. A series of bloody wars, which made both sides 
more ruthless, destroyed the red man's power before 1880, 
though the total number of Indians has not nruch diminished. 
As the wheatfield and cornfield advanced, the forests fell. 
Swamps were drained, roads created, streams bridged, houses 
built, schoolhouses provided. Never has mankind seen such a 
speedy and complete conquest of the wilderness. 

This westward movement was in part an application of one of 
the greatest lessons which America has taught mankind, tlie 

490 Per- I'ig^t of personal liberty, the right of every man and 
Bonal lib- woman to be free from arbitrary arrests, from unfair 

trials, and from unaccustomed punishments; and the 
broader right to move about, to work where one will, to go 
from place to place, and to engage in the trade or business for 
which a man or woman is capable. 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 569 

To four classes of the American population these rights 
have not been freely given: (1) the tribal Indians, not settled 
on separate lands, are treated as a kind of big children; 
(2) the Chinese now in the country are subject to special 
restriction, and no more laborers are allowed to come; (3) 
Filipinos are practically not free to come to the main part of 
the United States, and in their islands are treated much like 
the Indians ; (4) the negroes, for a century and a half held 
in bondage, are still under many practical and some legal 
disabilities. 

The destruction of slavery was a great triumph for human 
freedom ; for slavery was always a denial of the fundamental 
principles of American liberty ; as Emerson says, " If you put 
a chain around the neck of a slave, you bind the other end 
around yourself." Slavery brought on the Civil War in 1861, 
and the Civil War destroyed slavery. 

America has set for the world an example of toleration of 

both political and religious opinions. A man may speak his 

mind on any public question ; he may call his neighbors ^gj intel- 

together in a public meeting ; he may publish his doc- lectual 

. . freedom 

trines in a newspaper; he is not subject to punishment 

for any opinion, unless he urges his friends to break the 

laws. The United States has enjoyed the same freedom in 

religion ; for the first time in the history of the world men 

have been free to preach and practice any form of religion 

which does not interfere with the morals or welfare of the 

community. 

Americans also have had thfe freest opportunity of education. 

The community provided public schools where all children 

might be educated at the expense of the state ; though if any 

one preferred to pay for a private tutor or private school, 

secular or denominational, he might do so. Thus every child 

has had a chance to make the most of himself; and the state 

has found the advantage of bringing up people who know 

hart'8 ambr. hist. — 34 



570 



THE NEW REPUBLIC 





something, wlio can express 
their ideas, and avIio can 
Teason. No other country in 
the world has made such a 
provision of endowed and 
public high schools, colleges, 
universities, and professional 
schools of science, law, medi- 
cine, and other subjects. No 
other country has had so- 
many libraries or such wide- 
spread habits of reading. 
Most of these advantages 
can be enjoyed by women 
on the same terms as men, 
Statue to a Founder of Schools, and the United States is the 
James McDonough, New Orleans. country which has employed 
the largest number of women teachers. 

Among modern nations, the United States is celebrated for 
its use of labor-saving machinery and devices. Americans 
492. tJse of taught the world how to save farm labor, and American 
machinery farm machinery has been used the world over — mowers, 
reapers, and such marvels as the thirty-horse harvester, which 
goes through a field of wheat and delivers the grain ready 
thrashed in bags. 

Machinery has also been employed here for manufactures to 
a greater degree than anywhere else. The willingness of the 
American workmen to accept, use, and even invent new ma- 
chinery is one of the reasons for the prosperity of American 
manufactures. No other nation has made such elaborate use of 
electricity. Electric cars were first introduced into the United 
States ; the telegraph and the telephone are American inven- 
tions; and the telephone has extended into the farms to make 
life brighter in the remotest corners of the country. The use 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 571 



of electric light is widely diffused ; and the water powers of the 
southern and the western mountains light distant cities. 

To America the world owes many forms of commercial 
organization. Railroad business has been revolutionized by 
American cheap steel and American railroad management, ^gg j^g._ 
The average trainload of freight, moved by one engineer, ness organ- 
one fireman, one conductor, and a small train crew, was in 
1900 two or three times as large in America as in Europe. 
The best passenger ti-ains in the world were run on the 
"through routes in the United States. If we only had every- 
where good stations, clean, handsome, and large, we should 
have little to learn from Europe about transportation. 

American trusts, with all their difficulties and dangers, have 
shown a high degree of commercial skill. It is not an easy 
matter to induce a dozen large owners to unite in one company 
with one general manager, but there is sometimes a great saving 
in the expenses of management and of selling goods, in book- 
keeping and the cost of manufacture. 




Thirty-horse HARVKsiiiK. (.Ubuu ou Facitic elope.) 



572 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

Nowhere in the world has there been such a large area of 
rich and productive territory without any artificial barriers 
to trade and intercourse. From end to end of the United 
States there was in 1900 one post-office system, two telegraph 
companies, four large express companies, one system of cur- 
rency, and one general system of transportation of through 
freight and through passenger cars. Neither state nor federal 
government could hinder free trade from one state to another; 
hence business men and commercial travelers moved from one 
end to the other of the land, looking for goods and for cus- 
tomers ; and freight was cheaply shipped wherever there was 
a market. 

For many years the United States was free from the old 
mediaeval idea of a guild controlling a whole trade, limiting 
494 Free- ^^^® number of apprentices, and holding a monopoly of 
dom of employment in that trade. American boys and men have 

been allowed to choose their calling for themselves. The 
American principle is that a man is free to make his own 
contracts with his employer, except that laws may wisely limit 
the hours of labor, regulate child labor, and compel the em- 
ployer to look out for the safety of his workmen. 

On the other hand, for many years the American workman 
has been free to combine with his fellows in trades unions, 
and to strike if he feels like it. As workmen increase and 
employers organize, it is natural for the labor unions to be 
eager to enroll members, because their success depends on 
bringing into one society all the men who can do the work. 
Hence they feel that the nonunion man is acting against 
them ; and in a strike they go so far as to accuse him of steal- 
ing their jobs, and of taking the bread out of their mouths. 

The trades unions up to 1900 habitually made use of 
three devices which caused trouble in every strike: (1) they 
"picketed" the premises of employers, and tried to persuade 
nonunion applicants for work to keep away ; (2) they called 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 573 



out men in "sympathetic strikes" — that is, strikes of men 
who have no grievance of their own, but wish to bring 
pressure to bear in aid of 
their brethren; (3) the 
" boycott " was freely 
used ; for instance, when 
the employees of a street 
railway struck, the strik- 
ers often refused to trade 
with or consort with peo- 
ple who rode on cars 
conducted by nonunion 
men. All these methods 
may be, and sometimes 
have been, used to limit 
the American freedom to 
choose one's own employ- 
ment, and to do business 
where one will. 




A Monument to Labor. 
Designed by Tilden ; San Francisco. 



association 



Americans have a freedom hardly known on the continent 
of Europe, to form societies for any legal purpose. Secret 
fraternities, such as the Masons, the Odd Fellows, and ^g. -, 
the Knights of Pythias, have millions of members. The dom of 

churches are, from one point of view, social organizations 
for common benefits. There are now many regular meetings 
of business men, such as the Bankers' Association and the 
annual conference of manufacturers of bolts and nuts. Simi- 
lar meetings are held by men of science and learning, among 
them the American Association for the Advancement of Sci- 
ence, the American Historical Association, and the National 
Educational Association. Ever since the war patriotic socie- 
ties have thriven, such as the Grand Army of the Repub- 
lic, the Loyal Legion, and the Daughters of the American 
Revolution. Similar societies have been organized in the 



574 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

South, such as the Daughters of the Confederacy. All these 
organizations, extending from state to state, tend to break 
up local boundaries, and to make people feel that they belong 
to one country and have one purpose. 

Business, social, and labor organizations are all good, so far 
as they do not prevent or dwarf the freedom of individual 
effort, which is the touchstone of the wonderful progress of 
our country. The one organization within the United States 
to which everybody belongs, which everybody ought to love 
most, which is supreme over every other society, corporation, 
or union, which comes first, and must be obeyed first, is the 
country itself — the "commonwealth," as expressed through 
the local governments, the state governments, and the national 
government at Washington. 

Perhaps the largest contribution that America has made to 
the world is the proof, for the first time in history, that popular 

496 Ponu- government is possible for a nation of great extent, with 
lar govern- a large population. This success is in part due to some 

of the following peculiarities of our American form of 
government: (1) The breadth of the suffrage, which is based 
upon the idea that if a man has a vote he will think about 
public affairs ; denial of the right to vote, by bribery, force, 
or fraud, is therefore a crime against civilization. (2) Equal 
representation of districts of equal population — a plain, com- 
prehensible method, which keeps people satisfied. (3) Party 
machinery and party politics, which help to keep government 
moving, so long as they are not worshiped for themselves. 
(4) Frequent elections, making it possible to bring public 
opinion to bear in a quick and effective way. 

The part of American government which has been most 

497 Fed- imitated by other countries is our federal system, which 

eral govern- has in various ways shown itself both strong and flexi- 

ment ■, ■, 

ble: — 

(1) The national government has had a well-balanced Con- 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 575 



gress, the best civil service in the country, and judges and 
courts of great dignity and weight. 

(2) Each state has organized itself according to its own con- 
stitution. In practice the state governments are very much 
alike, each possessing an elective gov- 
ernor, a legislature of two houses, and 
judges (usually elective), with power 
to declare statutes void because un- 
constitutional ; and the states furnish 
a good example of the wisdom of leav- 
ing local matters to local authorities, 
which must take the consequences of 
their own mistakes, each for itself. 

The cities have grown so large 
that they often overshadow the states 
which create them; at present they 
have little to teach the world because 
they have not learned to choose their 
officers and carry on their affairs for 
purely municipal purposes; they are 
torn in two by state and national 
party spirit. 

In many ways the treatment of the 
territories by the United States has 
been admirable; but we had in 498. Gov- 
1900 many kinds of dependencies, some of which were 
very hard to manage: (1) the "territories," including 
Hawaii, which have had about as good government as the 
neighboring states; (2) Indian Territory, Alaska, and the 
small Pacific islands, under various kinds of paternal govern- 
ment, directed from "Washington; (3) the Indian reserva- 
tions, under the special wardship of the national government; 

(4) Porto Rico, with a special type of territorial government ; 

(5) the Philippine Islands, which have been subject to special 




Flatiron Building, New 
York, built in 1902. 

Height, 286 feet. 



ernment of 
depend- 
encies 



576 THE xNEW REPUBLIC 

legislation ; the Filipinos have not yet attained the moderate 
self-government provided for Hawaii and Porto Rico. 

These differences and limitations are hard to reconcile with 
the general principles of free and equal popular government. 
Either we must look forward to granting all these dependent 
people as large a degree of self-government as our organized 
territories, or else we must give up the idea that " governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." 



Of what advantage to us has been our study of American His- 
tory? Does it pass simply as a tale that is told, or has it a lesson 
499 Sum- which will help Americans to lead happier lives and to be 
mary : the more useful in their day and generation ? As we follow 
American the story all the way from our seafaring and sea-fighting 
history ancestors, the most important lessons are the three prin- 

ciples which the French Revolution tried to express in the 
republican motto, " Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." 

Equality in the United States means an equal privilege be- 
fore the law for every man, woman, and child. It is the just 
boast of our country that all people who have their own way 
to make enjoy a better chance here, in the United States, than 
anywhere else in the world. 

Liberty means in the United States, not the freedom to do 
whatever one likes, but — with due respect to the rights of 
others — to take part in life as one judges best, to think and 
to act for oneself. That is what has made the great inventors, 
educators, and statesmen : they have worked out their own 
problems. Laws or customs must not deny even to the igno- 
rant child or man the chance to do the best that is in him ; nor 
must they tie the hands of the quick and the able. 

Fraternity xnesins combination; and in the whole liistory of 
America, perhaps the most wonderful thing is the spirit of 
orderly union. Tlie Pilgrims on the Mayffower agreed to act 
together, and to obey the majority ; the patriots of the Revo- 



WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 577 

lution made state and national governments, which could pro- 
vide for the general welfare ; the Federal Convention enlarged 
and strengthened the Union ; the spirit of union saved the 
government from destruction by the Civil War, and has brought 
the two sections together again. 

Liberty, equality, and fraternity are all means to one end 
— the supremacy of law and order as the protector of the 
individual. Perhaps the greatest lesson of American history 
is that the only safe and sure way to bring about changes , 
and reforms is by an appeal to the moral sense of the nation, ' 
by the long course of political discussion, by ballots rather 
than by bullets. As Lincoln put it in his first inaugural : 
" Why should there not be a patient confidence in the works, IT. 
ultimate future of the people. Is there any better or ^^ 

equal hope in the world ? " Ours be Lowell's pledge of patri- 
otism : — 

"O Beautiful! my Country ! . . . 

What were our lives without thee ? Lowell, 

What all our lives to save thee ? Commemo- 

„-,.,, ., ration Ode 

We reck not what we gave thee ; 

We will not dare to doubt thee, 

But ask whatever else, and we will dare 1 " 



TOPICS 

(1) Why do Americans move so freely from state to state ? Suggestive 



(2) Why has the United States grown so rapidly in population ? 

(3) Why have the Indians lost their importance ? (4) Whence 
came the American ideas of personal liberty ? (5) Whence came 
the American ideas of religious toleration ? (6) Whence came 
the American ideas of freedom of opinion and speech ? (7) Why 
do American workmen accept new machinery ? (8) Why is 
American railroad management superior to foreign ? (9) Why 
can not a man contract to make himself a slave ? (10) Why does 
the government come before any religious, social, or business or- 
ganization in its right to the allegiance of Americans ? (11) Why 
is the suffrage so broadly extended in America ? (12) What are 



toiucs 



578 



THE NEW RErUBLIC 



Search 
topics 



the good things about party goveniineiit ? (1.'3) What are the 
defects of party government? (14) Why is city government 
harder to carry on well than state or national government ? 

(16) How many of the people of the United States are of Eng- 
lish, Scotch, or Welsh descent ? (16) Number of children edu- 
cated in private schools. (17) Number of children educated in 
church schools. (18) Picketing in strikes. (19) Sympathetic 
strikes. (20) Use of the boycott by workmen. (21) Use of the 
black list by employers. (22) Limitations on the right of free 
speech. (23) What limitations are there on the suffrage ? 



REFERENCES 



Geogrraphy 

Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



See maps, pp. 561, 567. 

C. D. Wright, Practical Sociology ; James Bryce, American 
Commonwealth ; Alexander Johnston, American Politics ; A. B. 
Hart, Actual Government ; Emlin McClain, Constitutional Laio ; 
F. A. Cleveland, Groxoth of Democracy ; F. J. Goodnow, Politics 
and Administration ; H. A. Hinsdale, American Government ; 
R. L. Ashley, American Federal State. 

Herbert, Why the Solid South 9 ; Riis, Children of the Poor, — 
How the Other Half Lives; Booker Washington, Up from Slavery. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 

At the beginning of the twentieth century the President of 

the United States was William McKinley, who was reelected 

in 1900 over _-. _ . 
500. Presi- 

Bi-yan, by an dentRoose- 
electoral vote ^^ 

of 292 to 155, and 
began his second 
teiin with a prestige 
and influence which 
no President had 
enjoyed for many 
years ; but he was 
shot by an obscure 
assassin and died 
September 14, 1901, 
lamented by all his 
countrymen. He was 
succeeded by Vice- 
President Roosevelt. 
Theodore Roose- 
velt was born in 
New York in 1858, 
of Dutch descent. He graduated from Harvard College in 
1880, and entered politics in the New York legislature in 1883, 
where he distinguished himself as a fighter for cheaper fares 
on the New York elevated roads. Then he raised cattle in 

679 




Copyright, lS$i, ly Pach Bros., N.T. 

Theodore Roosevelt, in 1898. 



r)80 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

North Dakota, and wrote books on open-air life and American 
history. From 1889 to 1895 lie was the leading spirit of the 
National Civil Service Commission. In 1897-1898 he was 
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, but entered the army, and 
was one of the few men who in the Spanish War attracted 
popular attention by military services on laud. His reputation 
in the war practically made him goveruor of New York (1899)5 
and Vice President (1901). Roosevelt's distinguishing quali- 
ties have been the courage to hold and express an opinion, a 
quick resolution and firmness of decision, and uncommon open- 
ness and directness. 

As President, Roosevelt had an opportunity to improve the 
civil service. 84,000 persons were already in the classified 
service, open to competitive examination. In 1904, out 
nal affairs of 271,000 persons in the civil service, 143,000 were 
(1901-1904) classified or subject to examination; 7000 were subject 
to confirmation by the Senate, and 85,000 were country post- 
masters and clerks. President Roosevelt improved the consular 
service and practiced a system of promoting good diplomats 
from one post to another- In the southern states he followed 
the practice of forty years by nominating some colored men to 
office. To an outburst of denunciation from the South, he 
replied in -a public letter that he would not "shut the door of 
opportunity " on the members of the negro i-ace. 

In 1902 a desperate strike of the anthracite coal miners of 
Pennsylvania threatened to leave the eastern states without 
necessary fuel : President Roosevelt came forward as a medi- 
ator, and by consent of both sides appointed a commission 
which settled the strike. He was much aroused on the 
subject of trusts and monopolies, and through the attorney- 
general brought suit under the act of 1890 (§ 462) to prevent 
the " merger," or consolidation, of the Great Northern, 
Northern Pacific, and Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy rail- 
roads ; and the Supreme Court in 1904 held that the mergei 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 



681 



was illegal. A more stringent anti-trust act was passed in 
1903, under which the government may require corporations 
which do an interstate business to submit their accounts to 
the government; for half the evils of trusts and combinations 
can be prevented if the trusts can be made to tell the public 
what they are doing. Toward the Philippines and Cuba 
Roosevelt favored a liberal commercial policy ; and he visited 
with his severe ofl&cial displeasure a few officers convicted of 
torturing or otherwise abusing the Filipinos. 




The Chief Isthmian Canal Routes. 



In 1898 the battleship Oregon was compelled to steam fifteen 
thousand miles from San Francisco to join Sampson's fleet in 
the West Indies ; and this incident again called attention 502. The 
to the need of an isthmian canal. The breakdown of the ^^ caruS 
Panama Company (§ 451) did not leave the field entirely (1899-J908) 
free, for the company still owned the land and the right to 
finish the canal ; but it convinced the people of the United 
States that the only way to get a canal was for the United States 



582 THE NEW REPUBLIC 

to build it. The Nicaragua Canal Company asked Congress to 
take their route otf their hands. As a basis for intelligent 
action, Congress in 1899 authorized a special commission of 
experts, which reported (1900) in favor of the Nicaragua route, 
because they had been unable to come to satisfactory terms with 
the French Panama Company for its holdings on that route 

Since the British government and people during the Span- 
ish War showed the warmest sympathy with the United States, 
and a desire to remove all causes of friction between the two 
English-speaking countries, this seemed a favorable moment 
for disposing of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. By the Hay- 
Pauncefote treaty (November 18, 1901), Great Britain gave 
up fully all claims to any share in the construction or control 
of a canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The United States 
was at last free to construct a canal, and public sentiment 
demanded action. The French company offered to sell its 
property and its rights for $40,000,000, and Congress passed 
an act (June 28, 1902) authorizing the President to accept those 
terms and to complete the canal at Panama ; but if he c6uld 
not secure control of the necessary land strip from Colombia 
" within a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms," he was 
to construct the canal on the Nicaragua route. He therefore ne- 
gotiated a treaty drawn by a representative of Colombia which 
would have given the United States sufficient control over the 
line of the canal ; but Colombia refused to ratify it (September 
14, 1903). A few weeks later an insurrection broke out in 
Panama, a new republic was set up, November 3, 1903, and 
was recognized by the United States, November 6; and on 
February 23, 1904, a treaty with Panama was ratified for the 
construction of the canal. 

After the adjustment of the government of the Philippine 

503. Elec- Islands under Governor William H. Taft in 1903, and 

tion of 

1904 the settlement of the Isthmus question in 1904, both 

political parties bent their energies to the approaching presi- 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 583 

dential election. The canipaigii turned principally upon the 
record of President Roosevelt, who was renominated by the 
Republicans; the main issues being imperialism, the tariff, 
and the relations of the two great parties to the trusts. In 
the election in November, Judge Alton B. Parker of New 
York, the Democratic candidate, carried the "Solid South" 
except Missouri and one elector in Maryland. Roosevelt car- 
ried all the other states in the Union, and had 336 electoral 
votes to 140 for Judge Parker, on a popular plurality of 
about 2,500,000 votes. The Socialist candidate, Eugene V. 
Debs, received 402,000 votes; the People's party candidate, 
Thomas E. Watson, had 118,000 votes; and the Prohibition 
candidate, Silas Swallow, had 259,000 votes. 

The increase of population, and a prosperity which lasted 
steadily after the recovery from the crisis of 1893, led to 
enormous accumulations of wealth by great corpora- 
tions. Even the loss of $ 400,000,000 worth of property nal affairs 
in the San Francisco fire, following a great earthquake 
of April 18, 1906, did not check the general growth of busi- 
ness. In spite of various laws regulating railroads (§§ 460- 
462, 501) it was found difficult to secure convictions for the 
giving of special rates, or rebates from the regular rates, to 
powerful corporations. The President, therefore, urged upon 
Congress an act which was finally passed (June 29, 1906), giv- 
ing larger powers to the Interstate Commerce Commission, 
fixing new penalties for giving special rates to anybody, and 
abolishing passes. 

Public attention having been called to the want of care in 
the preparation of dressed meats, another act (June 30, 1906) 
compelled all manufacturers of meat products intended for 
shipment outside the state in which they are produced, to 
submit to inspection by Federal officials and to mark their 
cans and packages accordingly. On the same day the Pure 
Food Act was passed, prohibiting the transportation from one 



584 THE NEW REl'UBLIC 

state to another of food products, drugs, liquors, etc., unless 
they bear labels sliowing exactly of what ingredients and 
materials they are made. 

The Territory of Oklahoma (§ 454) having become very 
populous, Congress passed an enabling act (1900) for the 
union of Oklahoma and Indian Territory and their admission 
as one state. Oklahoma accordingly became the forty-sixth 
state in the Union in 1907. 

After long debates in Congress, it was decided in 1906 that 
the Isthmian canal should be a lock canal, instead of being 
cut down below sea level ; and in November the President in 
person visited the Isthmus to see for himself the condition of 
the great enterprise. Early the next year Major George W. 
Goethals of the United States army was made chief engineer of 
the canal ; and under tlie management of army officers the work 
was carried on more rapidly than before. 

The destruction of many forests by fires and by lumbermen, 
and the scarcity of public lands available for settlement, were 
by this time matters of grave importance. It was found that 
large tracts had been secured fraudulently by various men and 
corporations ; and suits were begun which restored some of 
them to the public domain. In ]\Iay, 1908, on the President's 
invitation, a conference of state governors and other statesmen 
was held in Washington, to consider means for the conserva- 
tion of our natural resources. The discussions at this and 
later conferences paved the way for important legislation. 

The place of the United States as a great power was dis- 
tinctly set forth when, after more than a year of fighting 

,/«, ^r ,j between Russia and Japan, those two powers accepted 

505. World . 

politics President Roosevelt's suggestion to hold a conference 

* ~ in America, and in September, 1905, made a treaty 

which ended the war. A year later the friendly and peace- 
ful disposition of the United States was shown at a Pan- 
Americau Couference at Rio de Janeiro, at which Elihu 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 585 

Root, Secretary of State, was the leader; and he publicly 
declared that " we neither claim nor desire rights, privi- 
leges, or powers we do not freely concede to every Ameri- 
can republic." Unfortunately the principles of peace and 
good order were not observed in Cuba, where a revolution 
broke out in August, 1906. Inasmuch as the regular govern- 
ment under President Palma could not maintain itself, Wil- 
liam H. Taft, Secretary of War, went to Cuba and tried to 
reconcile the two parties ; as that proved impossible, the 
United States again took control of the country, and ap- 
pointed Charles E. Magoon to act as provisional governor till 
a constitutional government could be reestablished by the 
Cubans. When this was done, the United States withdrew, 
for the second time, in January, 1909. 

The naval power of the United States was made prominent by 
a voyage of sixteen battleships and some smaller vessels around 
the world (1907-1909) — the first voyage of the kind ever 
made by so powerful a fleet. 

In 1908 both the great parties declared in favor of a revision 

of the tariff. William J. Bryan, who ran for the third time 

as the Democratic candidate for President, carried four 

506. Presi* 
far western states m addition to those which voted for dential 

Parker in 1904. William H. Taft, of Ohio, the Republi- Election of 

' ' ^ 19Q8 

can candidate, was elected by 321 electoral votes to 162 for 

Bryan. His popular plurality was about 1,250,000 votes. The 
Socialist candidate, Debs, received about 450,000 votes; the 
Prohibition candidate, Chafin, about 240,000 ; three other can- 
didates less than 150,000 all told. 

The small vote of the Prohibition party does not indicate a 
flagging interest in the cause of temperance. On the contrary, 
in the period 1904-1909 several states, especially in the South, 
were added to the list of those that have state prohibition laws ; 
and in many other states a large proportion of the counties or 
towns voted for prohibition under " local option " laws. 



580 



THE NEW REPUBLIC 



dent Taft 







^Ikj'*^N^^^I 


^B' ¥ 


^ 


l^*^yM^^^^| 




iM 


1_ ^1 


B^Rjir^*.-.vTjiJ 


1^. 




■ 


1 





AVilli;iiii 11. 'I^ift. w:i.s 
fitted for Jiis ollicc by 
507. Presi- wide and varied ex- 
perience both as 
judge and administrator. 
After lii.s remarkable work 
in the Philippines (§ 481), 
he served four years as 
Secretary of War under 
lloosevelt. As President 
he interested himself in 
many of the policies of 
his predecessors, particu- 
larly as to the regulation 
of corporations and trans- 
portation lines, and the 
reform of administrative 
methods. 

The President sum- 
moned Congress in special session, March 15, 1909, to revise 
the tariff as had been promised in the Republican platform of 
1908. After several months' discussion. Congress passed 
(August 5, 1909) the Payne-Aldrich tariff, which reduced 
some duties and somewhat increased others on cotton goods 
and some other imports. To make up for any loss of revenue, 
Congress laid a tax of one per cent on the net earnings of 
corporations above f 5000 per year. In 1910 Congress gave 
permission to New Mexico and Arizona to frame state consti- 
tutions, and in 1912 the admission of these states made the 
number in the Union forty-eight. 

Opposition inside the Republican party came up, partly from 
advocates of a lower tariff, partly from Republicans who thought 
Speaker Cannon unjust and liarsh, and partly from a group of 
western members headed by Senator LaFollette of Wisconsin, 



(lopyrUjM, 11MI8, hy Pack Bros. 

William H. Taft, in 1908. 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 687 

who had been introducing new political methods in their states. 
These members were called by their enemies "Insurgents," and 
called themselves " Progressives." They succeeded (1910 eno mi, 
and 1911) in breaking down the great power of the speaker progressive 
which had lasted nearly a hundred years, and iii driving 
out of j)ublic life some of the old Kepublican leaders. Among 
the Democrats also there appeared Progressives. 

Between the Progressives and the regulars or "Stand-patters " 
there rose a contention over the new question of conservation, 
that is, the saving of forests, mines, water powers, and chances 
for irrigation, for the benefit of the general public. In the 
principle, nearly all public men agreed ; but there were fierce 
quarrels over details. President Taft started prosecutions 
against some of the most powerful trusts and corporations, 
and the Supreme Court held that several of them, includ- 
ing the Standard Oil Company, must break up into separate 
companies. At the instance of President Taft a Court of 
Commerce was created, the powers of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission were made larger, and that commission began to 
regulate the Pullman car company and the express companies. 
In 1912, bills for altering the taritf schedules on woolens, 
steel, and certain other commodities passed both houses of 
Congress but were vetoed by the President. The steady rise 
of prices, not confined to the United States, roused popular 
discontent. 

The movement of the Progressives was transferred to the 
Republican National Convention in 1912, where Theodore 
Roosevelt was a candidate for the nomination against 509. Elec- 
President Taft. Discontent with the old-fashioned polit- *i°"°f ^^^^ 
ical conventions had led in nine states to acts of the legisla- 
tures which set up additional primary elections for delegates 
from those states to the various national conventions. When 
the Republican National Convention met at Chicago, June 18, 
there were many contests between delegates pledged for Taft 



588 



THE NKW REPUBLIC 



and delegates pledged for Koosevelt, from the same states. 
When most of the contests were settled in favor of Taft men 
and Taft was renominated, the Roosevelt men called a conven- 
tion to meet in Chicago, August 5, 1912. They adopted the 
name of Progressive Party, nominated Theodore Roosevelt, and 
adopted a platform for sweeping political and social reform. 

The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, June 25, 1912. 
The principal candidates for nomination were Champ Clark, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Woodrow Wil- 
son, then governor of New Jersey. After seven days' session, 
and forty-six ballots, W^oodrow Wilson was nominated, chiefly 
through the influence of W. J. ]?ryau. 

The resulting election 
was the most exciting for 
many years. Debs, the So- 
cialist candidate, polled 
about 900,000 votes; Cha- 
tin, the Prohibitionist can- 
didate, about 200,000; Taft 
received about 3,500,000 
popular votes, and 8 electo- 
ral votes ; Roosevelt re- 
ceived 4,100,000 popular 
votes and 88 electoral votes ; 
Wilson and Marshall (the 
Democratic candidate for 
Vice President) received 
(),.■ 500,000 popular votes, and 
435 electoral votes, and 
were elected. Both branches 
of the Congress which would sit from 1913 to 1915 had Demo- 
cratic majorities. 

The Democratic party came back to power, for the first time 
since 1897, with a President of a new type- Woodrow Wilson, 




WoODUoW WlI.SON, IN IIU'J. 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 589 

born in 1856, was a graduate of Princeton (1879). He studied 

law and practiced for a sliort time, and then served as .,„ „ 

^ ... «10. Presi- 

professor of history and politics in several colleges ; dent Wilson 

(1913-1917) 

he was president of Princeton University from 1902 ^ 

to 1910. Then elected reform governor of New Jersey by 
the Democrats, he showed such strong qualities that he 
loomed up as a presidential candidate. He was the author of 
several books on American government and brought to his 
task as President a knowledge of the history and politics of 
his country, remarkable ability as a writer and speaker, and a 
high degree of political wisdom. 

As soon as President Wilson was inaugurated (March 4, 
1913) he called Congress in special session. Under Oscar W. 
Underwood, of Alabama, the Democratic leader of the House 
of Representatives, a new tariff was framed (October 3, 1913), 
commonly known as the Underwood Tariff. This act simpli- 
fied the methods of calculating duties, and considerably re- 
duced the average rate of duty. It also provided for an 
income tax, as the growing needs of the national government 
called for larger revenue. This had been made possible by 
the adoption of the Sixteenth Amendment (February 25, 1913). 
A few weeks later a Seventeenth Amendment also was ratified, 
under which United States Senators thenceforward had to be 
chosen by direct popular vote. 

Another change in political methods was rapidly coming 
about through the movement for woman suffrage. By 1917 
suffrage had been granted on equal terms to women and men 
in ten Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain states, in Kansas, 
and in New York, and a movement was on foot to secure a 
constitutional amendment making the system national. 

The Owen-Glass Federal Reserve Act provided for a new 
organization of the banking system throughout the country 
(December 23, 1913). Twelve central banks were established, 
under the control of a central board and district boards, and 



590 TIIK NKW i;i:imhlk: 

iiujst of the t'onnur uiitiuuul banks canu' under the new system. 
Congress then bent its energies to tlie furtlier regulation of 
trusts (§§ 4(J2, 501, o07), and for this purpose passed the Clay- 
ton Act (October 15, 1914). IJy another act (September 20; 
Congress, under strong pressure from the President, created a 
Federal Trade Commission, to prevent "unfair methods of 
competition in commerce."* It was intended to legulate other 
large corporations in much the same way as the Interst<ite 
Commerce ('ommission controls railroads. 



In the twentieth century we have had to deal witli two great 
proLlems : the power of the American government over Amer- 
511. it^an business, and the relations of the American republic 

ummary ^vith foreign nations. The most striking ])ersonality' was 
President Theodore Koosevelt (1901-1909). He apjdied him- 
self especially to improving tlie mutual relations of the busi- 
ness, laboring, and i;onsuming classes. lie pushed for the 
control of trusts through legislation and through the courts. 
He also cleared the way for an American canal across the 
Isthmus of Panama. 

Koosevelt was reelected President in 1904, and put ])ressure 
on ('ongress to pass important ads on interstate commerce 
and food. A revolution in Cuba led to the occupation of that 
re])ublic by American tro(jps ; but when a Cuban government 
was reestal)lished the Cnited States withdrew. 

Presideiit Taft, elected in 190S, lollowed the lines of his 
j)redecessor on railroads and combinations. He ap])roved the 
Payne-Aldrich tariff of 1909. Dissensions broke out in the 
Republican party, and the Progressives in 1912 sujjported 
Roosevelt against Taft, who was renominated by the Repub- 
licans hut was defeated in the election by Woodrow "Wilson. 

President Wilson had great influence on Congress, and tcjok 
large responsibility for the Underwood tariff of 191.'^, a new 
banking system, and furtlier regulation of trusts. 



THE TWIONTIKTII CENTURY 



591 



TOPICS 

(1) AVliat were the qualiticatioiis of Roosevelt? (2) How did Suggestive 
he regard the Civil Service ? (8) Why did he settle the miners" topics 
strike? (4) What action was taken against trusts ? (5) How did 
the United States come into control of the Panama canal area ? 
(6) What were the issues in the election of 1904 ? (7) What acts 
were passed in 1906 for regulating business ? (8) What were the 
issues of the presidential campaign of 1908 ? (9) What was 
President Taffs policy toward business ? (10) What were the 
Progressive Republicans ? (11) What were the issues of the ])resi- 
dential campaign of 1912 ? (12) What was President Wilson's 
internal policy ? (13) What changes were made in the federal 
Constitution ? (14) What acts were passed under Wilson for the 
control of business ? 

(15) Roosevelt's military experience. (16) The Korthern Se- Search 
curities Case. (17) Colombia's protest at the canal policy. (18) topics 
What was the need of additional regulation of business? (19) 
How could Congress tax corporations ? (20) How was the " rule 
of reason" applied by the Supreme Court? (21) What was the 
issue between the Progressives and the Republicans ? (22) Why 
was the Seventeenth Amendment accepted ? (23) What changes 
were made in the National 13ank system ? 



REFERENCES 

See maps pp. 561, 567, iiSl. Hart, Wall Majis of American His- Geography 
(0*7/, Nos. 18-23. 

Latan6, America as a World Power, chs. xii, xviii ; F. A. Ogg, Secondary 
National Progress, chs. i, xii, xiv, xvii ; C. A. Beard, Contempo- authorities 
rary American History, 1877-1913, chs. x-xiii ; Herbert Croly, 
Promise of American Life; W.B. Munro, Initiative, Referendum, 
and Recall; Edward Stanwood, History of the Presidency; 
McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government (his- 
torical articles) ; E. E. Robinson and V. J. West, Foreign Policy 
of Woodrow Wilson. 

Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography ; W. H. Taft, Our Chief Sources 
Magistrate and his Powers; H. J. Ford, Woodrow Wilson; A. B. 
liart (ed.). Selected Addresses and Public Papers of Woodroio 
Wilson; American Year Book, years 1910-1918; International 
Year Book. 



rHAPTEii xxxyii 

THE GREAT WAR (1914-1918) 

When, in 1911', several JJalkan states united to make war on 

and defeat Turkey, the contest seemed very remote from the 

512 World United States. Hardly any one realized that within two 

relations years it would lead to a world war. Just at that time 
(1913-1915) ,,,..-... • , 1 -1 

the attention oi Americans was occupied by civil wars in 

Mexico, in which three leaders — Huerta, Carranza, and ^'illa 

— fought with one another. 

In Ai)ril, 1914, an insult to the American flag led President 
Wilson to send a military ex})edition which occupied the Mexi- 
can i)ort of Vera Cruz for half a year. The three leading 
South American states, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, called the 
" A. 11 C. Powers," heljjed to restore good relations, and Car- 
ranza took control of the greater part of Mexico. 

Villa then (Alarch, 1910) had the boldness to cross the 
boundary and attack the American town of Columbus. The 
President sent an American force under General Pershing into 
Mexico in the vain hope of capturing Villa, and our soldiers 
remained for nearly a year. In the numerous Mexican revo- 
lutions and insurrections large amounts of American property 
were destroyed and many American citizens were killed. 

The power and influence of the United States reached into 
the Caribbean Sea, where in addition to Cuba and Panama 
(§§ 502, 505), Santo Domingo, Nicaragua, and Haiti were 
induced to place themselves under the protection of the United 
States. The long desired Virgin Islands were jmrchased 
from Denmark (1916) for twenty-five million dollars. 

On, the other side of the world, the Ignited States was also 
deeply interested. The Filijiinos jtressed for independence; 
and an Act of Congress (August 29, 1916) promised it "as 
soon as a stable government can be established." In China 

592 



THE GREAT WAR 593 

the ancient empire fell in 1912 and was followed by a republic. 
President ^\"ilson set up the policy of refusing to follow 
" dollar diplomacy " — that is, he would not use the influence 
of the government over China to secure loans and investments. 
However, the President gave his consent (November 2, 1917) 
to an agreement with Japan which recognized that she had a 
right to look after the eastern coast of Asia, very much as the 
United States looks after Latin America under the Monroe 
Doctrine (§ 471). 

August 1, 1914, is a memorable date, for it was the first day 
of the Great War which lasted without a break till November, 
1918. Germany claimed that England, France, and 513. Out- 
Russia, who had formed an alliance commonly called the ^ ^ +°^ 
Triple Entente, brought on the war to ruin Germany. (1914) 

We now have complete evidence that the real cause was the 
determination of Germany to dominate the Balkan states as 
well as Turkey, and thus control a through line of communica- 
tion, commonly called the " Berlin to Bagdad Railway." Ger- 
many was therefore deeply interested in the result of the Balkan 
War (§ 512). In 1914 she was ready for war. Besides se- 
curing control of the Balkans, her plan included the smashing 
of France and of Russia and, if necessary, of England ; and 
the German leaders intended to annex Belgium and many of 
the French colonies and later many of the British. 

For this war Germany had for many years been preparing a 
great army and navy and immense quantities of munitions of 
war ; and had planted agents and trading houses in all parts 
of the world. Before the war broke out a band of secret 
agents and plotters was sent to the United States with millions 
of dollars to organize the German-Americans if possible, buy 
up newspapers and munition plants, and carry on plans 
which included the destruction of property and murder. 
Austria-Hungary was induced to become the partner and the 
puppet of Germany. On the pretext of the assassination of 



r)r»4 TIIH NKW KKl'lUMC 

tlie lieir to the Austrian tlir()ne, she dt'clared war un Serliia; 
and when liussia made ready to aid Serbia, Germany began the 
Great War by attacking Kussia and France. Within a few 
months, first Turkey and then J^ulgaria joined the two " Central 
Powers " of Germany and Austria. Japan, Italy, and about fif- 
teen small nations in Kurojie, Asia, Africa, and Central and 
South America eventually took the side of the Entente 
" Allies." 

in order to attack Paris I'rom a frontier that was not forti- 
fied, the Germans at once invaded Jielgium, crontrary to a 
solemn treaty which the German chancellor called " a scrap of 
paper." The brave l^elgians, however, delayed the invaders 
till a French and Jiritish army saved Paris and thrust the Ger- 
mans back in the terrible battle of the Marne (September). 

From then till near the end of the war the " western fnmt" 
was an intrenched line pushed l)ac'kward and forward in I^el- 
giuiu and northern France. On the eastern front the Russians 
for some time held their own; Imt the Central Powers con- 
(picred Russian Poland and Serl»ia in 1915, crushed Koumania 
in 1916, and invaded northern Italy in 1917. The Russian em- 
pire went to pieces, and fell largely under German control. 

These German victories were partly offset by the success of 
the Allies in conquering all the German colonies in Africa and 
the Pacific Islands, wdiile strong forces, chiefly of British 
Indian troops, ca])tured the Turkish provinces of JNIesopotamia 
and Palestine. Furthermore, the (Termans were, from the be- 
giiniing, beaten at sea. Their merchant ships were driven 
from the open ocean. Their navy Avas Imdly defeated in the 
battle of Jutland. Still, u]) to 1917, neither party seemed 
able to force the other to make peace. 

The government of the United States to(»k the ground that 
it must be neutral in tins war, as it had ])een in every one of 
the various JMiropean wars since 1814 (S 2.S9). Hundreds of 
thousands of citizens of the warring powers were living in 



THE (iREAT WAR 



595 



the United States, and most of them at first sympathized with 
their native countries. However, the conditions of the 514. Amer- 
war made equal treatment of the two sides impossible. ^°^^ • tif' 

6SX 111 t;ll6 

The Germans shocked even the German-Americans by war 

their policy of " frightfulness," which meant that in ]>elgium 
and wherever else German occupation or power extended, they 
terrorized, robbed, and even made bond-servants of the non- 
fighting population. They supported the Turks in awful 
massacres of the Armenians. 

The Germans were furious over the trade in munitions of 
war from the United States, because the British by their com- 
mand of the sea could prevent those supplies from reaching 
Germany, while the Germans could not stop the flow to the 
Allies. Hence (February, 1915) the Germans began to use sub- 
marine warshij)S to sink any Allied merchant vessels that tried 




A rtUBMAItINK 

to reach Great Britain through a belt of the open sea which 
they called a " war zone." They also warned neutral vessels to 
keep out of that zone. This policy reached its climax May 7, 
1915, when the great British merchant ship Lusitania was 
torpedoed and sunk, and 114 Americans were drowned, 
because the Germans did not give the non-combatant crew and 
passengers the ()])portunity to save their lives, to which they 



r>9(i THE M;\V KKri'HLIC 

were entitled l)_v intcniatioiuil Jaw. I'lesideut Wilson strongly 
protested, and tlie (iernians, after torpedoing several other 
ships with Americans on board, reluctantly agreed to cease 
sinking passenger ships without warning. 

All this time the (Germans were making a secret war on the 
United States through tlic (ierman and Austrian embassies in 
Washington, the consulates, and thousands of secret agents, 
spies, and assistants. They supported newspapers, circulated 
pro-German pamphlets, forged passports and ship's papers, 
fomented strikes, tried to arrange for blowing up the Welland 
Canal in Canada ; and on a German vessel which was lying in 
an American jjort, set up a factory of boml)s intended to sink 
ships at sea. Some German officials were convicted and sent 
to jail. Dumba, the Austrian ambassador, and several mem- 
bers of the German legation, were detected in such offenses, 
and exi)elled from the country which they so ill treated. 

The United States was also greatly interested in several 

internal questions. The method of direct votes commonly 

515. Poll- called the initiative and referendum advanced through 

elections ^'"' ''"""^0' :""• ''>' 1-*1" ^I'^l reached about half the 
(1914-1917) states. An intelligeMce (jualifi cation for immigrants was 
made law over President Wilson's v(^to (1917) ; and a law was 
l)assed by ('ongress limiting cliild labor. A great railroad 
strike was threatened in 191 G and finally prevented by the 
Adamson l»ill which made concessions to the workers and was 
urged uj)()n Congress l)y the President. (Jicat pressure was 
])iit upon Congress to make military prej>arations, and acts 
were passed for a Council of National Defense and for greater 
control of merchant shipping by the federal government. 

Progressive , and Republican national conventions were held 
in Chicago during the same week in June, 1916. The Kepul)- 
licans declined to take Roosevelt and the Progressives would 
nominate nobody else. In the end the Republicans nominated 
Charles E. Hughes, former governor of New York and a 



THE (JKEAT WAR 597 

Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, who was 
supported by Roosevelt. Woodrow Wilson was renominated 
by the Democrats at St. Louis without opposition. 

In the campaign one argument for Wilson was, " He kept us 
out of war " ; but Hughes also did not then urge war. The 
election was the closest since 1876 (§ 422). Wilson had 276 
electoral votes and Hughes received 255. The popular vote 
was over 9,000,000 foi Wilson, 8,500,000 for Hughes, and 
750,000 for the Socialist candidate ; while the Democrats re- 
newed their control of both House and Senate for 1917. 

The decision for war between the United States and Ger- 
many was finally made by the (lermans when (February, 1917) 
they deliberately returned to their policy of sinking sjg jjjg 
merchant ships without warning (§514), — not only United 

allied ships but neutral ships as well. Meanwhile Great tersthewar 
Britain had adopted a rigorous system of control or cap- (1917) 

ture of all shipments to neutral neighbors of Germany ; but 
most of the captured American cargoes were paid for by the 
British government at high rates. The Germans meant to 
push the war to a finish. They were determined to use their 
control of western Russia and Roumania to exploit those coun- 
tries and make them dependencies. They were anxious to end 
the war and count up their profits. They expected to ruin 
England by destroying the ships carrying food and munitions. 

The challenge was accepted by the United States. When 
Ambassador Bernstorff made known the German decision to 
use the submarines to destroy American commerce, the Presi- 
dent announced that in that case we must suspend diplomatic 
relations with Germany, and Bernstorff was sent home (Feb- 
ruary 3, 1917). By April 2, 1917, eight American ships had 
been torpedoed and the President came before Congress and 
declared that war was necessary. On April 6, a formal declara- 
tion was adopted, that war existed by the act of Germany. 

The war preparations were carried out under Secretary of 



598 11 1 1". m:\v h kit 1 5 Lie 

War Uakt'iaiul Secretary <•{' the Navy Daniels, in close contact 
with the President. A naval force was promptly sent to 
Europe, commanded by Admiral Sims. Thousands of Ameri- 
cans had already eidisted in Canadian, French, and Jiritish 
units. Hundreds of thousands more volunteered for the Amer- 
ican army. On May 18 an act was passed, under pressure from 
the White House, for raising a great national army l)y " selec- 
tive conscription " of men between twenty-one and thirty-one 
years of age. l^efore the war was over, the limits were extended 
to include men between eighteen and forty-six years. 

In the war preparations party lines were forgotten ; J)emo- 

crats and Republicans supported the sweeping measures put 

forward by the President. Among them were an Espionage 

- Act (May 10), which included large powers over foreign 

ning the trade ; a Food Act (August 10), under which the Food 

War 

Administrator, Herbert C. Hoover, issued orders for 

limiting the C()nsumi)tion of wheat and other foodstuffs. The 
same act gave the right to fix the ])rices and distribution of 
coal, and, if necessary, to operate the mines. To save food. 
Congress provided for stopping the use of grain in making 
liquor ; then for temporary prohibition ; and it also sulv 
mitted a prohibition amendment to the constitution, which 
was ratified by the states in 1919, 

To meet the financial needs of the government, a war rev- 
enue act was passed which included very high taxes on 
incomes and on "excess profits." Also large sums were bor- 
rowed from the peo])le by the sale of Lil»ertv Bonds. \\'ithin 
eighteen months about 17 thousand million dollars was secured 
in this way, of which about 7 thousand million was advanced 
to the Allies for purchasing supplies in this country. 

The purpose of all this energy and expense was to render 
aid to the Allies, especially Great Britain, France, and Italy, 
who were very hard pushed on the western front. The vast 
stores of food, supplies, and munitions which the United 



THE (iHKAT WAK 



599 



/^^ 

^f^^ 



States poured into Euiojic ciiwhlcd them to liold their sj^rouiid 
for a year after tae Tnited State's declared war. Meanwhile 
enormous eamps were Iniilt in various parts of the United 
States, otHeers' schools were established, and new branches of 
the service were pushed. In June, 1917, 
the first detachment of American troops 
landed in France. The first brush with 
the Germans was the fight at Seicheprey, 
near Verdun, early in 19l8. 

From March to July, 1918, the Germans 
made a last terrilic drive in northern France, 
and by the end of May were within strik- 
ing distance of Paris. At Chateau-Thierry 
the Americans had their first big light 
with the Germans and showed magnihc^nt 
lighting qualities. Slowly, by the com- 
bined efforts of all the armies, including 
1,750,000 Americans then in France, tlie 
Germans were driven back, till they asked 
for terms of peace. On November 11, 
1918, they signed an armistice which was 
a confession of absolute defeat by land and sea. The German 
Emperor fled to Holland and the German Empire collapsed. 
Bulgaria in the meantime had been conquered, Turkey was 
totally disabled, the Italians in the last days of the fighting 
crushed the Austrian army on their soil, and the Austro- 
Hungarian Empire broke to pieces. 

The vast American host with much of its material of war 

was carried across the ocean by convoys of transports so well 

protected by men-of-war and submarine destroyers that 518. Pre- 

not one man in a thousand was lost on the way. It was li^^iiiaries 
,,.,,. . of peace 

this host of men and vast quantities of supplies, coming (1919) 

all the time, that Anally broke the hopes of the Germans, and 

compelled them to accept humiliating terms of peace. 




American Soldier 
Using Gas Mask 



(iUO 'I'llK NKW IJKrri'.LlC 

.laniuiry H, lUlS, President Wilsdii litid down iourteeii jKjiiits 
essential tor a permanent jx'ace, and in sul)se((uent addresses 
he added other ])oints. Tlie Germans in their re<]uest tor 
peace declared that they accepted all these points, and in the 
armistice of November 11 they agreed to withdraw their armies 
from all invaded countries, surrender many guns, railroad rolling 
stock, and practically their whole navy, admit Allied garrisons 
into western Germany, give up Alsace-Lorraine, and refrain 
from acts of destruction of property, looting of provisions and 
goods, and violence to non-combatants in the regions which 
they were evacuating. 

The expected Peace Conference assembled in Paris, in Jan- 
uary, 1919. President Wilson, whose bases for peace had been 
accepted in substance by both sides, headed the American 
delegation to Paris ; and there in })erson supported a great 
scheme of a League of Nations which should make future wars 
impossible. 



APPENDIX A 

BRIEF LIST OF BOOKS 

These books, obtainable at moderate cost, are well adapted for con- 
stant use on the teacher's desk. At least one work out of each of the 
five groups should be available for pupils* use. 

I. Methods and Materials 

American Historical Association, Committee of Seven, The Study of 

History in Schools. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1899.) 
Bourne, H. E., The Teaching of History and Civics in the Elementary 

and the Secondary School. (N.Y. Longmans. 1902.) 
Channing, E., Hart, A. B., and Turner, F. J., Guide to the Study and 

Reading of American History. (Boston. Ginn. 1914.) 
New England History Teachers' Association, A History Syllabus 

for Secondary Schools. (Boston. Heath. 1904. Part IV., on 

American History, sold separately.) 
New England History Teachers' Association, Historical Sources m 

Schools. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1902'.) 

II. Collections of Sources 

Caldwell, H. V., Survey of American History. (Chicago. Ains- 

worth. 1900.) 
Hart, A. B., ed., American History told by Contemporaries. (4 vols. 

N.Y. Macmillan. 1897-1901.) 
Hart, A. B., and Channing, Edward, eds., American History Leaflets. 

(36 nos. N.Y. Simmons. 1892-1907.) 
Hart, A. B., ed., American Patriots and Statesmen. (5 vols. N.Y- 

Collier's. 1916.) 
Hart, A. B., ed., Source-Book of American History. (N.Y. Mac- 
millan. 1900.) 
Hill, Mabel, ed.. Liberty Documents, with Contemporary Exposition 

and Critical Comments. (N.Y. Longmans. 1901.) 
MacDonald, W., Documentary Source Book of American History. 

(N.Y. Macmillan. 1908.) 



Ari'KNDIX A 



III. Hi(ii:i llisToiUKS 



Ba.s.sc'tl, J. S., Short llidory of the. U idled Stales. (N.Y. Macmillan. 

1913.) 
Channing, Edward, Students' History of the United States. (3d. ed., 

rev., 1914. N.Y, Macinillaii.) 
Sparks, E. E., The United Stateti of A mcnca. (2 vols. N.Y. Putnama. 

1904.) 

IV. Short Series of Histories 

Epochs of American History. (3 vols., rev. eds. about 1914. N.Y. 

Longmans.) 
Home University Library of Modern Knowledge. (N.Y. Henry 
Holt & Co.) 5 selected vols., namely: 

I. Andrews, CM., The Colonial Period. (1912.) 
II. Smith, T. C, The Wars between England and America. (1914.) 

III. MacDonald, W., From Jefferson to Lincoln. (1913.) 

IV. Paxson, F. L., The American Civil War. (1911.) 
V. Haworth, P. L., Reconstruction and Union. (1912.) 

The Riverside History of the United States. (4 voLs. Bostftn. 
Houghton Mifflin. 1915.) 
I. Becker, C. L., Beginning.'! of the American People. 
II. Johnson, A., Union and Democracy. 

III. Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict. 

IV. Paxson, F. L., The New Nation. 

A Short History of Ike Armricati People. (2 vols. N.Y. Am. 
Book Co.) 
I. Greene, E. B., The Foundations of American Nntionatity. (In 

preparation.) 
II. Fish, C. R., The Development of American Nationality. (1913.) 

V. Biographies 

American Cru^^s Biographies. (15 vols. Phila. Jacobs. 1907- 

1914.) 
American Slnte.sincn. (31 vols, and ailditioiial vols. Boston. 

Houghton Mifflui, 1907-1914.) 
Beacon Biographies. (31 vols. Boston. Small, Maynard. 1899- 

1901.) 
Riverside Biographical Series. (14 vols. Boston. Houghton Mifflin. 

1900-1902.) 



APPENDIX B 



GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(Titles marked with an asterisk denote books especially desirable for a school 
library, besides those mentioned in the Brief List.) 

Adams, C. F., Charles Francis Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
Adams, C. F., Three Episodes of Massachusetts Histo7-y. 2 vols. Bost. 
1892. 

* Adams, Henry, History of the United States during the Administrations 

of Jefferson and Madison. 9 vols. N.Y. 1889-1891. 
Adams, Henry, John Randolph (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
Allen, Walter, Ulysses S. Grant (Riverside). Bost. 1901. 

* American Annual Cyclopaedia, IS61-187 5. 15 vols. N.Y. 1862-1876. 
Ames, H. V., ed.. State Documents on Federal Relations. Nos. 1-4. 

Phil. 1900-1902. 
Ammen, Daniel, The Atlantic Coast (Navy in Civil War). N.Y. 188;>. 
Andrews, C. M., Colonial SelfGovernment {A.vi\Gr.^sX\on). N.Y. 1904. 
Appletons'' Annual Cyclopa;dia, 1876-. N.Y. 1877-. 
Arber, Edward, ed.. Story of the Pilgrim Fathers. Lond. 1807. 
Babcock, K. C, Rise of American Nationality (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 
Bancroft, Frederic, William H. Seward. 2 vols. N.Y. 1900. 
Bancroft, George, History of the Formation of the Constitution. 2 vols. 

N.Y. 1882. 
Bancroft, George, History of the United States. Bost. 10 vols. 1834- 

1874. 
Barnes, James, David G. Farragut (Beacon). Bost. 1899. 
Bassett, J. E., Federalist System (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 

* Bigelow, John, Samuel J. Tilden. 2 vols. N.Y. 1895. 
Birney, William, James G. Birney. N.Y. 1890. 

Botume, E. H., First Days amongst the Contrabands. Bost. 1893. 

Bourinot, J. G., Story of Canada. N.Y. 1896. 

Bourne, E. G., Spain in America (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. 

Bowne, E. S., A GirVs Life Eighty Years Ago. N.Y. 1887. 

Brady, C. T., Stephen Decatur (Beacon). Bost. 1900. 

*Brigham, A. P., Geographic Influences in American History. Bost. 

1903. 
Brooks, E. S., Story of our War icith Spain. Bost. 1899. 
Brooks, Noah, Short Studies in Party Politics. N.Y. 1895. 

* Brooks, Noah, Washington in Lincoln'' s Time. N.Y. 1895. 

* Brown, W. G., ^Hdreio JacA:so« (Riverside). Bost. 1900. 
Brown, W. G., The Lower South in American History. N.Y. 1902. 
Brown, W. G., Stephen Arnold Douglas (Riverside). Bost. 1902. 
Browne, W. H., George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert (Makers of Amer.). 

N.Y. 1890. 

* Bruce, Henry. General Houston (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1891. 
Bruce, Henry, General Oglethorpe (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1890. 



iv APPENDIX B 

Bruce, P. A., Economic History of Virginia. 2 vols. N.Y. 1896. 

* Bryant and Uay, Popular History of the United States. 5 vols. N.Y. 

1878-1898. 
Burton, Richard, John Greenlenf Whittier (Beacon). Bost. 1901. 
*Ca.\Ae,G. W., Creoles of Louisiana. N.Y. 1884. 
Cable, G. W., Negro Question. N.Y. 1890. 
Cairnes, J. E., Slace Power. N.Y. 1862. 

Caldwell, H. W., ed., American Territoriol Development. Chic. 1900. 
Caldwell, H. W., ed., Great American Legislators. Chic. 1900. 
Caldwell, H. VV., ed., Survey of American History. Chic. 1900. 
Callahan, J. M., Cuba and International Relations. Bait. 1899. 
•Cambridge Modern History. (Vol. VII. The United States.) N.Y. 

1903. 
Carpenter, E. J., American Advance. N.Y. 1903. 
•Carpenter, ¥. B., Six Months at the Uliite House. N.Y. 1866. 
Century Co., Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 4 vols. N.Y. 1888- 

1889. 
♦Chadwick, F. E., Causes of the Civil War (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 
Chamberlain, N. H., Samuel Sewall. Bost. 1897. 
Chamberlin, J. E., John Brown (Beacon). Bost. 1899. 
♦Channing, Edward, Jeffersonian System (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 
♦Channing, Edward, Town and County Government in the English 

Colonies. Bait. 1884. 
Chesnutt, C. W., Frederick Douglass (Beacon). Bost. 1899. 
Cheyney, E. P., European Background (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. 
Cist, H. M., Army of the Cumberland (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 

1882. 
Colby, C. W., ed., Selections from the Sources of English History. 

Lond. 1899. 
Conant, C. A., ^Zea;a«(?cr //ami7«o?i (Riverside). Bost. 1901. 
Coppee, Henry, frenera? TTiojnas (Great Commandei-s). N.Y. 1893, 
Cox, J. D., Atlanta (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. 
Cox, J. D., March to the Sea (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. 

* Curtis, G. T., Constitutional History of the United States. 2 vols. 

N.Y. 1889-1896. 
♦Dana, C. A., Recollections of the Civil War. N.Y. 1898. 
Dana, R. H., Jr., Two Years before the Mast. Various eds. 
Davies, H. E., General Sheridan (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1895. 
Dawes, A. L., Charles Sumner (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1892. 

* Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the United States (Amer. Citizen). 

N.Y. 1903. 
Doubleday, Abner, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg (Campaigns of Civil 

War). N.Y. 1882. 
Douglass, Frederick, Life and Times. Rev. ed. Bost. 1893. 

* Doyle, J. A., English Colonies in America. 3 vols. pub. N.Y. 1889. 
Du Bose, J. W., Life of William Lowndes Yancey. Birm., Ala. 1892. 
♦Dunning, W. A., Civil War and Reconstruction. N.Y. 1898. 
Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 



GENERAL BIBLIOGKArilY V 

Eggleston and Seelye, Tecumseh and the Shmonee Prophet. N.Y. 1878. 
*Egg[esion, Edwanl, Beginners of a Nation. N.Y. IB'Jti. 

* Eggleston, P^dward, Transit of Civilization. N.Y. 1901. 
Eggleston, G. C, American War Ballads. 2 vols. N.Y. 1889. 

* Eggleston, G. C, A BebeVs Becollections. N.Y. 1878. 
Elliott, S. B., Sam Houston (Beacon). Bost. 1900. 

E\son,H.W., Side Lights on American History. 2 vols, N.Y. 1899-1900. 
Farrand, L., Basis of American History (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. 
Fiske, John, American Bevolution. 2 vols. Bost. 1891. 

* Fiske, John, Beginnings of New England. Bost. 1889. 

* Fiske, John, Critical Period of American History. Bost. 1888. 

* Fiske, John, Z)isco?7er?/ o/ America. 2 vols, Bost. 1892. 

* Fiske, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies. 2 vols. Bost. 1899. 
Fiske, John, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War. Bost. 1900. 
Fiske, John, JVeiv France and New England. Bost. 1902, 

* Fiske, John, Old Virginia and her Neighbours. 2 vols, Bost. 1897. 
Fithian, P, V., Journal and Letters, 1767-1774. Princeton, 1900. 
Force, M. F., From Fort Henry to Corinth (Campaigns of Civil War). 

N.Y. 1881. 
Force, M. F., General Sherman (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1899. 
Ford, P. L., The Many-sided Franklin. N.Y. 1899. 
*Ford, P. L., The True George Washington. Phil. 1902. 
Ford, W. C, National Problems (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 
Foster, J. W., American Diplomacy in the Orient. Bost. 1903. 

* Foster, J. W., Century of American Diplomacy. Bost. 1900. 

* Frothingham, R., Bise of the Bepublic of the United States. Bost. 1872, 
Garrison, G. P., Texas (Amer. Commonwealths). Bost. 1903. 
Garrison, G. P., Westward Extension (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 

Gay, S. H., James Madison (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
Gilman, D. C, James Monroe (Amei". Statesmen). Bost. 1900, 
Gordy, J. P., History of Political Parties in the United States. 2 vols. 

pub. N.Y. 1900-1902, 
Goss, W. L., Becollections of a Private. N.Y. 1891. 
Gould, A. B., Louis Agassiz (Beacon). Bost, 1901, 
Grant, Anne, Memoirs of an American Lady. Albany. 1876. 

* Grant, U. S., Persona/ iJfemojVs. 2 vols. N.Y. 1885-1886. 
Graydon, Alexander, Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed in Pennsylvania. 

Harrisburg. 1811. 
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Greene, F. V., General Greene (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1893. 
Greene, F. V., The Mississippi (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. 

* Greene, G,W., Historical View of the American Bevolution. Bost, 1865. 
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Hale, E. E>, Jr., James Bussell Lowell (Beacon). Bost. 1899, 
Hapgood, Hutchins, Paul Jones (Riverside). Bost, 1901. 

Hapgood, Norman, Abraham Lincoln. N.Y, 1899. 

Hapgood, Norman, Daniel Webster (Beacon). Bost. 1899, 

*Hart, A. B., Foundations of American Foreign Policy. N.Y. 1901. 



Vi ATPENDIX B 

Hart, A. B., Pnictiral Essitijs on Aincriran Govrrnmcnt. N.Y. 1803. 
Hart, A. H., ShIiudh J'nrtlaitd Cluise (Aiiier. Statesmen). B(jst. 19(J(). 
Hart, A. B., Slavery and Aholition (Ainer. Nation). N. V. 

* Hart, A. B., ed., Source Readers in American History. 4 vols. N.Y, 

190-2-1903. 

* Hart, A. B., ed.. The American Nation; a History from Original 

Sources by Associated Scholars. 28 vols. N.Y. 1904- Voiimies 
sold separately, and mentioned in this book by the names of ilie 
authors. 

Helper, H. R., Impending Crisis. N.Y. 1857. 

Herbert, II. A., Why the Solid South ? Bait. 1890. 

Higginson, T. W., Ariyiy Life in a Black Regiment. Newed. Bost. 1882. 

Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers. Bost. 1877. 

Higginson, T. W., Francis Higginson (Makers of Anier.). N.Y. 1801 

♦Higginson, T. AV., Larger Histoi-y of the United States. N.Y. 188rf. 

Hinsdale, B. A., Old Northwest. N.Y. 1888. 

Hodges, George. William Penn (Riverside). Bost. 1901. 

Hollis, I. N., llie Frigate " Constitution.'" Bost. 1900. 

Hoist, Hermann von, John C. Calhoun (Amer. Statesmen). Best 1900. 

Hosmer, J. K., Appeal to Arms (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 

Hosmer, J. K., Louisiana Purchase. N.Y. 1902. 

Hosmer, J. K., Mississippi Valley. Bost. 1901. 

Hosmer, J. K., Outcome of the Civil War (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 

Hosmer, J. K., Samuel Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 

Hosmer, J. K., Thomas Hutchinson. Bost. 1890. 

* Houston, D. F., Nulli^/ication in South Carolina. N.Y. 1896. 
Hovey, Carl, Stonewall Jackson (Beacon). Bost. 1900. 

Howard, G.E., Preliminaries of the Revolution (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1905. 
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Humphreys, A. A., From Gettysburg to the Rapidan (Campaigns of Civil 

War). N.Y. 1883. 
Humphreys, A. A., Virginia Campaign of ''64 and ''65 (Campaigns of 

Civil War). N.Y, 1883. 

* Hunt, Gaillard, ,/rtmes 3/adjson. N.Y. 1902. 

Johnson, B. T., General Washington (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1894. 
*Joiinston, Alexander, ^mer/cara Orrtijons. 4 vols. Rev. ed. N.Y. ISJKi- 

1897. 
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Amer.). N.Y. 1892. 
♦Landon, J. S., Constitutional History and Government of the United 

States. Rev, ed. Bost. 1900. 
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1894-1901. 
Latan6, J. H., America the World Power (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 



GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY VII 

* Latane, J. H., Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish 

America. Bait. 1900. 
Lecky, W. E. H., American Revolution (ed. J. A. Woodbuni). N. Y. 1898. 
Lee, Fitzhugh, General Lee (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1894. 
Lighton, W. R., Lewis and Clark (Riverside). Bost. 1901. 
Linn, W. A., Horace Greeley. N.Y. 1903. 
Linn, W. A., Story of the Mormons. N.Y. 1902. 

* Locke, M.S., Anti-Slavery in America, 1619-1808. Bost. 1901. 

* Lodge, H. C, Alexander Hamilton (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 

* Lodge, H. C, Daniel Webster (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 

* Lodge, li.C, George Washington {Am&v.^tdX&smQn). 2 vols. Bost. 1900. 
Lodge, H. C, Story of the Revolution. 2 vols. N.Y. 1898. Also new 

ed., in 1 vol., 1903. 
Longstreet, James, From Manassas to Appomattox. Phil. 1896. 
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Pt. i. Oxford. 1901. 
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*UcCv&AY,YA^2i\x\, History of South Carolina. 4 vols. N.Y. 1897-1902. 
McCulloch, Hugh, Men and Measures of Half a Century. N.Y. 1888. 
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McDougall, M. G., Fugitive Slaves. Bost. 1891. 
McLaughlin, A. C, Confederation and Constitution (Amer. Nation). 

N.Y. 1905. 
McLaughlin, A. C, Leviis Cass (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
*Maclay, E. S., History of American Privateers. N.Y. 1899. 
Ma.c\Ay,'E.S., History of the United States Navy. 3 vols. N.Y. 1901-1902. 
*McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States from the 

Revolution to the Civil War. 5 vols. pub. N.Y. 1883-. 
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U?ih&n, A.T., War of 1812. Bo.st. 1905. 
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Mathes, J. H., General Forrest (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1902. 
Matthews, Brander, Poems of American Patriotism. N.Y. 1882, 
*May, S. J., Ayitislavery Conflict. Bost. 1869. 
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Michie, P. S., General McClellan (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1901. 

* Moore, Frank, Diary of the American Revolution. 2 vols. N.Y. 1860. 
More, P. E., Benjamin Franklin (Riverside). Bost. 1900. 

* Morse, J. T., Alexa7ider Hamilton. 2 vols. Bost. 1876. 
Morse, J. T., Benjamin Franklin (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 

* Morse, J. T., John Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
Morse, J. T., John Quincy Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 



Viu APPENDIX B 

* Morse, J. T., rAomas Jp/Teraon (Ainer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 
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1881. 
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* Old South Leaflets. General series. 150 nos. pub. Bost. 1888-. 
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* Page, T. N., The Old South. N.Y. 1802. 

Palfrey, F. W., Antietam and Fredericksburg (Campaigns of Civil War). 

N.Y. 1882. 
Vans, Comte de, History of the Civil War. 4 vols. Phil. 1875-1888. 
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Parkman, Francis, Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV. 

Bost. 1877. 

* Parkman, Francis, i/a//-Ce«<«ry o/ C'oji.^jcf. 2 vols. Bost. 1892. 
•Parkman, Francis, The Jesuits in North America. Bost. 1867. 
♦Parkman, Francis, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. Rev. 

ed. Bost. 1887. 
♦Parkman, Francis, Montcalm and Wolfe. 2 vols. Bost. 1884. 
Parkman, Francis, Old Rcfjime in Canada. Rev. ed. Bost. 1895. 
Parkman, Francis, Oregon Trail. Rev. ed. Bost. 1802. 
Parkman, Francis, Pioneers of France in the New World. Rev. ed. 

Bost. 1887. 
Parton, James, General Jackson (Great Commanders). N.Y. 189.3. 
Paxson, F. L., Independence of the South American Republics. Phil. 

1903. 
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189.3-1000. 
Peck, C. H., Jacksonian Epoch. N.Y. 1890. 
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Pennypacker, I. R. , General Meade (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1901. 
Phillips, U. B., Georgia and State Rights. Wash. 1902. 
♦Pike, J. S., Prostrate State. N.Y. 1874. 
Pond, G. E., Shenandoah Valley in 1864 (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 

1883. 
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*Qmncy, Jos'\a,h, Figures of the Pa.1t. Bost. 1883. 
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Reddavvay, W. F., The Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Eng. 1898. 
♦Rhodes, J. F.,if<.s«or?/ of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. 

5 vols. pub. N.Y. 1893-. 
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♦Roosevelt, Theodore, irt«n<H^ o/</ie JFt'sf. 4 vols. N.Y. 1889-1896. 



GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY IX 

Ropes, J. C, Army ttnder Pope (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1881. 

* Ropes, J. C, Story of the Civil War. 2 vols. N.Y. 1894-1898. 
Royce, Josiah, California (Anier. Commonwealths). Bost. 1886. 

* Sanborn, F. B., Life and Letters of John Broion. Bost. 1885. 
Sanborn, F. B., Balph Waldo Emerson (Beacon). Bost. 1901. 
Sanborn, J. B., Congressional Aid of liailways. Madison. 1899. 
Sato, Sliosuki, History of the Land Question. Bait. 1886. 

* Schouler, James, History of the United States under the Constitution. 

6 vols. Rev. ed. N.Y. 1895-1899. 
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*Schurz, Carl, Henry Clay (Amer. Statesmen), 2 vols. Bost. 1900. 
Schwab, J. C, Confederate States: a Financial and Industrial History. 

N.Y. 1901. 

* Scudder, H. E., Men and Manners in America One Hundred Years 

Ago. N.Y. 1876. 
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1898. 
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*Semple, E. C, American History and its Geographic Conditions. Bost. 

1903. 
Sewall, Samuel, Diary, 1674-1729. 3 vols. Bost. 1878-1882. (Mass. 

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Shaler, N. S., Kentucky. Bost. 1885. 
Shaler, N. S. , Nature and Man in America. N.Y. 1891. 
Shaler, N. S., ed., United States of America. 2 vols. N.Y. 1894. 
Sharpless, Isaac, Quaker Government in Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Phil. 

1898-1899. 

* Shelton, J. de F., Salt-Box House. N.Y. 1901. 

Shepard, E. M., Martin Van Buren (Amer, Statesmen). Bost. 1900. 

* Sherman, W. T,, 3/emoirs. 2 vols. Rev. ed. N.Y. 1886. 
*^\ehQ\%\Y.ll., Underground Railroad. N.Y. 1898. 

*Smedes, S. D., Memorials of a Southern Planter. 4th ed. N.Y. 1890. 
Smith, T. C, Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest. N.Y. 

1897. 
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Soley, J. R., The Blockade and the Cruisers (Navy in Civil War). N.Y. 

1883. 

* Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People. Chic. 1900, 

* Sparks, E. E., Men who made the Nation. N.Y. 1901. 
Spring, L. W., Kansas (Amer. Commonwealths). Bost. 1885. 
Stanwood, Edward, American Tariff Controversies. 2 vols. Bost. 1903. 
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Stockton, F. R., Buccaneers and Pirates of our Coasts. N.Y. 1898. 
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Straus, O. S., Boger Williams. N.Y. 1894. 

•Sumner, W. G., Alexaiider Hamilton (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1890. 



X Al'l'KNDlX I{ 

Sumner, \V. (i., Andrnn Jur/csuu (Anier. Statesmen). Bost. IfHtO. 
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* Thayer, ,1. B., John Marshall (Riverside). Bost. 1001. 
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*Thwaites, R. G., Danid Boone. N.Y. 1902. 

'nwvdiWes,, \{. G., Father Marquette. N.Y. 1902. 

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Titlierhigton, R. H., Spanish- American War of 1898. N.Y. 1900. 

* Trent, W. P., Robert E. Lee (Beacon). Bost. 1899. 

Trevelyan, G. O., American lievolution. 2 pts. pub. N.Y. 1899-190.3. 
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* Tyler, M. C, Literary History of the American Bcvolulion. 2 vols. 

N.Y. 1897. 
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* Washington, B T., Up from Slavery. N.Y. 1901. 

Webb, A. S., The Peninsula (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1881. 

* Weeden, W. B., Economic and Social History of New England. 2 vols. 

Bost. 1891. 

* Wendell, Barrett, Cotton Mather (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1891. 
Wilkeson, Frank, Recollections of a Private Soldier. N.Y. 1887, 
Wilson, J. G., General Grant (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1897. 

* WUson.Woodrow, History of the American People. 6 vols. N.Y 1902. 
Winsor, Justin, Cartier to Frontenac. Bost. 1894. 

* Winsor, Justin, Christopher Columbus. Bost. 1891. 
Win.sor, Justin, Mississippi Basin. Bost. 1895. 

* Winsor, Justin, ed.. Narrative and Critical History of America. 8 vols. 

Bost. 188G-1889. 

* Winsor, Justin, Westward Movement. Bost. 1897. 

Winthrop, John, The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. 
2 vols Bost. 1825-1826. Corrected edition, 185;}. 

* Wister, Owen, Ulysses S. Grant (heacon). Bost. 1900. 
Woolman, John, .Taurnal. Various editions. 

Wright, C. I)., Oiilliiie of J'rarfical Soci.,,lngy (Amer. Citizens). NY. 

1H!I!». 
Wright, M. J., General Soft (Great Comniandi-i-s). N.Y. 1894. 



APPENDIX C 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

(Agreed to, July 4, 1776) 
[From a facsimile of the original parchment] 

In Coxgress, July 4, 1776 

the unanimous declaration of the thirteen united 
states of america 



}fn in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people 
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and 
to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect 
to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which 
impel them to the separation. — We hold these truths to be self-evident, that 
all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- 
tain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit 
of Happiness. — That to secure these rights. Governments are instituted among 
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. — That when- 
ever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right 
of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, lay- 
ing its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, 
as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Pru- 
dence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be 
changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath 
shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, 
than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- 
tomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably 
the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it 
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide 
new Guards for their future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance 
of these Colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter 
their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of 
Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in 
direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. 
To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. — He has refused his 
Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. — He 
has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing impor- 



xii APPENDIX C 

taiice, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained ; 
and when so suspended, he has utterly ne}|;lected to attend to thi-m. — He has 
refused to pass otlier Laws for the aeeonimodation of large districts of people, 
unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legis- 
lature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. — He has 
called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant 
from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into compliance with his measures. — He has dissolved Representative 
Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the 
rights of the people. — He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, 
to cause others to be elected ; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of 
Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise ; the State 
remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from with- 
out, and convulsions within. — He has endeavoured to prevent the population 
of these States ; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of 
Foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and 
raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. — He has obstructed 
the Administration of .Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing 
Judiciary powers. — He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the 
tenure of their othces, and tlie amount and payment of their salaries. — He has 
erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to har- 
rass our people, and eat out their substance. — He has kept among us, in times 
of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures. — He has 
affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil 
power. — He has combined with otliers to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign 
to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to 
their Acts of pretended Legislation : — For quartering large bodies of armed 
troops among us : — For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for 
any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: — 
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world : — For imposing Taxes 
on us without our Consent: — For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits 
of Trial by Jury: — For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended 
offences: — For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring 
Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its 
Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for intro- 
ducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: — For taking away our 
Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the 
Forms of our Governments : — For suspending our own Legislatures, and declar- 
ing themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all (;ases whatsoever. — 
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and 
waging War against us. — He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, 
burnt our towns, and destroyed the Lives of our people. — He is at this time 
transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of 
death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty 
&perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy 
the Head of a civilized nation. — He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken 
Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the 
executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE xiii 

Hands. — He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- 
deavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian 
Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of 
all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these Oppressions We have 
Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is 
thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler 
of a free people. Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their 
legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have re- 
miniled them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. 
We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have con- 
jured them by the ties of our common kindred to disaivow these usurpations, 
which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They 
toohavebeendeaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, there- 
fore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, 
as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. — 

Wit, ttjtrcfjrf, the Representatives of the uniteo States of America, in General 
Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the 
rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good 
People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United 
Colonies arc, and of Right ought to be, JFrtf anU Unntpentifnt States ; that they are 
Ab.solved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political con- 
nection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally 
dissolved ; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to 
levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do 
all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. — And 
for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of 
divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes 
and our sacred Honor. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

[Signatures of representatives of the thirteen States, afi^ed August 2, 1776.] 



APPENDIX D 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA (1787) » 

(SnBMiTTKD Skpt. 17, 1787; in force April 30, 1789.) 

[The followiii-j loxt of tlic Federal Constitution, incliKliiig the Amendments 
thereto, is reprinted with tlie iiccompanyinL^ notes from Amencati History 
Leaflets, No. 8, for which the original parchment rolls were compared.] 

Wk thk Pkoplk of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, 
establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common 
defence, promote the {leneral Welfare, and .secure the Blessings of Liberty 
to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordaiu and establish this CONSTITUTION 
for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE. I. 

Section. 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a 
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
Representatives. 

Section. 2. [§ 1.] The House of Representatives .shall be composed of Mem- 
bers chosen every second Year by the People of the .several States, and the 
Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of 
the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. 

[§ 2.] No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the 
Age of twenty live Years, and l)een .seven Years a Citizen of the United Slates, 
and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he 
shall be chosen. 

[§ .'5.] Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several States which may be included within tliis Union, according tn their 
respective Numbers, [which shall be determined by adding to the whole 
Number of free Persons.] 2 including those Ijound to Service for a Term of 
Years, and e.xcluding Indians not taxed, [three fifths of all other Persons] .3 
The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the tir.st 
Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent 

' TUeie is no titk- in tlio original manuscript. 
- Modified l)y Koiirtrenth ArnendnK'Tit. 
^ Siiperst'ded by Foin-tcentli Aineiiduieut. 

xiv 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES XV 

Term of ton Years, in such JNIaniier as lln'.y shall by I-aw direct. The Niiinher 
of Representalives shall not exceed oue for every thirty Thousand, but each 
Stata shall liave at Least one Represeutative; [and until suidi enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, 
Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecti- 
cut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, 
Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and 
Georgia three.] ^ 

[§ 4.] When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, tlie 
Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. 

[§ 5.] The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other 
Officers ; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. 

Section. 3. [§ 1.] The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two 
Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; 
and each Senator shall have one Vote. 

[§ 2.] Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first 
Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The 
Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of 
the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, 
and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Y'"ear, so that one third 
may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, 
or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive 
thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the 
Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. 

[§ 3.] No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age 
of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who 
shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be 
chosen. 

[§ 4.] The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the 
Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. 

[§ 5.] The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro 
tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the 
Office of President of the United States. 

[§ 6.] The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When 
sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the 
President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And 
no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the 
Members present. 

[§ 7.] Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to 
removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of 
honor. Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall 
nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punish- 
ment, according to Law. 

Section. 4. [§ 1.] The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for 
Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legis- 
lature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such 
Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators. 
1 Temporary clause. 



XVI APPENDIX D 

[§ 2.] Thp Congrpss shall assemble at least onre in pvory Year, and such 
Meeting shall he on the tiist Monday in Deieniber, unless they shall by I^iw 
appoint a different Day. 

Section. 5. [§ 1.] Each House shall he the Judge of the Elections, Returns 
and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall consti- 
tute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day 
to day, and may be authorized to compel the atieiidanee of absent Members 
in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. 

[§ 2.] Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its 
Members for Disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, 
expel a Member. 

[§ ."}.] Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to 
time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require 
Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any. 
question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the 
Journal. 

[§ 4.] Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the 
Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place 
than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Section. 6. [§ 1.] The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Com- 
pensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the 
Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony 
and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest duriug their Attendance 
at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from 
the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be 
questioned in any other Place. 

[§ 2.] No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he 
was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United 
States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have 
been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the 
United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in 
Office. 

Section. 7. [§ 1.] All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House 
of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments 
as on other Bills. 

[§ 2.] Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and 
the Senate, shall, before it become a Iaw, be presented to the President of the 
United States ; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with 
his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter 
the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If 
after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the 
Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by 
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that 
House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses 
shall be determined by yens and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting 
for and against the Bill siiall be entered on the Journal of each House respec- 
tively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days 
(Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xvii 

be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their 
Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. 

[§ 3.] Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question 
of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and 
before the same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disap- 
proved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case 
of a Bin. 

Section. 8. The Congress shall have Power [§ 1.] To lay and collect Taxes, 
Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common 
Defence and general Welfare of the United States ; but all Duties, Imposts 
and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 

[§ 2.J To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; 

[§ 3.] To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several 
States, and with the Indian Tribes ; 

[§ 4.] To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws 
on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States ; 

[§ 5.] To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and 
fix the Standard of Weights and Measures ; 

[§ 6.] To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and 
current Coin of the United States ; 

[§ 7.] To establish Post Offices and post Roads ; 

[§ 8.] To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for 
limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective 
Writings and Discoveries ; 

[§ 9.] To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court ; 

[§ 10.] To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high 
Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations ; 

[§ 11.] To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make 
Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water ; 

[§ 12.] To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to 
that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years ; 

[§ 13.] To provide and maintain a Navy ; 

[§ 14.] To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and 
naval Forces ; 

[§ 15.] To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the 
Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions ; 

[§ 16.] To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, 
and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of 
the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of 
the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the disci- 
pline prescribed by Congress ; 

[§ 17.] To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such 
District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular 
States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government 
of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased 
by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for 



xviii APPENDIX D 

the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yarcls, and other needful 
}iiiil(linp;s; — And 

[§ !«.] To nial<e all Laws which shall he necessary and proper for carryint; 
into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this 
Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department 
or Officer thereof. 

Section. 9. [§ 1.] [The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of 
the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited 
by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but 
a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars 
for each Person.] i 

[§ 2.] The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, 
unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. 

[§ 3.] No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. ^ 

[§ 4.] No Capitation, or other direct. Tax shall be laid, unless in Propor- 
tion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 

[§ 5.] No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. 

[§ G.] No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or 
Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels 
bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in 
another. 

[§ 7.] No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of 
Appropriations made by Law ; and a regular Statement and Account of the 
Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time 
to time. 

[§ 8.] No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no 
Person holding any Otlice of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the 
Consent of the Congress, accept of any present. Emolument, Office, or Title, of 
any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.s 

Section. 10. [§ 1.] No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Con- 
federation ; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal ; coin Money ; emit Bills 
of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of 
Debts ; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the 
Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. 

[§ 2.] No State shall, without the Con.sent of the Congress, lay any Imposts 
or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and 
Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the 
Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the 
Revision and Controul of the Congress. 

[§ 3.] No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of 
Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any 
Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or 
engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will 
not admit of delay .^ 

' Temporary provision. * Extended by the first eight Amendments. 

• Kxtendeil by Niiitli and Tenth Amendments. 

* Extended by Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Auiendiueuts. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xix 



ARTICLE. II. 

Skction. 1. [§ 1.] The executive Power shall he vested in a President of the 
United States of America. He shall hold liis Ottice during the Term of four 
Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be 
elected, as follows 

[§ 2.] Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof 
may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators 
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but 
no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit 
under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. 

[The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for 
two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same 
State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted 
for, and of the Number of Votes for each ; which List they shall sign and 
certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United 
States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate 
shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all 
the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the 
greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Major- 
ity of the whole Number of Electors appointed ; and if there be more than 
one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the 
House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for 
President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the live highest oa 
the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the Pie.sident. But iu 
chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation 
from each State having one Vote ; A quorum for this Purpose >hall consist of 
a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majoiuty of all 
the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of 
the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Elec- 
tors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more 
who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice 
President.] i 

[§ .3.] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and 
the Day on which they shall give their Votes ; which Day shall be the same 
throughout the United States. 

[§ 4.] No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United 
States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
the Office of President ; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who 
shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen 
Years a Resident within the United States. 

[§ 5.] In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, 
Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, 
the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law 
provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of 
the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as 

' SMDersedeil by Twelfth AuieuJuieat. 



XX APPENDIX D 

President, and sncli Officer sliall act ac'cordingly, until the Disability ho 
removed, or a President siiall be elected. 

[§ a.] The President shall, at slated Times, receive for his .Services, a Com- 
pensation, which shall neither be eiicreased nor diminished during the Period 
for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that 
Period any other Eiuolunieut from the United States, or any of them. 

[§ 7.] Before he enter ou the E.xecutiou of his Office, he shall take the fol- 
lowing Oath or Affirmation : — 

*' I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of 
"President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, 
"protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." 

Section. 2. [§ 1.] The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army 
and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when 
called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opin- 
ion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the e.xecutive Departments, 
upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he 
shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the 
United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. 

[§ 2.] He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the 
Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; 
and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, 
shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the 
supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appoint- 
ments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established 
by Law : but the Congress may by I-aw vest the Appointment of such inferior 
Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, 
or in the Heads of Departments. 

[§ 3.] The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may 
happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall 
expire at the End of their next Session. 

Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information 
of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Meas- 
ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary 
Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagree- 
ment between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may 
adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper: he shall receive Am- 
bassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be 
faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United 
States. 

Section. 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the 
United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Con- 
viction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE. III. 

Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one 
supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time 
to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xxi 

Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated 
Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be dimin- 
ished during their Continuance in Office. 

Section. 2. [§ 1.] The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law 
and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, 
and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority; — to all 
Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls; — to all 
Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which 
the United States shall be a Party; — to Controversies between two or more 
States; — between a State and Citizens of another State ;i — between Citizens 
of different States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands 
under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, 
and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. 

[§ 2.] In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Con- 
suls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have 
original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme 
Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such 
Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. 

[§ 3.] The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by 
Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall 
have been committed ; but wheu not committed within any State, the Trial 
shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. 

Section. 3. [§ 1.] Treason against the United States, shall consist only in 
levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid 
and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testi- 
mony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. 

[§ 2.] The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, 
but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture 
except during the Life of the Person attainted. 

AKTICLE. IV. 

Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the pub- 
lic Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the 
Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, 
Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. 

Section. 2. [§ 1.] The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privi- 
leges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. ^ 

[§ 2.] A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, 
who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand 
of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, 
to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 

[§ 3-] [No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regula- 
tion therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered 
up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.] 3 

* Limited by Eleventh Amendment. ^ Extended by Fourteenth Amendment. 

' Superseded by Thirteenth Amendment so far as it relates to slaves. 



XXll Ari'KNDIX I) 

Section. 3. [§ 1.] New States may be ariinittcfl by the Conciress into this 
('iiioii; but no new State shall he formed or erecteti within the Jurisdirtion of 
any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more 
States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States 
concerned as well as of the Congress. 

[§ 2.] The Congress shall have Power to di.spose of and make all needful 
Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to 
the United States; and nothing in this Constitution sliall ho so construed as to 
Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State. 

Skction. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union 
a Republican Form of Government, anrl shall protect each of them against 
Invasion; and on .Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when 
the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence. 



ARTICLE. V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, 
shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the 
legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for 
proposing .Amendments, which, in either Case, shall \w valid to all Intents and 
Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratitie<l by the Legislatures of 
three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; 
Provided [that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One 
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and 
fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first .Article; and] i that no State, 
without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 



ARTICLE. VI. 

[§ 1.] All Dehts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the 
Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States 
under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 2 

[§ 2.] This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall 
be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be 
made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme 
I.aw of the Land ; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, 
any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwith- 
standing. 

[§ 3.] The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members 
of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both 
of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or 
Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be 
required as a Qualilication to any Otlice or public Trust under the United 
States. 

' 'I>m|iorarv provision. 

' Kxtendeil by Fourteenth Amendment, Section 4. 



COI^STITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xxiii 

ARTICLE. VII. 

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be suflScient for the 
Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. 



[Note of the draughtsman as 
to interlineations in the text of 
the manuscript.] 

Attest 

William Jaokbon. 



Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent 
of the States present the Seventeenth Day of Sep- 
tember in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance 
of the United States of America the Twelfth In 
Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our 



names. 
Secretary. q^ WA8HINGT0N- 

Presidt aiid deputy from Virginia. 
[Signatures of members of the Convention.] 1 



[AMENDMENTS.] 

ARTICLES in addition to and Amendment of the Constitution of the 
United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legis- 
latures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original 
Constitution.2 

[ARTICLE I.] 3 

Congress shaH make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of 
the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
the Government for a redress of grievances. 

[ARTICLE II.] 

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the 
right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. 

[ARTICLE III .J 

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the 
consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed 
by law. 

[ARTICLE IV.] 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and 
no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or 
affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the 
persons or things to be seized. 

' These signatures have no other legal force than that of attestation. 

2 This heading appears only in the joint resolution submitting the first ten amendments. 

3 In the original manuscripts the first twelve amendments have no numbers. 



Xxiv APPENDIX 1) 



[ARTICLE v.] 

No person sliall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous 
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases 
arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service 
in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject lor the same 
offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in 
any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be 
taken for public use, without just compensation. 

[ARTICLE VI.] 

In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and i^ause of the accusa- 
tion ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of 
Counsel for his defence. 

[ARTICLE VII.] 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a 
jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than 
according to the rules of the common law. 

[ARTICLE VIII.] 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel 
and unusual punishments inflicted. 

[ARTICLE IX.] 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be con- 
strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

[ARTICLE X.] - 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the 
people. 1 

[ARTICLE XL] 2 

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to 
any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United 
States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign 

State. 

' Amendments First to TimiIIi apprar to have been In force from Nov. 8, 1791. 
* Proclaimed to l>c in force .Jan. 8, 179s. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES XXV 

[ARTICLE XII.] 1 

The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for 
President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhab- 
itant of the same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the 
person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as 
Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as 
President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number 
of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed 
to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President 
of the Senate; — The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes 
shall then be counted ; — The person having the greatest number of votes for 
President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then 
from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list 
of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose 
immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one 
vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to 
a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President 
whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day 
of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in 
the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. — The 
person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the 
Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest num- 
bers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the 
purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a 
majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person 
constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of 
Vice-President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII.2 

Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punish- 
ment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist 
within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec- 
tion 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 

ARTICLE XIV.3 

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject 
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State 

1 Proclaimed to be in force Sept. 2.5, 1804. 

2 Proclaimed to be in force Dec. 18, 1865. Bears the unnecessary approval of the 
President. 

* Proclaimed to be in force July 38, 1868. 



xxvi appp:ndix d 

wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall 
abridge the privileges or innnunities of citizens of the United States; nor 
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal 
protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States 
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons 
in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at 
any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the 
United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive ami Judicial ofticers 
of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any>of the 
male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens 
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in 
rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced 
in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the 
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. 

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, 
or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any oflSce, civil or military, 
under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an 
oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a 
member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial ofticer of any 
State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in 
insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the 
enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, 
remove such disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, atithorized 
by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for 
services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt 
or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United 
States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such 
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate 
legislation, the provisions of this article. 

ARTICLE XV.l 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be 
denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. — 

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- 
priate legislation. — 

ARTICLE XVI.- 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from 
whatever source derived, witiiout apiiortionmciil among the several States, 
and without regard to any <'ensus or enumeration. 

^ Proclaimed to be in force Mar. 80, 1870. » rroclaiuied to be In force Feb. 26, 1918. 



CO^STITUTIUA- OF TJIH U^^ilTEJ) STATKS xxvii 

ARTICLE XVIH 

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from 
each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years ; and each Senator 
shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications 
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures. 

When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, 
the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such 
vacancies: Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the 
executive thereof to make temporary appointments imtil the people fill the 
vacancies by election as the legislature may direct. 

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term 
of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution. 

ARTICLE XVIII 2 

Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manu- 
facture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importa- 
ti(jn thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all 
territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for .beverage purposes is hereby 
prohibited. 

Section 2. The Congress and the several States shall have concurrent 
power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 

Section 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been 
ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of the 
several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the 
date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress. 

' Proclaimed to he in force May .31, 191.3. 

2 Ratified by the necessary number of States January 16, 1919. 



APPENDIX E 

rROCLA.MATlOX OF KMAXCII'ATIOX 
(Jamakv 1, 1S6:5) 

[From the facsimile in Xicuiay and Hiiy, Ahrahain Lincoln, A History, VI, 422.] 

m THE PRESIDENT OF THE UXITED STATES OF AMERICA: 

.1 Proclam lion. 

Whereas, on the twenty second day of Septemlior, in tlie year of our Lord 
one thousand eit^ht hundred and sixty two, a prochiniation was issued l)y the 
President of tlie United States, containing, among other things, the following, 
to wit : 

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or 
designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then he in reliellion against 
the L^nited States, shall he then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the 
Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval 
authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, 
and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any 
efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

"That the Executive will, on the first day of .January aforesaid, by procla- 
mation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people 
thereof, respectively, shall then i^e in rebellion against the L^nited States ; and 
the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day lie, in good 
faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen 
tliereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State 
shall have participated, shall, in the aliscnce of strong countervailing testi- 
mony, l)e deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, 
arc not then in rcliellion against the Ihiited States." 

Now, therefore I, .\braham Lincoln, President of the United States, by 
virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-cliief. of the .\rmy and 
Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against [the] 
auliiorily anil government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary 
war measure for sui)i)ressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of .Linuary, 
in the year of oiu" Lord iin(> thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and in 

xxviii 



PEOCLAMATTOX OF EArAXCirATION xxix 

at'cordanrc with my piiri)i).se so Id do puhlicly proclaimed for tin- full period 
of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and desig- 
nate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, 
are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit : 

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaque- 
mines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, 
Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City 
of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South-Carolina, 
North-Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty eight counties designated as 
West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, 
Elizabeth-City, York, Princess, Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of 
Norfolk & Portsmouth) ; and which excepted parts are, for the present, left 
precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and 
declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and 
parts of States, are, and henceforward shall he free ; and that the Executive 
government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities 
thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from 
all violence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to them that, 
in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condi- 
tion, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison 
forts, positions, stations and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in 
said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by 
the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment 
of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of 
the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the 
[l.s.] year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and 
of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty- 
seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln 

By the President; William H. Seward, Secretary of State 



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INDEX 



Diacritic marks : 3 as lo late ; i a» In /at ; u as in far ; & as In care ; & as In hut ; a as 
In fall ; e, eli as in cask, c/iasm ; f as in ice ; e as in me ; e as in met, herry \ g as in eeil ; 
6 as in <«;•«/ ; g as in gem ; g as in ^o ; i as in tin ; i as in police ; n, the Ki-eiicli nasal ; 
fl as in note \ 6 as in not ; 6 as in son ; 6 as in for ; o as in rfo ; § as in ueicn ; fli as in the ; 
a as in tune; u as in »t«/; h as in r«rf< (=o); u as in full; u= French u; y'as in wiy. 
Single Italic letters are silent. 



Abolitionists, 298, 347-351. 

in election of 1844, 358. 

underground railroad, 873, 378. 
AcaMia, 00, 125, 128, 129. 
Acts of Trade, 103; nee Navigation Acts. 
Adauis, Charles Francis, 440, 460. 
Adams. Henry, 530. 
Adams, John, biography, 254, 255. 

Constitution, 218. 

Declaration of Independence, 157, 153. 

defends British soldiers, 142. 

on democracy, 226. 

President, 2r>4-259, 263. 

Vice President, 235, 246. 
Adams, John Quincy, President, 310-313, 
830, 3:12. 

representative in Congress, 811, 349. 

Secretary of State, 306, 308, 301. 
Adams, Samuel, 155, 156, 144, 145, 149, 151. 
Agamen'ticus, 60. 
Agriculture, tiee Farming. 
A-gwi-naldo, 553, 554, 556. 557, 558. 
A/.\-la-<;ha-peU6', treaty of, 127. 
Al-a-bii'ma, 298, 301, 406, .xxx. 
Alabama, 439 ; claims, 505, 506. 
Al'a-mance, battle of, 144. 
A'la-mo, 3;31. 
Alaska, iiurchased, 499. 
Al'ba-ny (al'-), settled, 67. 
Albany Congress, 128. 
Al'be-marle settlement, 84. 
Al'ger, Kussell A., 5bi. 
AI-gon'()uin Indians, 27, 66. 
Alien and Sedition acts, 256, 257. 
Al'le-f'hg-ny Uiver, 127. 
Allen, Ethan, 153. 
Al-Wu-^e', Father Claude Jean, 69. 
Al-ta-ma-ha' (al) River, IDS. 
Am'u-das, Philip, 40. 
Amendmenis to federal Constitution, 237, 

2-MH. 2.V.», 492, 49."., 503, 609, 688. 
America, origin of name, 35. 



American party, 388. 

American system, of Clay, 29T. 

Amnesty, 467, 494, 504. 

Anajsthesia, discovery of, 429. 

.\ narehists, 586. 

Anderson, Major Robert, 405, 411, 414. 

An'dersonville jirison, 473. 

An'dru, Major John, 177. 

.\n'dros. Sir Kduiiind, S7, 88. 

.\nnap'olis (Md.) Convention, 206. 

Annapolis, N.S., 00, 122. 

.\n't//o-ny, Susan B., 340. 

An-tte'tam, battle of, 451. 

Anti-Federalists, 214, 245. 

.\nti-masonic party, 313. 

Antino'mians, in Massachusetts, 65. 

Anti-Rent disturbances, .354. 

Antislavery people, 201, 347; see Slavery. 

A-pii'che Indians subdued, 526. 

Appala'chian Mountains, 20. 

Appiimat'tij.v, 485. 

Architecture, 530, 575 ; see Church buildings, 

an<l Houses. 
Ar'gall, Capt. Samuel, 66. 
Argenti'na, independence of, 307, 308. 
.\rizona, 501, 580, xxx. 
.■\r'kan-sa«, 374, 415, xxx. 
.\rma'da, Spanish, 41. 
Army, in Civil War, 437, 488, 460, 478. 

in Revolution, 167, 172, 178, 184. . 

in Spanish War, 554. 

in War of 1812, 279, 280, 283, 286. 
Army of the Potomac, 443, 447-162, 462, 463, 

474, 475, 484. 
Arnold, Benedict, 154, 170, 177-179. 
A-roos'took War, 856. 
Art, 230, 530. 

Arthur, Chester A., 520, 519. 
Articles of Confederation, 189, 191, 202-204, 

101, 102, 1S2. 18;^ 200. 
.\rticles of Confederation, New England, 61. 
A§'bury, Francis, Bishop, 280. 

xxxii 



INDEX 



XXXlll 



Ash 'burton treaty, 356. 

Asia, uieJiitvul trade with, 14-16, 33. 

A-.sieii't6, 114. 

Assembly, colouial, 111, 112, 48. 

Association of 1774, 150. 

Associations, 573, 574. 

Aster, John Jacob, 222, 269. 

Asto'ria, Oregon, 269, 283. 

As'trolabe, 14. 

Asylums, 338, 339. 

Atlanta, captured, 478. 

Austin, Moses and Stephen F., 330. 

Australian ballot, 539. 

Ayllon (Il-yon'), Lucas Viisquez dg, 30. 

A-zore§', discovered, 16. 

Az'tecs, 26, 36. 

Back'woods'men, 193, 194, 568. 
Bacon, Nathaniel, 84. 
Baker Island, 561. 
Bal-bo'a, Vasco Nuilez de, 36. 
Ballot reform, 539. 
Bal'ti-more, city, 220, 283, 415. 
Baltimore, Lord, 55, 56, 108, 109. 
Bancroft, George, 342, 425. 
Bank, United States, 242, 243. 

second, 804, 318, 319, 329, 335. 
Bank of North America, 196. 
Banks, national, 442. 

savings, 515. 

state, 224, 318, 834, 335, 428, 442. 
Banks, Gen. Nathaniel P., 461. 
Baptists, 59 ; see Churches. 
Bar'bary wars, 265. 
Barlow, Joel, 227. 
Bar'lowe, Arthur, 40. 
Barnburners, 372. 
Battle above the Clouds, 465. 
Baf'ou Man-phac', 265. 
Beane, William, 143. 
Bear Flag Republic, 365. 
Beau're-gard (bo'). General, 413, 442, 445. 
Bel'^nap, William W., 507. 
Bell, Alexander Graham, 582. 
Bell, John, 402, 403. 
Bennington, battle of, 170. 
Ben'tonville, battle of, 484. 
Be'ring Sea controversy, 546. 
Berke'ley, Sir William, 80, 84, 92. 
Ber'lin Decree, 272. 
Bes'se-mer steel, 518. 
Bethlehem, Pa., 82. 
Biddle, Nicholas, 318. 
Bienville, Celoron de (sa-lo-roN' d' byaN- 

vel'), 127. 
Biglow Papers, 363, 425. 
Bi-lox'i, 124. 

Birney, James G., 347, 358. 
Bishop's Palace, 143. 
Black, Jeremiah, 405, 411, 



Black Hawk War, 332. 
Black Hills, discovery of gold in, 500. 
Blach Warrior, 384. 
Blackbeard, pirate, 104. 
Bla'densburg, battle of, 283. 
Blaine, James G., 522, 525. 545, 546, 511, 519. 
Blair, Montgomery, 412, 413. 
Bland, Kichard P., 513. 
Blennerhas'set Island, 270. 
Blockade runners, 438, 479. 
Bol'i-var, Gen. Simon, 307. 
Bon IIo7nme Richard {ho i\om'rv:-&\i&T'),\1b. 
Bon?ie'vii;^, Benjamin L. E., 356, 
Boone, Daniel, 143, 144, 160. 
Boonsboro, founded, 160. 
Border Ruffians, 388. 
Boston, 52, 53, 220, 423, 507, 539. 
in Revolution, 142, 145, 146, 153, 154, 156. 
Tea Party, 145, 156. 
Boundaries, of colonies, 108, 109. 
of United States, 184, 303, 807, 355, 36C 
861, 506. 
Bouquet (boo-ka'). Colonel, 132. 
Boxers, in China, 561. 
Boycott, 573. 

Braddock, Gen. Edward, 129. 
Bradford, William, 51, 94. 
Bragg, Gen. Braxton, 445, 463-466. 
Bran'dy-wine, battle of, 171. 
Brant, Joseph, 179. 

Brazil', discovered, 35; independent, 308. 
Breck'in-ridge, John C, 402, 403. 
Bre-da', peace of, 73. 
Bridges, 223, 517, 539. 
British, 126 ; see Great Britain. 
Brook Farm community, 341, 342. 
Brooks, Preston, 389. 
Brown, Gen. Jacob, 288, 286. 
Brown, John, 888, 897, 898. 
Brush, Charles F., 532. 
Bryan, William J., 547, 557, 579, 585. 
Bryant, William CuUen, 342. 
BueA-an'an, James, 384, 889, 394, 395, 404, 

405, 410, 416. 
Bu'ell, Gen. Don Carlos, 444, 445. 
Bue'na Vis'ta, battle of, 364. 
Buffalo Exposition, 545. 
Bull Run, 442, 443, 450. 
Bunker Hill, battle of, 154. 
Bur-goyne", Gen. John, 170, 171. 
Burke, Edmund, 185, 146, 110. 
Bur'lin-game treaty, 500. 
Burns, Anthony, 378. 
Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., 451, 463, 466. 
Burr, Aaron, 258, 270, 271. 
Butler, Gen. Benjamin F., 455, 447. 
Butler, John, 179. 
Blithe, Montana, 500. 
Byl'lynge, 80. 
Byrd, Col. Wiliiam, 94, 100. 



XXXIV 



INDEX 



Cabinet, 287. 

Cable, submarine, 518. 

Cable, George W., .WO. 

Cab'ot, John and Sebastian, 86, 84. 

Ca-bral', Pedro Alvarez dg, 33, 84. 

Caho'kia, 124, 181. 

Cal-hown', John C, 821, 806. 

in Congress, 279, 294, 304. 

nullification, 813, 319-322. 

slavery, 345, 374. 

tariflf, 304, 312. 

Tyler's Secretary of State, 357. 

Vice President, 310. 
California, acquired, 361, 305-367. 

gold in, 369, 370. 

slavery question, 372-375. 
Calvert, George and Cecil, 55, 56. 
Calvin, John, 96. 
Camden, battle of, 178. 
Cfim'er-on, Simon, 412, 437. 
Camp meeting, 232, 296. 
Canada, 66, 74, 126, 130, 154. 

in War of 1812, 280-284, 286. 
Canals, 224, 294, 295, 326, 325, 534; set 

Panama Canal. 
Cape Bret'on, 126, 130. 
Capital of U.S., 238, 239, 288, 377, 422. 
Car-n6g'le, Andrew, 529. 
Carolina, 84, 85, 108. 
Carpetbaggers, 504, 505. 
Cir'roll, Charles, 149. 
Car'ter-et, Sir George, 80. 
Car-tha-go'na, 41, 126. 
Cartier, Jacques (zhdk kar-tya'), 88, 34. 
Carver, John, 51. 
Ca'sS dsCon-truc-tfi-ci'-on', 74. 
Cass, Lewis, 872, 880, 405. 
Catholics, 55, 50, 69 ; see Churches. 
Caucus, 309, 540. 
Ca-vi'te, 558. 

Ca-yu gas, 68; aee Iroquois. 
Cedar Creek, battle of, 479, 480. 
Census, see Population. 
Centennial E.\position, 511. 
Central America, 26, 87, 308; see Panama. 
Cer'ro Gor'do, battle of, .S64. 
Cervera (thiir-vu'ra). Admiral, 555. 
Chiim'bersburg, captured, 475. 
Champion Hill, battle, 461. 
(Jhamplain', Samuel de, 66. 
Chan'cellorsville, battle of, 462. 
Charles I., 49, 52, 60, 02. 
Charles II., 77, 84. 
Charleston, 85, 125, 220, 422. 

exposition, 545. 

In Civil War, 405, 418, 466, 484. 

In Revolution, 167, 177, 179. 
Charlestown, 58. 
<;hartr««, Kt., 125. 
Chase, Philander, Bishop, 295. 



Chase, Sal'mon P., Chief Justice, 497. 

Secretary of Treasury, 412, 480. 

Senator, 875, 3h7. 
Chase, Samuel, 268. 
ChatViam, Earl of (Pitt), 129, 185, 141, 165, 

166. 
Chattanoo'ga, in Civil War, 463-460. 
Cher-o-kees', 27, 132, 188, 179, 881, 332. 
Cherry Valley, N.Y., 180. 
Ches'a-peake, 212, 280, 281. 
ghi-ca'go, 289, 838, 507, 539. 

portage, 24, 71, 72. 

World's Fair, 545. 
Chicknmau'ga, battle of, 468, 464. 
Chick 'a-saw8, 27, 132, 882. 
CUi'lfi, difficulty with, 522, 546. 

independence of, 307, 808. 
Chillicoth'e, 244. 
China, Boxer outbreak, 561, 562. 

treaty with, 871. 
Chinese immigration, 500, 518, 619. 
Chip'pa-wa, battle of, 283. 
Choc'taws, 27, 132, 3;32. 
Christian Commission, 470. 
Church buUdings, 88, 96, 280-282, 629, 

580. 
Churches, 96, 97, 116, 280-232, 840, 841, 426. 

in West, 295, 296. 
Church 'ill, Winston, 580. 
Ci'bo-lu, cities of, 37. 
Cincinnii'ti, 244, 423. 

Cities, 220, 422, 423, 614, 515, 588, 589, 575. 
Civil Rights Acts, 495, 504. 
Civil service, 263, 318. 

reform, 503, 520, 538, 580. 
Civil War, 418-422, 483-489. 

cost of, 487, 488. 

northern opposition to, 472. 
Clark, George Rogers, 180, 181. 
Clark, William, 268, 269. 
Classified service, 520, 588, 580. 
Clay, Henry, 297, 806. 

compromises, 299. 319, 874. 

presidential candidate, 809, 810, 820, 858. 

tariff, 304, 312, 319. 

U. S. Bank, 819. 

War of 1812, 279. 
Cliiy'bourne, William, 56. 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 366, 367, 398, 522, 

682. 
Clem'ens, 8. L., 530. 
Clermont, 274. 
Cleveland, 244, 423, 428, 618. 
Cleveland, Grover, 525, 526, 537, 540, 541, 

!>18, 546, 560. 
Cliff dwellings. 25. 
Clinton, De Witt, 294. 
Clinton, George, 217, 270, 284. 
Clinton, Sir Henry. 174. 177. 
Coal mining, 2S9, 427, 428. 



INDEX 



XXXV 



Coinage, 242, 334, 508, 513, 548. 
Cold Harbor, battle of, 474, 475. 
Colleges, 93, 116, 228, 296, 339, 423, 424, 528, 

529, 570. 
Co-loin'bi'-a, independence of, 307, 808. 

treaties with, 366, 582. 
Colonial trade, 74, 75, 103, 114 ; see Naviga- 
tion Acts. 
Colonies, English, 40, 45-6;}, 74-163. 

government, 75, 103, 110-113, 118. 

life and industry, 91-105, 114-116. 

people, 91. 

See names of colonies. 
Col-o-rii'do, admitted, 501, xxx. 
Columbia, S.C, captured, 484. 
Columbia College, 116. 
Columbia River discovered, 268. 
Columbian exposition, in Chicago, 545. 
•Columbus, Christopher, 31-35, 43. 
Commerce, colonial, 101-105, 114. 

growth, 222, 223, 233, 303, 304, 392. 

Indian trade, 104. 

neutral, 250-252, 271-273, 278. 

Pacific, 370, 371. 

under Confederation, 199. 

under Constitution, 211, 213, 242, 572 ; see 
Tariff, and Interstate commerce. 
Commercial panics and crises, 311, 334, 335, 

393, 507, 543. 
Commercial treaties, 197, 252, 272, 286, 303, 

330, 371, 545, 060. 
Committees of Correspondence, 145. 
Communal societies, 340-342. 
Compromise of 1820, 299. 
Compromise of 1850, 374-377. 
Compromises of the Constitution, 210. 
Concord, battle of, 151, 152. 
Confederacy, Southern, 406-422, 483-489. 

government, 406, 4^9, 440. 

military strength, 436, 437. 
Confederates, punishment of, 491-493. 
Confederation, 189-204. 

defects, 202-204. 
Confiscation, in Civil War, 455, 456. 

in Kevolution, 166, 185. 
Congress, Albany. 128. 
Congress, Continental, 149-163, 172, 179, 182, 

185. 
Congress, Stamp-Act, 140. 
Congress of the Confederation, 189-206, 213, 

235. 
Congress under the Constitution, 211-213, 
235-243. 

powers over slavery, 388. 

reconstruction by, 494-497, 508. 
Connect'icut, colony, 57, 60, 77, 79, 87-89, 
107. 

western claims, 182, 192, 244. 
Connecticut Compromise, 210, 211. 
Constitution, 280, 281. 



Constitution of U.S., xiv. 

amendments to, 237, 238, 259, 492, 495, 
503, 504. 

analysis of, 212, 218. 

making of, 206-218.. 

ratification, 213-217. 

theories of, 822, 323. 
Constitutional Union party, 402. 
Constitutions of the states, 159, 160, 422, 540. 
Continental Congress, First, 149, 150. 

Second, 152, 153, 156-163, 172, 179, 182, 185. 
Contraband, 250. 
"Contrabands," slaves, 455, 456. 
Convention, federal, 206-214, 217, 218. 
Conventions, party, 226, 320. 
Conway Cabal, 173. 
Cooper, James Fenimore, 342, 
Cooper, Peter, 827. 
" Copperheads," 472. 
Corinth, captured, 445. 
Corn-wal'lis, Lord, 177-1T9. 
Co-ro-nii'do (-ftio), Francisco Vasquez dfi, 87»' 
Corporations, 224, 515, 516, 532, 533, 571. 

control of, 635, 548, 581. 
Cor'tez, Hernando, 36. 
Corwin amendment, 409. 
Cotton, 221, 222, 420, 430, 527. 
Cotton gin, 222. 
Council, colonial. 111. 
Council for New England, 52, 58, 57, 59. 
County government, 112, 297. 
Cou-reuTs' de bois (bwa), 74. 
Courts, 111, 112, 238. 
Cowpens, battle of, 178. 
Crater, at Petersburg. 475. 
Crawford, William H., 306, 309, 810. 
Creeks, 27, 132, 331, 382. 

war with, 279. 
Cre-A\t' Mo-bi-lier' (-lya'), 507. 
Cr^vecoeur (krav-ker'). Ft., 72, 
Crime of 1878, 508. 
Criminals, 225, 838. 
Crit'ten-den, John J., 410. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 60. 
Crown Point, fortified, 126. 
Cro-ziii!', Anthony, 124, 125. 
Cuba, proposed annexation, 877, 378, 884. 

relations to U.S., 551-560. 

revolts against Spain, 507, 521, 551-557. 
Ciun'berland Road, 294. 
Currency, see Coinage, and Paper money. 
Cush'ing, Caleb, 371. 
Custer, Gen. George A., 502. 
Cutler, Manasseh, 195. 
Cut'tyhunk, 42. 
€!*y-a-h6'ga River, 28. 

Dakota territory, 501. 

Dale, Sir Thomas, governor, 48. 

Danish West Indies, 499. 



XXXVl 



INDEX 



Dare, Virginia, 40. 

Da-ri-en', town iu Soutli America, 36. 

Dart'mofitii College, 110, 3(IC. 

DSv'enport, Kev. -John, 57. 

Davis, Jefl'erson, biograpliy, 439, 440. 

Buchanan and, 404. 

captured, 4S6. 

held for treason, 491, 497. 

President of confederacy, 40C, 439, 440. 

resolutions of isOO, 401. 

secession views, 40S, 409. 
Deanf, Silas, 174. 
Dear 'born. Ft., 289. 
Debs, Eugene V., 537, 583,886. 
Debtors' laws, 200, 225, 338. 
Declaration of Independence, 157-159, xi. 
Declaration of Kights, 149. 
Deerfleld, attacked, 125. 
D« Grasse, Admiral, 179. 
De Kalb', Baron, 1C7, 178. 
Delaware, 08, 81, 84, 107, xxx. 
Delfs-ha'ven, 50. 
Dg Lotus, Spanish minister, 552. 
Democracy, iu America, 110, 220, 227, 31C, 

421. 
Democratic Clubs, 250, 253. 
Democratic i)arty, earliest, 246, 253 ; see Re- 
publican party (Deniocralic). 

Jacksonian. 330, 380. 

recent issues, 525, 540, 541, 547, 583. 

slavery and, 388, 389, 401-403. 
Denver, founded, 427. 
Dependencies, government of, 575, 576. 
Deposit Act of 1830, 334. 
Deg-er-ut', state of, 394. 
Dfi So' to, Ferdlnando, 37. 
De« Plain««' Kiver, 24. 
D'Es-tajN{/, Admiral, 177. 
Dfi-troit', founded, 124. 

in War of 1812, 280, 282. 
Dew'ey, Admiral George, 553, 554. 
Diaz (de'as). Bartholomew, 81. 
Dickinson, John, 141, 149, 161, 
Dingley tariff, 547. 
Din\vi(i'(lie, Gov. Robert, 127. 
Direct tax, 442, 541. 
Discovery of America, 17, 31-43. 

aids to, 14. 

causes, 13-16. 
District of Columbia, 289, 877. 
Dix, Dorothea, 388, 339. 
Dixie's Land, 109. 
DSn'elson, Ft., captured, 444, 476. 
Don'gan, Gov. Thomas, SO. 
Dooley, Mr., MO. 
Dorr, Thomas W., 855. 
Doiig'las, Stephen \., biography, 886. 

Lincoln and, 396, 397, 416. 

presidential candidate, 401-403, 380, 389. 

slavery views, 385-867, 395-897. 401. 



Draft, in North, 437, 460 ; riots, 472. 

iu South, 473. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 39-11. 
Dred Scott decision, 391, 392. 
Dress, 92, 102, 13S, 139, 228. 
Du-ane', William John, 329. 
Dun-more', Gov. John Murray, 144. 
Dunne, Finley Peter, 530. 
Du-pont', Admiral S. F., 44;}. 
Du-quesne' (-kan'). Ft., 127, 129. 
Dustin, Hannah, 124. 
Dutcli, colonies, 67, 68, 73, 78. 

freedom from Spain, 39, 67, OS. 

in Connecticut valley, 57, 60. 

in Revolutionary War, 175. 

settlers, 67, SO, 91, 220. 
Dutch West India Company, 67, 78. 

Eads, Capt. James B., 534. 
Early, Gen. Jubal A., 475, 477. 
Eaton, Theophilus, 57. 
Ed'ison, Thomas A., 582. 
Education, 92, 93, 227, 228, 889, 340, 423, 424, 
628, 529, 569, 570. 

in Northwest, 296. 
Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, 115. 
Elections, see Voters, and Presidential elec- 
tions. 
Electoral Commission, 512. 
Electoral Count Act, 538. 
Electric devices, 532, 570 ; see Telegraph. 
El'i-ot, John, 80. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 40. 

Emancipation proclamations, 459, 492, xxvii. 
Embargo Act, 273, 275. 
Em'erson, Ralph Waldo, 425, 342. 
Emigrant aid companies, 387. 
England, changes in government, 29, 60, 77, 
88, 126. 

claim to North America, 42, 73, 75. 

colonies of, see Colonies, and Colonial. 

discoveries, 35, 88, 39, 42, 43. 

war with France, 66, 122-188. 

war with Spain, 38-43. 

See also Great Britain. 
Enumerated goods, 103. 
Eph'rata, Pa., settled, 82. 
Equality, 576. 
Era of good feeling, 306. 
Er'icsson, John, 447. 
Erie Canal, 294, 295. 
Er'ikson, Leif, 31. 
Er'skine, British minister, 277. 
European basis of American history, 13-17. 

28, 29. 
Ev'ans, Oliver, 222, 225. 
Ew'ell, Gen. Richard S., 477. 
Executive Departments, organized, 287. 
Ex'eter, N.II., settled, 59. 
Exploration, of coast, «e« Discovery. 



INDEX 



xxxvu 



Exploration, of interior, 26S, 269, 356, 501. 
Expositions, 511, 545. 
Express companies, 430. 

Fairbanks, Charles W., 583. 
Fair Oaks, battle of, 448. 
Farmer's Alliance, 542. 
Farming, 98-100, 221, 420, 421, 527. 

macliinery, 326, 428, 5T0. 
Far'ragut, David G., 446, 478, 479. 
Federal Convention, 206-214, 217, 218. 
Federalist, 214. 

Federalist party, 214, 246, 254-259, 306. 
Fer'guson, Maj. Patrick, 178. 
Filipi'nos, 563, 569. 
Fillmore, MiUard, 375, 378, 389. 
Finance, in Civil War, 441, 442. 

in Revolution, 185, 186. 

in War of 1812, 284. 

recent, 498, 513. 

under Confederation, 196, 199. 

under Constitution, 213, 239-243. 

See also Public Debt, Tariff, etc. 
Fire eaters, 384. 
Fisiier, Ft., captured, 479. 
Fisheries, 101, 184, 222, 303, 506. 
Fiske, John, 530. 
Fitch, John, 225. 
Fitz-hu0'/i', Col. William, 100. 
Five Nations, see Iroquois. 
Flag, Confederate, 466. 

United States, 189, 159. 
Fletcher, Gov. Benjamin, 105. 
Florida, British, 130, 131, 153, 181, 184. 

discovery of, 36. 

French in, 38. 

purchased by U.S., 307. 

Seminole vrar, 332. 

Spanish, 36, 38, 130, 184, 307. 

state in U.S., 374, xxx. 
Floyd, John B., 405. 
Foote, Andrew H., 444. 
Forests of United States, 20, 22, 527. 
Forrest, Gen. Nathan B., 466. 
Fort Astoria, Sumter, etc., see Astoria, 

Sumter, etc. 
Fort Wayne, 24, 290. 
Forty-niners, 370. 

Foundations of American History, 13-29. 
Fox, Charles James, 135. 
France, ally of U.S., 174-179, 184, 185, 187, 
249. 

changes in government, 29, 249, 257. 

claim to North America, 42, 73, 75. 

colonies, 65, 66, 69-75, 130, 265-267. 

depredations on U.S. commerce, 251, 255, 
257, 272, 273, 278, .330. 

discoveries, 37, 38, 66, 69-73. 

Mexican empire, 499. 

apoliation claims, 380, 



France, treaties with, 174, 257. 

war with England, 66, 122-183, 174-187, 
249, 271. 

war with Iroquois, 66. 

war with U.S., 257. 

X. Y. Z. controversy, 255, 256. 
Franklin, battle of, 484. 
Franklin, state of, 194. 
Franklin, Benjamin, biography, 117, 118. 

Declaration of Independence, 157. 

Federal Convention, 207, 210, 212. 

minister to France, 174, 183, 185. 

plan of union, 128, 161. 

writings of, 117, 229. 
Fraternity, 576. 
Freebooters, 38, 39. 

Free coinage, 513 ; see Coinage and Silver. 
Free Democrats, 380, 389. 
Freedman's Bureau, 492, 503. 
Freeman's Farm, battles at, 170. 
Freeport doctrine, 397. 
Free-soil party, 372, 380. 
Fr6-mont', John C, 357, 36.5, 889, 456, 480. 
French, see France. 
French and Indian War, 127-131. 
French settlers, 85, 01, 124, 125. 
Fre-neau' (-no'), Philip, 228. 
Frob'isher, Sir Martin, 38. 
Fron'te-nac, Ft., 71, 129. 
FroN-te-nac', Governor, 71. 
Fugitive Slave Act, of 1793, 273, 378. 

of 1850, 377-379,459. 
Fugitive slaves, 373, 378, 379. 
Fulton, Robert, 274. 
Fur trade, 68, 73, 86, 222. 

Gabriel insurrection, 347. 

Gadsden Purchase, 566. 

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 146, 150, 153, 

Gal'latin, Albert, 262, 277. 

Ga'ma, Vas'co da, 33, 43. 

Garfield, James A., 520, 464. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 348, 849. 

Gaspe Peninsula, 20. 

Gaspee, 144. 

Gates, Gen. Horatio, 170, 171, 173. 178. 

Genfet (zh'-na'), Edmond, 249, 250. 

G8n'o-a, trade routes, 15. 

Geography of U.S., 17-23, 29. 

George III., 135, 136, 151, 165. 

Georgia, colony, 108, 132, 177. 

Indian troubles, 244, 331, 332. 

western claims, 182, 192, 245. 
German settlers, 82, 91, 108, 125, 143, 193, 

220, 500. 
Germsntown, founded, 82; battle, 171. 
Ge-ron'i-mo, Indian chief, 28. 
Ger'ry, Elbridge, 212, 255. 
Gerrymander, 316. 
Gettysburg, battle of, 462, 463. 



XXXVlll 



INDEX 



G/tent, treaty of, 285. 

Uid'dings, Joshua R., 349. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 3S, 40. 

6irty, Simon, 180. 

Glad'stone, on the Confederacy, 457. 

Gna'den-hut-ten, 183. 

Goffe, William, 77. 

Gold, mining, 369, 370, 427, 600. 

money, see Coinage. 
Good Hope, Ft., at Hartford, Conn., 57, 60. 
Good 'year, Charles, 429. 
Gordon, Gen. John B., 477. 
Gor'ges, Ferdinando, 60. 
Gorman, Arthur P., 543. 
Gor'such, 878. 

Gusnold, Bartholomew, 42, 46. 
Gould, Jay, 538. 

Government, colonial, 7.5, 103, 110-113, 118; 
see names of colonies. 

dependcncie.s, 575, 576. 

military, 471, 497, 503. 

8Ute, 160. .SI 6, 422, 538-540, 575. 

territorial, 195. 

U. S., lSO-218, 235-243, 574, 575. 
Governors, colonial, 111, 112, 153. 
Gra-nfi'da, 17. 
Grangers, 512. 
Grant, Ulysses 8., biography, 475, 476, 503. 

campaigns in East, 474-476, 4s5, 486. 

cami)aigns in West, 444-446, 400, 461, 465. 

President, .502-508, .501. 

presidential candidate, 502, 505, 511, 519. 

protects Confederates, 491. 
Gray, Capt. Pvobert, 268. 
Gray.son ordinance, 192. 
Great Britain, 126; nee England. 

boundary controversies, 355, 361, ,506. 

depredations on U.S. commerce, 2.50, 251, 
271-273. 

difficulties with (1783-88), 197-199. 

during Civil War, 440, 441, 4.59, 460. 

Isthmian canal, 366, 367, 393, 582. 

treaties (1783) 184, (1794) 251, 252, (1SI4) 
285, (1818)303, (1871)506. 

"Venezuelan boundary, .546. 

wars with Franco, 126-1.33, 174-1 «7, 249. 
271. 

wars with U.S., 150-187, 277-287. 
Great Plains, 21. 
Greeley, Horace, 343, 459, 505. 
Green, DufT, 318. 
Greenback Labor party, 513. 
Greenback party, .512. 
Greenbacks, 471, 498, 508, 513. 
Greene, Gen. Nathanael, 178, 186. 
Greenville, treaty of, 244. 
Grenville, George, 138. 
Griffon (gre-fdN*), 71. 
Guam (gwani), 557. 
Gufi-na-hfin', 82. 



Ouerriere (gar-ryftr'), 280. 
riuT-a'na, Dutch, 68. 
(TMil'ford, battle of, 178. 
Gn'ten-bfirg, printer, 14. 

Hadley, Mass., attacked, 86. 

Hugu« Conference, 561. 

//ail Columbia, 256. 

Hiu'ti, 33, 133, 266. 

Hak'lityt, Kichard, 42. 

Halleck, Gen. Henry W., 445, 450, 474. 

Hani'ilton, Alexander, and Adams, 253. 

biography, 239, 240. 

Burr and, 270. 

Constitution, 206, 207, 210, 214, 217. 

Jefferson and, 239, 243, 24.5, 246. 

Secretary of the Treasury, 239-243. 

Washington and, 253. 
Hamilton, Henry, 180, 181. 
Hampton Roads conference, 486. 
Hancock, John, 140, 222, 142, 150, 215, 216. 
Hancock, WinBeld S., 519, 520. 
Hanna, Marcus A., 563. 
Harinar, Gen. Josiab, 243. 
Harnden, William F., 430. 
Harpers Ferry, 397, 451. 
Harriman, E. H., 5iJ3. 
Harris, Joel Chandler, 5.30. 
Harrison, Benjamin, .540, ,541, .546. 
Harrison, William H., 279, 251, 232, 286, 853 
\UiHe, Bret, .530. 

Hartford, 57, 60; Convention, 285. 
Harvard College, 93. 
Hat'teras, Ft., cai)tured, 443. 
Ha- van 'a, captured by British. 130. 
Hfi'ver-Ztill, Mass., attacked, 124. 
Ilii wrji'ian Islands, .370, 560, 561. 
Hawkins, Sir John, .39. 
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 425, 342. 
Hay, John, .5.57, 562, 582. 
Hav-Pauncefote treaty, 582. 
Hajvy, liufti'erford B., 511-513, 519, 521. 
Hayn«, Robert Y., 319. 
Henderson, Richard, 160. 
Hen'nepin, Father, 72. 
Henry, Ft., captured, 444. 
Henry, Patrick, 137, 140, 149, 155, ISO, 216. 
Henry VII., .35. 

Henry the Navigator, Prince, 16. 
Hi'r'kinior, <ien. Nicholas, 170. 
Hessian soldiers, 166, 169, 170. 
Mill, (Jen. A. P., and Gen. D. H., 477. 
Hill, James J., 533. 
Hilton Head, 443, 444. 
llispanio'la, 33. 

Hobson. I.ieut. Richmond P., 555. 
Il(p vliil'a-ga iSt. Lawrence), 38. 
II. >e, Richard. 429. 

Hnlland, or the Netherlands, see Dutch. 
Udlmei, Oliver Wendell, 425. 



INDEX 



XXXIX 



Holy Alliance, 307, 308. 

Homestead Act, 500. 

Hood, Gen. John B., 478, 494. 

Hooker, Gen. Joseph, 462, 465. 

Hooker, Kev. Thonoas, 57. 

Hopkins, Esek, 175. 

Hopkinson, Joseph, 256. 

House of Representatives, 211, 235, 538, xxx. 

Houses, 91, 92, 143, 223, 230, 295. 

Hoiis'ton, Sam, 331, 406, 408. 

Howe, Elias, 429. 

Howe, Sir William, 167-172, 174. 

Howells, W. 1)., 530. 

Howland Island, 561. 

Hudson, Henrv, 07, 73. 

Hudson Bay, 73, 74, 125. 

Hudson Kiver, explored, 67. 

Hudson's Bay Company, 73. 

H&'gMe-not colonists, 38, 85, 91, 143, 220. 

Hull, Gen. William, 280. 

Humanitarian reform, 338-351. 

Hunter, Gen. David, 456. 

Hurons, Indians, 69. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 55, 59. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, 140, 144, 146. 

I-ber-vil/e', Sieur (syer) d', 124. 
I'daho, 501, 527, xxx. 
Hlinoi*', 182, 298, 301, xxx. 

French in, 72, 73. 
I-lo-i'lo, 557. 

Immigration, 333, 419, 500, 536. 
Impeachment of President Johnson, 497. 
Impending Orixis, 401. 
Implied powers, 213, 243, 246, 267, 306. 
Impressments, 251, 271, 280, 285. 
Incas, 26. 

Income tax, 442, 544. 
Indented servants, 99. 
Indents, 185. 
Independence, 155-160. 
Independent treasury, 335, 359. 
Independents (sect), 49, 60. 
Indian Territory established, 332. 
Indian Wars, in aid of French, 122-125, 127- 
129. 

in New England, 57, 58, 86, 87, 125. 

in New York, 78. 

in Virginia, 48, 84. 

Pontiac's, 132. 

with U.S. (1789-94) 243, 244, (1811) 278, 
279, (1832) 332, (1872-76) 501, (1886)526. 
Indiana, state, 298. 301, xxx. 

territory, 244, 273, 298. 
Indians, aboriginal life, 23-28. 

behavior in slavery, 99. 

controversy wth Georgia, 331, 832. 

government, 28. 

in Revolution, 167, 170, 179, 180, 183. 

relations with whites, 74, 75, 568, 569. 



Indians, removal of, 331,332, 568. 

Severalty Act, 526. 

trade, 104. 

" tribes," 28. 

warfare, 27, 28, see Indian Wars. 

See also names of tribes. 
Industrial exhibitions, 511, 545. 
Industries, 221-225, 323, 427^131, 570. 

in South, 527, 528. 
Initiative, 540. 
Insane, care of, 225, 339. 
Insurance companies, 515. 
Intercolonial wars, 122-133. 
Internal improvements, 293, 294, 326, 327, 

533, 534. 
Interstate commerce, 199, 534, 535. 
Intolerable Acts, 146. 
Inventions, 222, 224, 225, 323, 326, 428, 429, 

580-532, 570. 
I'owa, 374, xxx. 
Iron, 289. 323, 427, 428, 518, 528. 
Ir-0-quoi.s', 68, 69, 27, 66, 123, 129, 132, 179, 

180. 
Irrigation, 526, 527. 
Irving, Washington, 342. 
Isabella, town in Haiti, 33. 
Isabella of Castile, 16, 31, -32. 
Island No. 10, captured, 444. 
Isthmian Canal, 366, 867, 393, 499, 581, 582. 

Jackson, Andrew, biography, 310, 317. 

general, 279, 283, 286, 307. 

President, 3i 6-320, 327-336. 

presidential candidate, 310, 313, 320. 
Jackson, Dr. Charles T., 429. 
Jackson, James, 277. 
Jackson, Gen. Thomas J. ("Stonewall"), 

442, 449, 450, 462, 477. 
Jamai'ca, 83, 60. 
James, Capt. George S., 414. 
James II. of England, 87, 88. 
Jamestown, 47-49, 84. 
Japan, treaty with, 371. 
Jasper, Sergeant, 167, 169. 
Java, 281. 
Jay, John, 149, 183, 200, 214, 238. 

treaty with Great Britain, 2£1, 252. 
Jefferson, Thomas, biography, 261, 262. 

Declaration of Independence, 157. 

Hamilton and, 239, 243, 245, 246. 

Kentucky Resolutions, 256. 

on National Bank, 243. 

on slavery. 226. 

on treaty with France, 249. 

ordinance for western territory, 194. 

President, 258, 261-277. 

Vice President, 254. 

Washington and, 253. 

writinf.'S of, 229. 
Jesuits in America, 66, 69, 71. 



xl 



INDEX 



Jews, 9T, 281. 

Jogues (fAiog), Father Isaac, 69. 
Johns HopkiiiJ University, 529. 
JohDBOu, Andrew, governor, 444. 

President. 494, 495, 497. 

Vice President, 4S0. 
Johnson, Sir William, 12.3, 129, 132. 
Johnston, Gen. Albert .Sidney, 445. 
Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 47S, 442, 448, 477, 

484, 4S6. 
Joliet (zlio-lya'), Louis, 71. 
Jones, John Piiul, ]".'). 
Juan (hoo-an') dg Fu'ca, Strait of, 23. 

Ka-naw7(a River, 144. 
Kan'kakee River, 72. 
Kansas, 387, 388, .39r>, 407, xxx. 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 3b7. 
Karl-sefni, 31. 
Kaskas'kia, 124, 181. 
K«5r'ney, Dennis, 519. 
Kefir'ny, Stephen W., 3ft4. 
Kemble, Fanny, 343, .344. 
Ken-e-saw' Mountain, battle of, 477. 
Kent Island controversy, 56. 
Kentucky, in Revolution, ISO, HI. 

settled, 143, 144, 160, 161, ls>3, 193, 194, 
293, 301. 

state, 246, x.\x. 
Kentucky Resolutions, 256, 257. 
Key, Francis S., 2S!J. 
Kidd, Capt. William, 105. 
King George's War, 126. 
King Philip's War, 86, 87. 
King William's War, 122. 
Kings Mountain, battle of, 178. 
Kitchen Cabinet of Jackson, 318. 
Knights of Labor, 519. 
Knights of the Golden Circle, 472. 
Know-nothings, 388. 
Knox, Henry, 237. 
Knoxville, in Civil War, 463, 466. 
Koo'te-nui River, 360. 
Kos-pi-us'ko, Thaddeus, 167. 
Ku Klux Klan, 505. 

Labor, 99, 100, 221, 428, 518, 519, 535-,'>37, 

570-572. 
La-fhine' Rapids, named, 38. 
Ladies' aid societies, 470. 
La-dron«s', discovered, 36. 
La-fa-yet<«', Marquis de, 167, 179, 186. 
Lairu rams, 460. 
T.ake Erie, battle of, 281. 
La Pla'ta, independence of .3ii7, 808. 
La ShUe', Robert Cavalier, Siewr de, 70-73. 
Laudonni6re (lo-do-nyAr'), 38. 
Laurens, Henry, 183, 206. 
Law, .John, 125. 
Lawrence, Kaa., sacked, 388. 



Letfd'ville, Colo., 500. 

he BoeMf, Ft., 127. 

Lecomp'ton constitution, 895. 

Lee, Annah, 231. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, 169, 174. 

Lee, Fitzhugh, 562. 

Lee, Gen. Henry, 178. 

Lee, Richard Henry, 157. 

Lee, Gen. Robert E., biography, 476, 477. 

captures Brown, '6'Ji. 

in Civil War, 448-452, 462, 46:3, 474-477 
485, 486. 
Legislature, colonial. 111 ; «ee Government. 
Leif the Lucky, 31. 
Lfis'ler, Jacob, 89. 
Le'land Stanford University, 529. 
Lg-on', Pon'cs (-tha) dg, 36. 
Leopard, 272, 273. 
Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 521. 
Lewis, -Meriwether, 268, 269. 
Lexington, battle of, 151, 152. 
Libby prison, 473. 
Liberal Republicans, 505. 
Li-be'ri-a, 293. 

Liberty, 568, 569, 572, 573, 576. 
Libert;/, 142. 
Liberty party, 86S, 372. 
Libraries founded, 340, 529. 
Life, American colonial, 91-105. 

during Civil War, 470-473. 

in 1780-1 SOO, 220-233. 

in 1861, 420-431. 

in the South, .343, 421, 424, 478. 

in the West, 292-296, 301, .333. 

Indian, 23-28. 
Lincoln, Abraham, biography, 896, 457, 468. 

death, 487. 

debates with Douglas, 396, 837. 

elected President, 403, 481. 

emancipation, 4.'>6-4.')9, 493. 

on secession, 409, 410, 412. 

on the Union, 1.59. 

President, 411-414, 4.33, 488, 441, 4.56-459, 
474, 486, 493, 497. 

representative in Congress, 363, 373. . 
Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, 177. 
Lin'otvpe machine, 531. 
Literature, 93-96, 105, 228, 229, 342, 345 

424-426, 530. 
Livingston, Robert R., 157, 266, 267, 269. 
Local government, 112, 113. 

in West, 296, 297. 

See aluo Cities. 
I.ocke, John, 85. 
Logan, Indian chief, 144. 
London ("otnpany, 45-50. 
Long, Maj. Stephen IL, .356. 
Long Island, battle of, 167-169. 

settled, 57, 6", 79. 
Longfellow, Henry W., 424. 



INDEX 



xli 



Longrstreet, Gen. James, 463, 477. 
Lookout Mountain, battle, 465. 
" Loose Construction," 246. 
Lo'pgz (-pas), in Cuba, 378. 
Lord Dunmore's War, 144. 
Lords of Trade, 77, 103, 137. 
Louisburg, 126, 127. 129. 
Lo«-i si-a'na, province, 72, 73, 124-127, 130, 
265-267. 

Purchase, 266, 267, 269. 

state, 268, 301, xxx. 
LifM'is-ville, 183, 423. 
Lovejoy, Elijah, 349. 
Low'eh, F. C, 225. 

Lowell, James Russell, 348, 363, 425, 342. 
Loyalists (Tories), 166, 167, 177-180, 185, 186. 
Lundy, Benjamin, 29S. 
Lundys Lane, battle of, 283. 
Ly-ce'um, 340. 
Lyon, Capt. Nathaniel, 415, 444. 

McClellan, Gen. George B., 443, 447-451, 480, 

481. 
McClcrnand, Gen. John A., 461. 
McCormick, Cyrus H., 428, 826. 
MacDon'ouy/i, Com. Thomas, 283. 
McDowell, Gen. Irvin, 442, 443, 448, 449. 
Macedonian, 281. 
Mark'inac mission, 69. 
McKinley, William, 562, 563, 547, 552, 556, 

560, 579. 
McKinley tariff, 541, 642, 543. 
Ma-com&', Gen. Alexander, 283. 
Macon Bill No. 2, 278. 
Madison, Dolly, 277. 

Madison, James, and the Constitution, 207- 
209,211,214,216. 

President, 277-280, 284, 294. 

Virginia Resolutions, 256. 
Ma-drid', treaty of, 73. 
Magazines, 229, 296, 342, 425. 
Ma-gel'lan, Fernando, 86, 34. 
Ma-han', Alfred T., 530. 
Ma-ho'ning River, 24. 
Maine, and Massachusetts, 60, 87, 107. 

boundary controversy, 355, 856. 

prohibition law, 840. 

settlements in, 42, 43, 46, 60. 

state, 299, xxx. 
Maine, destroyed, 552. 
Malvern Hill, battle of, 449. 
MandevilWs Travels, 16. 
Ma-nil'a, 130, 553, 554, 556, 558. 
Mann, Horace, 339. 

Manufactures, 136, 222, 224, 225j (1812-16) 
279,808, 804; (1840) 323 ; 428-^0, 531, 570. 

in South, 527, 528. 
Marcy, William L., 380, 384. 
Ma-ri-et'ta, O., founded, 196. 
Mar'i-on, Gen. Francis, 178, 177, 186. 



Mar-quette'(-ket'), Father Jacques, 71. 
Marshall, James W., 369. 
Marshall, John, 305, 882, 255. 
Maryland, colony, 55, 56, 78, 108, 109. 

insurrections in, 60, 84. 

ratifies articles of confederation, 182, 183. 
Mason, George, 212. 
Mason, James M., 441. 
Mason, Capt. John, 57. 
Mason, John Y., 384. 
Mason and Dixon's line, 109. 
Massachusetts, colony, 52-55, 59-62, 77, 79, 
86-SS, 107, 109. 

education in, 93, 839. 

in Revolution, 137, 142, 145, 146, 149-154, 

Plymouth colony added to, 107. 

Shays's Rebellion, 200. 

western claims, 182, 191, 192. 
MaSi'er, Cotton, 94, 96. 
Maxim, Hiram, 531. 
Maximilian, of Mexico, 499. 
Mayflower, 50, 51. 
Mead«, Gen. George G., 462, 463,474. 
Meade, Bishop William, 426. 
Mecklenburg Declaration, 156. 
Memphis, captured, 445. 
Me-ngn'dez (dath), 38. 
Merchant, colonial, 101. 
Merit system, 588. 
Merrimac and Monitor, 447, 448. 
Merritt, Gen. Wesley A., 554. 
Met'acom, 86. 
Mexico, independence, 307, 308. 

Indians in, 26. 

Napoleon IIL and, 499. 

Spanish, 36, 37. 

war with U.S., 361-367. 
Mi-am '1 River, 127. 
Miamis, Ft., Mich., 72. 
Mifhigan, 69, 374, xxxi. 
Midnight judges, 263. 
Midway Island, 561. 
Mil'an Decree, 272. 
Miles, Gen. Nelson A., 556. 
Military Academy founded, 839. 
Military government, in Civil War, 471, 497, 

of southern states, 503. 
Milligan, Dr., 471. 
Milwau'kee, 423. 
Mimras, Ft., 279. 
Mining, 289, 427, 500. 
Minnesota, 407, xxxi. 
Mint, established, 242. 
Min 'u-it, Peter, 67. 
Minutemen, 150, 152. 
Miquelon (me-k'-loN*), 131. 
Missionary Ridge, battle of, 465, 466. 
Missionary societies, 339. 
Mississippi, 246, 298, 301, xxxi. 
Mississippi River, discovered, 37. 



xlii 



INDEX 



Mississippi River, explored, 71, 72. 

jetties, 5*i. 

right to navigate, 197, 252, 266. 

valley, 20, 21. 
Missouri, 298, 299, xxxi. 
Missouri compromise, 299-301, 885, 887, 391. 
Mo-bile", founded, 124. 

forts captured, 283, 478, 479. 
Mo'doc Indians, 501. 
Mo'hawks, 68 ; «<« Iroquois. 
Molasses Act, 115, 138. 
Money, ««6 Coinage, and Paper money. 
Monitor, 447, 44S. 
Mon'moiith, battle of, 174. 
Mo-non-ga-he'la K., 290. 
M6n-roe', .James, 266, 267, 306-309. 
Monroe Doctrine, 308, 309, 546. 
Monta'na, 500, 501, 527, xxxi. 
Mont-calm', Marquis de, 130. 
Mon-to-rgy', battle of, 364. 
Montg6m'ery, Gen. Uichard, 154. 
Mont-re-al*, 38, 66. 

captured, 130, 154. 
MoN<«, Siewr Ae^ 65, 66. 
Moravians, 82, 94, 96, 103. 
Morgan, Gen. Daniel, 178. 
Morgan, Gen. John, raid in Ohio, 466. 
Mormons, 341, 394, 395, .527. 
Morrill tariff, 441. 
Morris, Gouverneur, 212. 
Morris, Uobert, 169, 196, 197. 
Morse, Samuel F. B., 429. 
Morton, Dr. William T. G., 429. 
Moj'by, Col. John S., 466. 
Motley, John Lothrop, 425. 
MoMl'trie, Col. William, 167. 
Mounds, 25. 

Mount Desert Island, settled, 66. 
Mount Vernon, Washington's home, 236. 
Mugwumps, 525. 
Muh'lonberg, Frederick, 235. 
Mur'freesboro, battle of, 446. 
Museums, founding of, 340. 
Mus-ko'gee Indians, 27. 

Napoleon, 257, 265, 282. 

Louisiana, 26.5-267. 

.seizes tl. S. ships, 272, 27.3, 278. 
Napoleon III., in Mexico, 456, 499. 
Narragan'sett Indians, 57, 61, 87. 
Nar-va'g/. (-ath), Panfllo de, 86. 
Nashville, founded, 183. 

in Cinl War, 444, 484. 
Nashville Convention, 374. 
Nu^7(-i-t6fh<'»', Ft., 125. 
National debt, see Public debt. 
National road, 294. 
Natural resources of U.S., 17-25, 29, 289, 

426. 427. 
Naum'keag settlement, 62. 



Ncu-voo', .341, 894. 
Naval Academy founded, 889. 
Navigation, about U.'W, 14. 
Navigation acts, 60, 75, 77, laS, 186. 
Navy, in Civil War, 438, 439, 443-448, 462. 
466, 478, 479. 

in Kevoluticn, 175. 

in War of 1812, 280, 281. 

in war with France, 267. 

Jefferson and, 266, 271. 

modern, 541, 553-555. • 

Nebraska, 3S6-3S7, 501, xxxi. 
Negro Seamen Act, 407. 
Negroes, xee Slavery. 

after Civil War, 492, 494, 495, 569. 

colonization of, 298. 

schools, 528. 

suffrage, 495, 496, 60iJ-606, 540. 

troops in Civil War, 460. 
Netherlands, nee Dutch. 
Neutrality, 249-2.52, 271-273. 
Ne-va'da, .501, xxxi. 
New Albion, 39. 
New Amsterdam, 67, 68, 78, 79. 
New England, Council for, 52, 5;}, 57, 59. 

Indian wars in, 57, 5S, 86, 87, 125. 

settled, .5n-.55, 57-63. 

slave trade, 114, 115. 

struggle for charters. S6-S9. 

War of 1812, 284, 28.5". 

See also names of separate states. 
New England Confederation, 61, 87. 
yew England Primer, 96. 
New France, 66, 74 ; see Canada. 
New GraniiMa, .307, 366. 
New Hampshire, 59, 87, 107, xxxi. 
New Haven, 57, 61. 77. 
New Jersey, 80, 107. xxxi. 
New Mexico, 366, 372-375, 381, 586, xxx. 
Now Netherland, 67, 63, 78. 
New Or'le-ans, 125, 130, 266, 267, 422. 

battle of, 2a3. 

captured in Civil War, 447. 
New Sweden, 6S. 
New York (city), draft riots, 472. 

growth, 79. 220, 29.5, 423, R39. 

In Revolution, 145, 167, 169, 184. 

Tweed Ring, 514. 
New York (state), " Anti-Kent," 354. 

colony, 7'^SO,'S9, 107, 109. 

in Revolution, 141, 170. 

settled, 67, 68. 

western claims, 182. 191. 
New York Harbor, discovered, 87, 67. 
Newark, settled, 80. 
Ncwburg Addresses, 184. 
Newfoundland, 40, 125. 
Newport, founded, 59. 

in Revolution, 169, 17.5, 17T. 
Newspapers, 94, 229, 843. 



INDEX 



xliii 



Ni-ca-ra'gua Canal, 366, 893, 522, 5S1, 582. 

Ni-co-lg<', Jean (zhaN), 69. 

Nic'oUs, Gov. Richard, 79. 

Nina (nen'ya), 32. 

Nominating conventions, 226, 320. 

Non-importation, 140, 142, 147, 272. 

Normal school, first, 339. 

North, Lord, 153, 165, 166, 174, 183. 

North Carolina, colony, 84, 85, 108, 123. 

in Revolution, 143, 144, 156, 177, 178. 

western claims, 182, 192, 194. 
North Dakota, 527, xxxi. 
Northwest Ordinance, 195. 
Northwest passage, 3S. 
Northwest Territory, 195, 243, 244. 
Nova Scotia, 125, 153. 
Nullification, 257, 313, 319-323. 

of Fugitive Slave Act, 379, 381. 

O'berlin College, 340, 349. 
O'gle-thorpe, George, 108, 126. 
Ohio, admitted, 245, xxxi. 

settled, 193, 244, 289, 293, .301. 
Ohio Company, 127. 
Ohio Company of Associates, 195, 193. 
Oil wells, 427, 528. 
Ok-la-ho'ma, 526, 584. 
O^m'sted, Frederick Law, 530. 
Olney, Richard, 546. 
0-neI'das, 68; xee Iroquois. 
On-on-dii'gas, 68; see Iroquois. 
O-pcq'wan Creek, battle of, 479, 
Orange, Ft., 67. 
Orders in Council, 272. 
Ordinance of 1787, 195. 
Or'e-gon, 360, 361, 372, 407, xxxi. 

explored, 268, 269. 

joint occupation, 303, 356. 
O-ris'ka-ny, battle of, 170. 
Or'le-ans, Island of, 265. 
Orleans, Territory of, 268. 
Os-a-wat'o-mie (-wot'-), fight, 388. 
Oggood, Samuel, 237. 
Ost-end' Manifesto, 384. 
Os-we'go, Ft., captured by French, 129. 
Otis, James, 137. 
O'lcen, Robert, 341. 

Pacific Ocean, discovered, 36. 

Pacific railroads, 393, 502, ,535. 

Page, Thomas Nelson. .5:50. 

Paine, Thomas, 1.56, 191. 

Pak'en-Aam, Gen. Edward M., 283. 

Pal'ma, Gen. Toinas Estrada, 560. 

Pii'lo Al'to, battle of, 364. 

Pa'los, 32. 

Pan-a-mii' Canal, 366, 367, 521, 522, 581, 582. 

Panama Congress, 311. 

Panama republic, 582. 

Pan-American Congress, 545, 311. 



Pan-American policy of Blaine, 522. 

Pa-nay', 557. 

Panics, 311, 334, 393, 507. 

Paper blockade, 250. 

Paper money, 115, 185, 186, 200, 498, 508. 

in Civil War, 442, 471, 473. 
Paris, peace of (1763), 130. 

treaty of (1782), 183, 184. 
Parish, government of, 112. 
Parker, Judge Alton B., 583. 
Parker, Theodore, 348. 
Parkinan, Francis, 425. 
Parliament, 60, 77, 103, 111, 115, 126, 138-141, 

146, 15:3, 174. 
Parson's Cause, 137. 
Parties, see Federalist, Democratic, etc. 
Party management, 226, 227, 316, 320, 422, 540. 
Patent, defined, 40. 
Piit'er-so/, William, 207. 
Pa-troons', 68, 354. 
Peace Congress (1861), 410. 
Pea Ridge, battle of, 444. 
Pemberton, Gen. John C, 461. 
Peninsular Campaign, 447—450. 
Penn, William, 80-84, 94, 107, 109, 113. 
Pennsylvania, 80-84, 109, 193, xxxi. 

Whisky Insurrection, 252, 253. 
Pensaco'la, 124, 307. 
Pensions, 541. 
People's party, 542. 
Pep'jier-ell, William, 126, 
Pe'quot War, 57, 58. 
Per-dT'do River, 265. 
Perkins, Jacob, 225. 
Por'ry, Com. Matthew C, 371. 
Perry, Oliver H., 281. 
Personal Liberty Bills, 379, 381. 
Pe-ru', 26, 36, 37, 307, 308. 
Petersburg, siege of, 475, 484, 4S5. 
Pet'i-gru, James L., 408. 
Philadelphia, 82, 83, 107, 220, 238, 239, 423, 
514. 

Centennial exposition, 511. 

in Revolution, 145, 152, 171, 174. 
Philip, King, Indian, 86, 87, 28. 
Phil'ip-pine Islands, acquisition of, 556-658. 
563. 

discovered, 36. 

government, 558, 5.59, 575. 
Phillips, Wendell, 34S. 
Phillips academies, 228. 
Phips, William, 101, 122. 
Photography, 429. 
Pickering, timothy, 195, 255. 
Pickett, Gen. George E., 463. 
Pierce, Franklin, 380, 384, 388. 
Pike, Lieut. Zeb'ulon, 269. 
Pikes Peak, discovered, 269. 
Pilgrims, 49-51. 
Pinckney, Charles C, 266, 277, 



xliv 



INDEX 



Pi-nfi'da, 86, 84. 

Pin'ta,S2. 

Pirates, 104, 105, 263. 

Pitt, William (Chatham), 129, 135, 141, 165, 

106. 
Pittsburg, 143, 289, 423, 428. 
Pittsburg- Landing, battle near, 445. 
Pi-/,ar'ro, Francisco, 86. 
Planter, colonial, 100, 108. 
Plassey, battle of, 129. 
Piatt Amendment, 559. 
Plattsburg, battle of, 283. 
Plym'outh Colony, 50, 60, 61, 77, 107. 
Plymouth Company, 45, 46, 52. 
Pocahon'tas, 47. 
Poe, Edgar Allan, 342. 
Point Pleasant, battle of, 144. 
Pokanokets, Indians, S6. 
P6;k, James K., 358-367, 377. 
Pollard, Edward Albert, 844. 
Polo, Marco, 15. 
Pon'ti-ac, 132, 28. 
Pony express, 430. 
Poor Riclutrd's Almanac, 117. 
Poor whites, .343, 421. 
Pope, Gen. John, 444, 450. 
Pope's bull of 1493, 33. 
Poi)'Aam, Chief-justice, 46. 
Popular sovereignty, 872, 3S5. 
Population (1700) 91, (1754) 128, (1776) 167, 
(1790) 220, (1S20) 289, 290, (1 860) 419, 
42(t. (1900)565,568; see aUo Life. 
Port Gibson, captured, 461. 
Port Hudson, captured, 461. 
Port Hoyal, N.S., founded, 66. 

captured by English, 66, 122, 125. 
Port Royal, S.C, French in, 38. 
Portages, Indian, 23, 24. 
Porter, Capt. David, 283. 
Porter, Com. David D., 446. 
PSrtola'r.o, 14. 
Por'to Ui'co, 33, 556-559. 
Portugal in 1450-1500, 29. 

discoveries, 16, 33-85. 
Post Office, 152, 430, 518. 
Po-to-si', in Peru, 87. 
Powell, Major, 501. 
Pow-ha-tfin', 47, 28. 
Prairies, 20, 31. 
Preemption Act, 3.35. 
Pres'cott, Col. William, 154. 
Prescott, William II., 842, 426. 
President. 212, 2.35-238. 
Electoral Count Act, 538. 
Presidential Succession Act, 588. 
Presidential election (1789) 235, (1792) 246. 
(1796) 254, (1800) 25S, (1804) 270, (ISOs) 
277, (1812) 284, (1816) 306, (1820) 306, 
(1824) 809, 310, (1828) 813, (1832) 320, 
(1836) 884, (1840) 368, (1844) 858, (1848) 



871, 872, (1862) 880, (18.')«) 889, (18«)) 
403, (1864) 480, 481, (1868) 502, (1S72) 
605, (1876) 511, 512, (1-.-.0) 520, (1SS4) 
626, 526, (1888) 540, (1892) 543, (1896)547, 
(1900) 579, (1904) 588. 

PresqM« luXe, fort at, 127. 

Princeton, battle of, 169. 

Princeton College, 116. 

I'ring, Martin, 42. 

Printing, first in U.S., 94. 

Prisoners, in Civil War, 4-38, 478. • 
in Kevolution, 172. 

Privateering, 104, 17.5, 257, 283-286. 

Proclamation line of 1763, 131, 132. 

Proctor, Senator, 552. 

Prohibition. 340, 585. 

Proi)rietary, o^ proprietor, 56, 110, IIL 

Providence, founded, 59. 

Provincial Congress, 150, 153, 169. 

Pru-dAomwe', Ft., 72. 

Public debt, (1776-84) 186, 186, 196, (1790) 
240, 241, (1812-14) 262, 284, (1886) 3.^4, 
(1861-66) 442, 498, (1898) 544, 663. 

Public lands, 182, 191-193, 290, 88i-<J35, 600, 
527. 
grants to railroads, 393, 602, 61o. 

I'ueb'los (pw6b'), 26. 

Pu'^c't Sound, 2.3. 

Pu-las'ki, Casimir, Count, 167. 

Puritans, 49, 52, 53, 60, 80, 84, 96. 

Putnam, Gen. Israel, 154. 

Putnam, liufus, 195. 

Quakers, 61, 62, 77, 80-86,231, 282. 

(Jiiartering Act, 139. 

(Quebec' (city), attacked by Arnold, I54. 

attacked by English, 125. 

captured by English, 66, 180. 

founded, 66. 
Quebec (province), 131, 144, 163. 
Quebec Act, 144, IM. 
Queen Anne's War, 125. 
Quin'cy (-zl), .Tosiah, 284. 
Qui-vi'ra (ke-), explored, 87. 

Uailroads, control of, 583-536. 

growth, 327-329. 325, 392, 398, 430, 431, 
502, .M5-519. 

improvements in, 531, 671. 
Raisin River, battle of, 281. 
Ra'lei^A, Sir Walter, 40. 
Randolph, Edmund, 149, 209, 212, 216. 
Randolph, Edward. 86, 87, 108. 
Randolph, John, 301, 304. 
Rankin, John, 347. 
Reciprocity, 522, .'>45. 
Re-c6n-cen-tra'dos, 551. 
Reconstruction, 491-497, 608-605, 509. 
Redemptioners, 99. 
Heed, Thomas B., (38, 652. 



_{ 



INDEX 



xlv 



Referen'dum, 540. 

RefortiiatioD, Protestant, 37. 

" Regulators " of North Carolina, 143. 

Religion, see Churches. 

Rg-nais-saNfe', 13. 

Republican party (Democratic), 253, 306 ; see 

, Democratic. 
Republican party (later), 389, 402, 403, 525, 

540, 541. 
Requisitions, 185, 191. 
He-sa'ca dg la Piil'ma, battle of, 864. 
Restoration of Charles II., 11. 
Re-ver«', Paul, 150. 
Revolution, American, 135-188. 
Revolution in England, 8S. 
R/tett, Colonel, 104. 
Rhode Island, colony, 59, 77, 87-89, 107. 

Dorr Rebellion, 354, 855. 
Rhodes, James Ford, 530. 
Ribault, Jean (zhaN re-bo'), 38. 
Richmond, in Civil War, 439, 448, 485. 
River and harbor bills, 327, 5i33. 
Roads, 223, 224, 290-295, 825, 356. 
Ro-a-noke' Island, 40. 
Robertson, James, 144. 
Robinson, Rev. John, 49. 
Rochambeau (ro-shaN-bo'), Count de, 179. 
Roch'ester, N.Y., founded, 290. 
Rock'e-fel-ler, John D., 515. 
Rocky Mountains, 21. 

Rooj'evelt, Theodore, 579-583, 560, 538. 555. 
Ro'ge-crans, Gen. William S., 445, 463-465. 
" Rough Riders," 555. 
Rule of 1756, 251. 
Ruragey, James, 225. 
Russian America, 303, 309, 499. 
Rutledge, John, 149. 
Rygwick, treaty of, 122. 

Sa'ga, Icelandic, 31. 

St. Au'gus-tine, 38, 74, 125, 126. 

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, 195, 24^3. 

St. Croia! settlement, 66. 

St. Germain (saN-zhar-maN*), treaty of, 66. 

St. Joseph, Ft., 124, 182. 

St. Leg'er, Col. Barry, 170. 

St. Louis, 290, 423, 545. 

St. Louis, Ft., 73. 

St. Marys settlement, 56. 

St. Pierre (saN-pyar'), 131. 

St. Xav'i-er (sant zav'i-er) mission, 69. 

Salem, Mass., 52, 98, 146. 

Salt Lake City, 394. 

Sa-mo'a Islands, 560, 561. 

Sampson, Admiral William T., 554, 555. 

San Francisco, 423. 

San Gabriel, battles near, 365. 

San ll-d§-fr>M'so, treaty of, 265. 

San Juan Uioo-iin') Island, 500. 

San Juan dg Ulloa (ool-yO'a), 89. 



San Juan Hill, battle of, 555. 

Siin Mar-tin', Gen. Jos6 de, 307. 

San Siil-va-dor', 32. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 48. 

Sanitary Commission, 470. 

San'ta An'na, General, 880, 368, 364, 865. 

Santa F6, 37, 364. 

Santa Ma-ri'a, 82. 

Siin-ti-a'go dg Cuba, 555. 

Siin 'to Do-min'go, 33, 41, 507. 

Sarato'ga, surrender at, 170. 

'ianlt Ste. (sant) Ma'rie, 09, 534. 

Savannah, founded, 108. 

in Revolution, 177, 179. 

taken by Sherman, 4S1. 
Say and Seal, Lord, 57. 
Saybrook, founded, 57. 
Scalawags, 504. 
SeAe-nec'ta-dy, attacked, 122. 
So// ley. Admiral Wintield S., 555. 
SeAo'field, Gen. John A., 4S4. 
Schools, see Education. 
SMuy'ler, Gen. Philip, 170. 
SeAiiyl'kill River, 172. 
Sci-o'to Company, 193. 
Scotch settlers, 80, 85, 91, 108. 
Scotch-Irish settlers, 82, 91, 143, 193, 220. 
Scott, Gen. Winfield, 283, 820, 3W, 380, 411. 
Seabury, James, 230. 
Seafaring, colonial, 101, 103, 104. 
Seal fishery difticulty, 546. 
Secession, 404-412, 415-417, 488. 

effect of, 493, 494. 
Sectionalism, 886, 343-351, 566. 
Sedition Act, 256, 257. 
Sem'i-noles, 182, 807, 882. 
Senate, 285. 

Sen'e-cas, 68; see Iroquois. 
Separatists, 49, 60. 
Se-ra'pis, captured by Jones, 175. 
Seven Pines, battle of, 448. 
Seven Tears' War, 129-181. 
Severalty Act, 526. 
Se-vier', John, 144, 178, 194. 
Sev'ille, 83, 74. 
Sew'ard, William H., 877, 875, 408, 404, 409. 

Secretary of State, 411, 413, 499. 
Sey'mowr, Horatio, 502. 
Sha'draeA, 378. 

Shafter, Gen. William R., 555, 556. 
Shakers, 231, 341. 
Sharpsburg, battle near, 451. 
Shays's Rebellion, 200. 
Shenando'ah, 489. 
Shenandoah valley, 449, 479. 
ShSr'i-dan, Gen. Philip H., 479, 480, 485. 
Sherman, John, 401, 513, 535, 543. 
Sherman, Roger, 157. 

Sherman, Gen. William T., 481-184, 445, 
446, 461, 465, 477, 478, 486. 



INDEX 



Sherman, march to the sea, 481, 482. 
Sherman Act (silver), 5+5. 
Bherinan Antl-Tru.st Law, KJ."). 
Shi'loh, battle of, 445. 
Ships (1450) 14, (158S) 41, (1700) 122. 

growth of shipping, 101, 3y2, 439. 

subsidy acts, 892, Ml. 

See Steamboats. 
Si-er'ra Le-o'ne, 16. 
Si-Or'ra \e-vii'(la, 22. 

Silver, coinage, 242, XU, 508, 518, &12, M3, 
547. 

mines, 427, 500. 
Bwiix Indians, 72, 501. 
Sitting Bull, 501. 
Six Nations, 12;J ; see Iroquois. 
Blade, William, 349. 
Slater, Samuel, 225. 
Slave insurrections, 100, 347. 
Slave trade, colonial, 89, 114, 115. 

foreign, prohibited, 201, 274. 

In Constitution, 211. 

In District of Colunibia, prohibited, 377. 
Slavery, abolished in North, 201, 202. 

abolished in South, 455-460, 491-493. 

abolished in territories, 456. 

agitation (1801-1807) 273, 274, (180S-1S21) 
298-301, (ia30-1844) 847-351, (1840-1 S,V2) 
872-381, (1853-1860) 38''-392, 395, 397- 
899, (1860) 401^03, 406-410. 

arguments for and against, 345-351. 

colonial, 99, 100, 48, 85, 108. 

condition of slaves, 221, 343-845. 

fugitive slaves, see Fugitive. 

powers of Clongress over, 388. 

representation of slaves in Congres.s, 21ii. 
211. 

Spanish-American, .39. 

Texan, .330, 331 , 35y. 
Sli-delj', ,Iohn, 361, 862, 441. 
Smith, Caleb B., 412. 
Smith, Uerrit, 847. 
Smith, ("apt. John, 47, 94. 
Smith, Joseph, 341. 
Smuggling, colonial, lo3, 104, 136. 
Social reform.s, 225, 226, 338-351. 
Socialist party, 583. 
Soil, 17,21,29, 289. 
Solid South, 520. 
Sons of Liberty, 140. 
S6'to, Ferdinando de, 37. 
So'it-le', Pierre (pyar), 3S4. 
Sound Money Democrats, 547. 
South America, discovered, 83. 

independent, 807, 808. 

Spanish In, 87. 
South Bend, settled, 290. 
South Carolina, colony, 85, 108, 128, 125. 

French in, 88. 

nuUiflcatioo, 819-821. 



South Carolina, devolution in, 177-179. 

secession, 404, 40.'), 411. 

western claims, 1IS2, 192. 
South Dakota, .527, xxxi. 
Spain, Black HTj/TJor difficulty, 3M. 

boundary controversies with, 269, 270. 

claim to North America, 42, 73, 'U. 

colonies, 36-3S, 74, 124, 130, 307 ; xr^ Cuba. 

conditions in 1492, 17, 29. 

illscoverles, 31-;«, 30, 37. 

in Revolution, 175, ISl, 182, 184. 

treaties (1795) 197, 252, (1819) 307, (1898) 
557. 

war with England, 88-43, 125, 126, 175, 
181, 182, 184. 

war with U.S., 551-557, 563. 

West Florida dispute, 269, 270. 
S|)ecie Circular, 334. 
Specie payments, 509, 613. 
Spice Islands, 16. 
Spoils system, 227, 818. 
Spotswood, Gov. Alexander, 105. 
Spottsylvania, battle of, 474. 
Stamp Act, 13S-141. 
Stamp Act Congress, 140. 
Standard Oil Company, 515. 
Standish, Capt. Miles, 51. 
Stanton, Edwin .M., 40.'>, 411, 4.37. 
Stanwix, Ft., treaty, 132. 
Stark, Gen. John, 170. 
Star-Spangled Banner, 283. 
States, governmentof, l.'J9, 10<1, 316, 422, .'clS- 
540, 575. 

receive money from U.S., 835. 

relations to U.S., 211,218. 

table of, XXX. 

See Secession, Reconstruction, etc., and 
names of the states. 
Steamboats, 22.S, 274, 275, 293, 326, 392, 430, 

517. 
Steel making, 222, 518. 
Slc[ihens (stfi'venz), Alexander H., 406, 408, 

409, 486. 
Stcu'ben, Baron von, 167. 
Stevens, Tha<ldeus, 496, 493. 
Stock watering, 517. 
Stone, Lucy, 340. 
Stone River, battle of, 446, 452. 
Stony Point, captured, 177. 
Sto«:e, Harriet Beecher, 379, 880. 
Stra'eA«y, William, 94. 
" Strict Construction," 246. 
Strikes, 519, 536, 587, 572, 573. .580. 
Stuart, Gen. J. E. B., 466, 477. 
Stuy've-sant, Peter, 68, 78. 
Suffrage, see Voters. 
Sugar Act, 138. 
Sullivan, Gen. John, 180. 
Sumner, Charles, 3S9, 498, 507. 
Sumter, Ft., 405, 411-415, 488, 466. 



INDEX 



xlvii 



Sumter, Gen. Thomas, 177, ISO. 
Supremo Court, 211, 213, 288, 304-306. 
Sutter's Fort and Mill, 3ti<.». 
Swan'sea, in Indian war, 8G. 
Swedish settlers, 68, 80, 91, 
Symme.s Company, 193. 

Taft, William H., 558, 559, 582, 5S5, 586. 

Tallmadge, James, 299. 

Tain 'many Society, 226, 227. 

Ta'ney, llogev B., 329. 

Tap'pan, Arthur and Louis, 347. 

Tariff, in the dependencies, 559. 
on imports from Cuba, 560. 

Tariff Acts (17S9) 241, (1810) 304, (1824) 311, 
312, (1828) 312, (1832)' 319, 336, (1833) 
321, (1842) 354, (1846) 359, (185T) 393, 
(1861) 441, (1883) 520, (1887-1894) 540- 
544, (1897) 5i7. 

Tarle'ton, Lieut. -Col. Bannastre, 177, 178. 

Ta.xation, constitutional provisions, 211, 2^3. 
See Direct tax. Income tax. Tariff, etc. 

Taylor, ZacA'ary, in Mexican War, 361, 362, 
364. 
President, 372-375. 

Tea tax, 141, 142, 145, 174. 

Te-cum'the, 278, 279, 282, 28. 

Telegraph, electric, 429, 518. 

Telephone, 532, 570. 

Teller Ee.solution, 553, xxix. 

Temperance movements, 340, 585. 

Tennessee, admitted, 245, xxxi. 
settled, 143, 144, 183, 193, 194, 289, 293,801. 

Tenure of Office Act, 497, 538. 

T6r're Haute (hot'), settled, 290. 

Territories, see Northwest Territory, In- 
diana, etc. 

Territory, growth of, 566-568. 

TSr'ry, Eli, 225. 

Texas, 330, 331, 357-859, 374, xxxi. 

Thames (tSmz), battle of, 282. 

Thomas, Gen. George H., 4M, 465, 444, 484. 

Thomas, Senator, 299. 

Three-fifths rule, 210, 211. 

Ticondero'ga, captured, 153. 

Tilden, Samuel J., ."ill, 512, 515. 

Tippecanoe', battle of, 279. 

Tobacco, in Virginia, 48, 49. 

Toleration Act of 1649 (Md.), 56. 

Ton'ty, 72. 

Toombs, Eobert, 374, 407, 413. 

Tor-dg-sil'las (-yas), treaty of, 33. 

Tories (loyalists), 166, 167, 177-180, 185, 186. 

Tos-ca-nei'li, 16. 

ToMS-saiN^' L'Ow-ver-tiir*?', 266. 

Town government, colonial, 112, 113. 

Town meetings, 112, 113, 51, 297. 

Town'g^end, Charles, 137, 141, 142, 145. 

Trade, see Commerce. 

Trade routes, mediaival, 14-16. 



Trades unions, 428, 519, 535-537, 572, 578. 

Traf-al-gar', battle of, 272. 

Transportation, see Bailroads, Canals, Steam- 
boats. 

Transylvania Company, 160, 161. 

Treasury notes, 284. 

Treaties, see Commercial treaties, and treaties 
by name. 

Tre7it affair, 441. 

Trenton, 20, 326 ; battle, 1G9. 

Trip'o-li, war with, 26.'). 

Trist, N. P., 365, 366. 

Trusts, 533, 535, 548, 571, 580, 581. 

Try'on, Gov. William, 144. 

Tu-lfmt^' University, 529. 

Tiii--g6<', Baron de, 136. 

Turks, 15, 29. 

Turner, Nat, 347. 

Turnpilies, 223. 

Tuscara'was Eiver, 183. 

Tuscaro'ra Indians, 123. 

Tu-tu i'la, 561. 

Twain, Mark, 530, 293. 

Tweed Ring, 514, 515. 

Tyler, John, 353-358. 

Uncle Tom's Cabin, 379, 380. 
" Underground Railroad," 373. 
Union, Franklin's plan of, 128. 

of the thirteen colonies, 152, 157,159-163,189. 

See Secession. 
United Colonies of New England, 61. 
University of North Carolina, 228. 
University of Pennsylvania, 116, 228. 
University of Virginia, 339. 
U'tah, 377, 394, 527, xxxi. 
U'tree/tt, treaty of, 114, 125. 

Vail, Alfred, 429. 
Vallan'digAam, Clement L., 472. 
Valley Forge, army at, 172. 
Van Buren, Martin, 313, 318, 320. 

President, 334, 335. 

presidential candidate, 353, 358, 371, 372. 
Vanda'lia Company, 144, 161. 
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 517. 
Vanderbilt, William H., 5.33. 
Ven-e-zue'la (-zwC'-) boundary, 546. 
Ven'ice, trade routes of, 15. 
Vg'raCruz (kroos), captured, 364. 
Vermont', 109, 161, 227, xxxi. 
Ver-ra-za'no (rit-sa'-), 37, 34. 
Ve'jey, Denmark, 347. 
Vespu'cius, Amer'icus, 35, 34. 
Vicksburg, capture of, 460, 461. 
Vin-cen»<§', 124, 181. 
Virginia, colony, 46-49, 60, 84, 127. 

named, 40. 

Revolution in, 137, 140, 182, 183. 

western claims, 182, 191, 192. 



xlviii 



INDEX 



Virginia Plan of Constitution, 207, 209, 210. 
Virginia Itesolutioiis (1798), 26t>. 
ViryiniiiK, 507. 

Voters, no, 262. 316, 639, 540, 574. 
negro, 495, 496, 503-506, 640. 

Wa'bSsh River, 24, 71. 

Walie I.sland, 561. 

Walker, Robert J., 359. 

War for Independence, 150-188. 

War of 1812, 279-287. 

Ward, Arteuius, 425, 426. 

Warren, Gen. Joseph, 154. 

Wars, see Indian wars, and wars by name. 

War'wjick, Earl, 59. 

War' wick, U.I., founded, 59. 

Wasliington (city), 283, 422. 

treaty of, 506. 
Wasliington (state), admitted, 527, xxxi. 
Wasiiington, Ft., 169. 

Washington, George, biogiapby, 173, 174, 
208. 
Constitution, 203, 207-209, 216. 
death, 257. 
farewell address, 253. 
French and Indian War, 127. 
President, 235-237, 243, 246, 249, 251-2.54. 
Revolution, 142, 151, 154, 167-174, 178, 

179, 184, 186, 187. 
writings of, 229, 253. 
Washingto'nian societies, 340. 
Wa-tau'ga settlement, 143, 144, 179. 
Wat'ling (wot'-) Island, 33. 
Waxhaw Creek, battle of, 177. 
Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 177, 244. 
Webster, Daniel, 822, 823, 812, 319, 356, 374. 
Webster, Noah, 342. 
Webster-Ashburton treaty, 856. 
Weed, Thurlow, 377. 
Welles, Gideon, 412. 
Wesley, John and Charles, 116. 
West Florida, 265, 266, 269, 270 ; see Florida. 
West Indies, 37, 60, 73. 
West Point, in Revolution, 177. 

Military Academy, 8.39. 
West Virginia, 467, xxxi. 
Western Reserve, 192, 244. 
Western Union Telegraph Company, 518. 
West'inghouse, George, 531. 
Wfiy'mouth, George, 48. 
Whal'Iey, Edward, 77. 
Wheelwright, John, 59. 



Whig party, 858, 880, 381, 388, 389. 

Whisky insurrections, 252, 253, 200- 

Wliisky Ring of 1875, 507. 

White, John, 40. 

White Plains, battle of, 169. 

Whit«'field, Rev. George, 116. 

Whitman, Dr. Marcus, 356, 857. 

Whitney, Eli, 221. 

Whit'ti-er, John G., 348, 424 

Wigglesworth, Michael, 96. 

Wigwam, 27, 501. 

Wilderness campaign, 474. 

Wilderness Roa<I, 160, 224. 

Wilkes, Capt. Charles, 441. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James, 270, 282. 

Wll-ia'met<e valley, 360. 

William III., 88, 93, 103, 107, 122. 

William and Mary College, 93. 

William Henry, Ft., captured, 129. 

Williams, Roger, 58, 59. 

Williamsburg, battle of, 448. 
Wilmington, Del., settled, 68. 
Wilmot Proviso, 363. 
Wilson, William L., tariff, 543, 644. 
Wilson, Woodrow. 588. 
Winthrop, John, 53, 54, 55, 94. 
Wisconsin, 374, xxxi. 

French in, 69, 71. 
Witchcraft in the colonies, 97, 98. 
Wolfe, Gen. James, 130. 
Woman suffrage, 540. 
"Woman's Rights" movement, 840. 
Wood, Gen. Leonard, 550. 
Woolman, John, 201. 
Wright, Frances, 340. 
Writs of assistance, 136, 137. 
Wy'eth, Nathaniel J., 856. 
Wy-o'ming, 501, 527, xxxi. 
Wyoming Valley, attack on, 179. 

X. T. Z. controversy, 265, 256. 

Tale College, 98. 
Vum'as-see Indians, 123. 
Yellowstone valley, ."iOl, 527. 
York, Duke of, 78-81, 67. 
Yorktown, surrender of, 179, 
Yo-sJm'i-to valley, 527. 
Young, Brlgham, 894. 

Zen'ger, John Peter, 94. 
ZoI'licoffer, Gen. Felix K., 444. 
Zu'nis (nyees), 26, 26. 



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